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HAUHAUISM AN EPISODE IN THE MAORI WARS 1863–1866. S. Barton Babbage, M.A. (N.Z.) with Introduction by the Rt. Rev. Herbert Williams.

Mr. Babbage has given us a short, clear and concise account in this book of the events which led up to this strange Maori cult, the background of the events of the Maori Wars, the spread of the religion, and its form and significance. An understanding of the cult is necessary to the study of the Maori Wars of the 'sixties. Pai Mariri, or Hauhauism, was in the main political. The prophet and founder, Te Ua, may have imagined himself inspired in the religious field, but his followers were concerned with hostility to the Pakeha. A little more wisdom and justice on the part of the Government would have sterilized the soil in which the half crazy prophet sowed his seed. At the time, however, the new religion was of national importance to Maori and Pakeha, and it was succeeded by the Ringa-tu cult.

The author has put his whole subject into correct perspective, and has given us a carefully documented account that will appeal to every student of New Zealand history.

The introduction contains an historical retrospect, and shows how the ground was made ready for the sowing of the seed of this fanatical cult. The first chapter deals with the rise of the prophet, Te Ua Haumene; the rapid development is shown, and its spread over a large territory. The terrible events following are graphically portrayed—the journeys of the messengers with the head of Captain Lloyd, and the martyrdom of the Rev. C.S. Volkner. Then comes the decline of Hauhauism, and a study of its general significance. Valuable appendices contain a Maori account of Te Ua, an article on existing nius, a selection of Hauhau chants and prayers, and the full text of Sir George Grey's proclamation. A very extensive bibliography is included. The book illustrated with maps and pictures.

 HAUHAUISM An Episode in the Maori Wars 1863–1866

HAUHAUS WORSHIPPING AROUND THEIR NIU. From the Diary of Lieut. Meade, R.N.

HAUHAUISM An Episode in the Maori Wars 1863–1866 by S. Barton Babbage, M.A. (N.Z.) FOREWORD by The Rt. Rev. HERBERT WILLIAMS, M.A., D.Litt. (N.Z.), M.A., Litt.D. (Camb.), Lord Bishop of Waiapu. A. H. & A. W. REED, 182 Wakefield Street, Wellington, and 33 Jetty Street, Dunedin, New Zealand. 1937. FOREWORD.

I have much pleasure in contributing a Foreword to this Book. Mr. Babbage has delved into a mass of original records, some of which are not readily accessible to the ordinary reader, and he has given a fair estimate of the growth and nature of Hauhauism. The movement was, as he says, in the main political. Te Ua may have imagined himself inspired in the religious field, but his followers were concerned with hostility to the Pakeha. A little more wisdom and justice on the part of the Government would have sterilized the soil in which the half crazy prophet sowed his seed.

HERBERT WAIAPU. ILLUSTRATIONS

Hauhaus worshipping around their Niu. (From the Diary of Lieut. Meade, R.N.) Frontispiece Kereopa, the notorious Hauhau Murderer. (From Gudgeon's Reminiscences of the War in New Zealand) Opp. p. 18

MAPS

page Territory affected by the New Zealand Native Land Settlements Act, 1863 18 Routes of Hauhau emissaries who left the Taranaki in 1865 48

CONTENTS

page Foreword 5 Introduction: An Historical Retrospect—The Maori Wars, 1860–1864 9 Chapter One: The Rise of the Prophet Te Ua Haumene 16 Chapter Two: The Development of the New Religion 27 Chapter Three: The Spread of Hauhauism 38 Chapter Four: Murder and Pillage 47 Chapter Five: The Decline of Hauhauism 61 Chapter Six: General Significance of Hauhauism 69 Appendices: I. Account of Te Ua 73 II. The Niu 75 III. Hauhau Chants 77 IV. Prayers for King Tawhiao 79 V. Proclamation about the Hauhaus 81 Bibliography: (a) Primary Sources 83 (b) Secondary Sources 88

INTRODUCTION. An Historical Retrospect: The Maori Wars, 1860–1864.

Hauhauism was the result of several different factors, which became welded in 1863 in the form of a fanatical religion. These factors were primarily political and religious, and each was closely interwoven with the other. Religious fanaticism had political repercussions. The progress of Hauhauism corresponded largely with the progress of the Maori King Movement;

Fox, W.: The War in New Zealand. London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1865. Ch. IX, p. 140. “A Kingite and Hauhau appear to be synonymous.”

and with the defeat of the Kingite tribes the religion became a diminishing and finally a negligible force.

The political factor is the predominant one in accounting for the spread of the new religion. Hauhauism became a powerful instrument in strengthening the weakening attachment of the natives to the national cause, and in uniting antagonistic tribes against the pakeha.

Meade, H.: A Ride Through the Disturbed Districts of New Zealand. London: John Murray. 1870. Ch. II, p. 32.

The hostile tribes, embittered by losses in men and property,

Lady Martin: Our Maoris. London: S.P.C.K. 1884. p. 170.

 were in a mood to welcome a new battle cry. It was a struggle to preserve their national existence.

Sutherland, I. L. G.: The Maori Situation. Wellington, N.Z.: Harry H. Tombs, Ltd. 1935.

The political conditions are best understood by a brief resume of the successive military cam- paigns in the Taranaki and Waikato districts between 1860 and 1863. This enables the background to be visualised from which the new religion arose.

On March 22, 1860, Governor Gore Browne had sent a Despatch to the Duke of Newcastle, in which he stated that

“notwithstanding every endeavour on my part to avoid hostilities, a collision has taken place between Her Majesty's troops at Waitara and the natives.”

Thus the first Taranaki war commenced with the military occupation of this Waitara Block of land.

The Taranaki Maoris, supported by several of the Waikato tribes, strongly resented the sale of the land, and were led in their opposition by Wiremu Kingi.

Wiremu Kingi was the Maori version for William King. Hursthouse, C.: New Zealand—The Britain of the South, with a chapter on the Native War, and our future Native policy. London: Edward Stanford. Ch. XIX, 2nd Ed. 1861.

Wiremu Kingi was a chief of the Ngatiawa tribe in the Taranaki district. He claimed a paramountcy over the other chiefs of the district, and attempted by virtue of that claim to forbid the sale of this tract of land to the Government by the chief Teira.

Alexander, Sir J.: Incidents of the Maori War in 1860–61. London: Richard Bentley. 1863. Ch. III, p. 71.

 However, the view of the Government was that any such paramountcy had been lost when the Ngatiawas were defeated, and for the time expelled, by the Waikato many years before. Governor Gore Browne was therefore adamant, and insisted upon the Waitara block being surveyed.

Alexander, Sir J.: op. cit., Ch. III, p. 72.

 The natives obstructed this attempt, whereupon martial law was proclaimed, and war commenced. Kingite reinforcements arrived from the Upper Waikato.

Gorst, J. E.: The Maori King, or The Story of Our Quarrel with the Natives of New Zealand. London: Macmillan & Co. 1864. Ch. XV, p. 32.

The first Taranaki war was concluded on March 19, 1861. It was terminated by an agreement between Hapurona and the Government, Wiremu Kingi having most solemnly appointed him as his plenipotentiary to settle the dispute, while he himself went to Kihikihi, Upper Waikato. After some days' discussions, Hapurona was persuaded to accept the conditions laid down by the Governor-in-Council. The Waikato tribes agreed to return to their homes.

Fox, W.: op. cit., Ch. III, p. 36.

The terms agreed upon included the investigation of the title to the Waitara Block, the completion of the survey, the restoration of plunder taken from the settlers, and the submission of the Atiawa to the Queen's Authority.

The Governor wrote in February, 1861, that he had found the Ngapuhi

“less well affected than when he last visited them.”

His despatch was received on the 20th May. On the 25th the Duke of Newcastle recalled Colonel Browne from his Office.

Rusden, G.: History of New Zealand. London: Chapman & Hall. 1883. Vol. II, Ch. XL, p. 71.

With studied courtesy and acknowledgement of past services he hoped that the Governor would not feel it as a slight if the English Government at so critical a time of spreading disaffection, availed itself of the “remarkable authority attaching to the name and character” of Sir George Grey,

Despatch from Secretary of State for Colonies, Duke of Newcastle, to Governor Gore Browne, N.Z. Govt. Gazette. July 29, 1861.

 and reappointed him in New Zealand.

Proclamation. N.Z. Govt. Gazette. Oct. 3, 1861. p. 261.

The Native Minister William Fox, on behalf of His Excellency, proposed to the natives that the Waitara question be referred to arbitration before a tribunal of two Europeans and four Maoris, three being appointed by the natives, and three by the Government.

Fox, W.: op. cit., Ch. IV, p. 48.

After protracted negotiations Hapurona wrote that

“he would not now agree to Waitara being investigated.”

Papers of the Colonial Parliament. 1863. E. No. 13, p. 14.

Despite the attitude adopted by the Maoris, Sir George Grey directed that the following notice should be issued on April 22nd, 1863:—

“His Excellency the Governor, directs it to be notified that from the facts now come to light, and not before known to him, he does not think that the purchase of the block of land at the Waitara is either a desirable one, or such as the Government should make. That His Excellency therefore abandons the intention of making this purchase, and forfeits the deposit of $100, which the Government had paid on this land.”

Memorandum by His Excellency stating reasons for abandoning Waitara Purchase. App. H. of R. E. No. 2. Enclosure 8 in Despatch No. 1.

He told his Ministers that

“The country is in such a state that the Governor by no means feels confident that this act will quiet the minds of many of the native population. On the contrary, he thinks it may now be impossible to avoid some collision with them; but he believes it would at once win many over to the side of the Government; that it is a proper act; and that if a contest must come, that the closest scrutiny instituted into the conduct of the Government, either in England or in this colony, would result in an admission that every possible precaution had been taken to avoid such a contest, and to prevent the horrors of war falling on this colony…”2

On May 11, by Proclamation,

Proclamation. N.Z. Govt. Gazette. May 15, 1863. p. 179. The full proclamation is also given by Wells, B.: “The History of Taranaki.” N.Z.: Edmondson & Avery. 1878. Ch. XXIV, p. 236.

the claim of the Government to the Waitara block was renounced, with the advice and consent of the Executive Council.

Unfortunately the Government largely nullified their wise and just policy in restoring the Waitara block, by keeping the Tataraimaka block of land. This latter portion of land had been abandoned in 1860, and the Maoris now claimed it by right of conquest. The Taranaki tribe had previously informed the Governor and General Cameron that Tataraimaka would not be given up unless the British first gave up Waitara. The armed occupation of Tataraimaka took place on April 4th; Waitara was not given up until May 11th;

Proclamation. N.Z. Govt. Gazette. May 15, 1863. p. 179.

war had started on May 4th.

Mould, Major-General: Sketch of Military Proceedings in New Zealand, from the Termination of the Waitara Campaign in March, 1861. Late Commanding Royal Engineer in the Colony. Auckland. 1863. p. 12.

 Sir George Grey had erred in not making the restitution of the Waitara block contemporaneous with the resumption of sovereignty over Tataraimaka.

Collier, J.: Sir George Grey, Governor, High Commissioner and Premier. N.Z.: Whitcombe & Tombs Ltd. 1909. Ch. XXI, p. 142.

With the renewal of war in the Taranaki, 1863, war also broke out in the Waikato, and continued throughout the years 1863 and 1864. The Waikato war was due to several factors. There was, first, the irritation caused over European encroachment. The struggle of the Maoris to preserve their lands was also a struggle to preserve their national existence. They felt that the steady loss of territorial dominion was a threat to their national existence, and they had formed land leagues to resist the further sale of land.

Alexander, Sir J. E.: op. cit., Ch. III, p. 79. Also Despatch of Governor Gore Browne to the Duke of Newcastle. App. H. of R. 1863. E. No. 2.

They wished to retain the soil they loved, and also, being a proud and spirited race, they desired to avoid national submergence or extinction. A second cause of friction was the treatment of natives received from the poorer class of whites.

Ward, Rev. R.: Life Among the Maoris of New Zealand, being a description of Missionary, Colonial, and Military Achievements. London: G. Lamb. 1872. Ch. XIII, p. 294.

 Thirdly, the prolonged reluctance of the authorities to grant some measure of self-government to the tribes alienated them.

Cowan, J.: The New Zealand Wars. (1862–1872). By Authority of the Hon. the Minister for Native Affairs. Wellington, N.Z.: Vol. I, Ch. XXVI, p. 226.

 Finally, the sympathy with Taranaki and the Waitara campaign moulded the Waikato and their kinsmen into antagonists of the Colonial Government.

Featon, J.: The Waikato War, 1863–4. Auckland: J. Field. 1879. Ch. IV, p. 18.

The war in the Waikato dragged on until 1865; successive tribes gradually being forced to make their submission. The last to do this was Wiremu Tamihana, who signed a document acknowledging submission to the law of the Queen on May 27th, 1865.

 CHAPTER I. The Rise of the Prophet, Te Ua Haumene.

As a result of the previous wars, large areas of native lands were confiscated. The irritation resulting from this action was one of the chief reasons for the renewal of the conflict in Taranaki, and the consequent propagation of the new religion of Hauhauism under the auspices of the prophet Te Ua Haumene.

In a Despatch to His Grace, the Duke of Newcastle, the Governor stated that:—

“I feel certain that the chiefs of Waikato having in so unprovoked a manner caused Europeans to be murdered, and having planned a wholesale destruction of some of the European settlements, it will be necessary now to take efficient steps for the permanent security of the country.… I can devise no other plan by which these ends can be obtained than, first, by providing for the permanent peace of the country by locating large bodies of European settlers strong enough to defend themselves in those natural positions in this Province which will give us the entire command of it…; and secondly, by taking the land on which this European population is to be settled from those tribes who have been guilty of the outrages detailed in my various despatches to Your Grace.…”

Despatch from Governor Sir George Grey, K.C.B., to His Grace the Duke of Newcastle, K.G. Aug. 29th, 1863. App. H. of R. A. No. 8.

The confiscation was carried out under the New Zealand Land Settlement Act, which had been framed by the Whitaker-Fox Ministry, and passed by the Legislature in 1863.

Proclamation. Wells, op. cit. Ch. XXV, p. 258.

As there were large tracts of country lying unoccupied, useless, and unproductive, which might be made available for the introduction and location of such settlers “with benefit to themselves, and with manifest advantage to the Colony,” it was enacted that the Governor-in-Council might take native land where desirable in order to set aside sites for settlements.

Rusden, G. W.: Aureretanga: Groans of the Maoris. London: Will Ridgway. 1888. p. 25.

The money derived from the sale of land was to be devoted to recouping the expenses of the war, in the construction of public works, the establishment of schools and other institutions, and in promoting immigration for the colonisation of the confiscated territory. An enormous area of the Waikato and the neighbouring country was confiscated under this Act.

Governor's Despatch, No. 144. 8th Oct., 1864. Great Britain, Parl. Papers, Further Papers relative to the Affairs of New Zealand (11291). 7th Feb., 1865. The area affected may be seen in the accompanying map on p. 18.

MAP showing the Territory confiscated in the Waikato country in the Province of Taranaki and near Wanganui under the New Zealand Native Land Settlements Act, 1863. Enclosed in Governor's Despatch No. 144, 8th Oct., 1864. Printed in Further Papers relative to the Affairs of New Zealand (11291) 7th Feb., 1865. Great Britain, Parl. Papers.

KEREOPA, THE NOTORIOUS HAUHAU MURDERER. From Gudgeon's Reminiscences of the War in New Zealand.

The defeat of the Kingite tribes, and the settlement of the confiscated lands with large bodies of drilled men, secured peace in the Waikato.

Wells, op. cit., Ch. XXV, p. 260.

But General Cameron's successful campaign 1863–1864, by no means secured a general pacification of the Maoris.

Gudgeon, T. W.: The Defenders of New Zealand, being short biographies of colonists who distinguished themselves in upholding Her Majesty's supremacy in these Islands. Auckland, N.Z.: H. Brett. 1887. p. 46.

 During the continuance of the Waikato campaign, no attempt had been made to carry on active operations on an extended scale at Taranaki, or to retain possession of the Tataraimaka block, the occupation of which had been the signal for the commencement of hostilities in May, 1863.

Supra, Introduction, p. 10.

 Little more had been done than to maintain the position within the entrenchments of New Plymouth, and in a few neighbouring redoubts.

The temporary pacification was broken by renewed warfare in Taranaki, but this time accompanied by a fanatic ferocity unknown in previous campaigns. This new phase of warfare was due to the outbreak of Hauhauism, or the religion of Pai Marire. This religion hardened the Maori fighting spirit in a kind of holy war.

Irritation with the Government was rife in 1863, and thus the Maoris were peculiarly susceptible to the influences of a new religion, especially when it promised them deliverance from their degradation. Lady Martin says:—

“The people were maddened by defeat, disease, and by the confiscation of their land.”

Lady Martin: Our Maoris. London: S.P.C.K. 1884. p. 170.

A pioneer missionary reports to the Church Missionary Society:—

“Through the war they (the Maoris) have been vexed and prejudiced, sometimes maddened and driven to extremes.”

Grace, T. S.: A Pioneer Missionary among the Maoris, 1850–1879, being letters and journals. Palmerston North, New Zealand: Bennett & Co. N.D. Diary, August 10th, 1877. p. 267.

Bishop Selwyn, fresh from the scene, thus addressed the Third Synod in Christchurch:—

“The war, which seemed to have come to an end, was renewed by the perversity of a few misguided men. Mixed with the new element of the confiscation of land, it acquired a bitterness unknown before. The missionary clergy were believed to be the agents of the Government in a deep laid plot for the subjugation of the native people. Our congregations melted away, our advice was disregarded. Exasperated by continued defeat, and loss of friends and relations, many became reckless. The feeling grew among them that they would abandon the religion of their enemies, and set up one of their own.”

Rt. Rev. G. A. Selwyn, D.D., Charge to Synod, Christchurch, 1865. cited Rusden, op. cit., Vol. II, Ch. XIII, p. 284.

Thus Pai Marire

Pai Marire means “Good and peaceful.” Dictionary of the Maori Language. Williams, Herbert W.: The name is a curious paradox when compared with the practices of the religion.

appeared just at the hour when the hostile tribes, embittered by heavy losses in men and property, were in a mood to welcome a new battle cry with the hope of turning the tide of war against the Pakeha. The Bishop of Waiapu declared in 1865:—

“The great moving principle of Pai Marire is that it is a scheme which promises a successful termination of the war with which we are afflicted.”

Annual Report of Bishop of Waiapu, Dr. William Williams, to the Secretary of the Church Missionary Society, from Turanga, March 25, 1865. Published Church Missionary House, July 10, 1865.

Cowan, who wrote on the origins of the Hauhau Wars, said:—

“But when the white fire of a fanatic religion fused the people in a federation of hate against the Pakeha, all problems merged into one—that of race mastery… it spread like a fire in dry fern; and we find tribes who had no grievance against the white man united in casting off semicivilisation, and throwing themselves into the battle for Maori independence.”

Cowan: op. cit., Vol. II, Ch. I, p. 3.

The development of the new religion was facilitated by the appearance of a prophet, Te Ua Haumene, who lived at Wereroa (Waitotara), pa. He coordinated the widespread dissatisfaction of the Maoris, and moulded it into what the Colonial Secretary and Native Minister describes as

“one of the most terrible and disgusting superstitions that ever found lodgment in diseased brain or perverted heart.”

Fox, W.: The War in New Zealand. London: Smith, Elder & Co. 1865. Ch. IX, p. 126.

But it seems probable that even if Te Ua had not appeared at this critical time, the Maoris would have made some last attempt to withstand the apparently inexorable advance of the pakehas. The prime objectives of the Maoris were essentially “Maori independence,” and the “successful termination of the war.” Te Ua's contribution was to give a religious bent to an otherwise purely political movement.

Te Ua Haumene was otherwise known as Horopapera Tuwhakararo.

P.C.B. Fraser's Magazine. Oct. 1, 1865, p. 583. Horopapera means baptised—thus the baptismal name of Te Ua was Horopapera Tuwhakararo, which means in English John Zerubbabel. Mr. T. W. Downes, a pakeha-Maori, informed me that Christian Maoris frequently adopted some Scriptural name to show their profession as in this case. Bishop Herbert Williams has further told me that the missionaries were averse to accepting Maori names at baptism, hence biblical names or names derived from the mission workers were generally adopted.

He belonged to the Taranaki tribe, and was taken into slavery at the age of three years. This happened during a raid by the Waikato and Kawhia tribes, a few years before the planting of the New Plymouth settlement, or the arrival of the missionaries in Taranaki. At Kawhia, which was for some years a flourishing Wesleyan mission, Te Ua heard the Gospel, learned to read and write, and received Christian baptism at the hands of the Rev. John Whiteley.

Ward: op. cit., Ch. XXII, p. 441.

 At the commencement of the war in 1860, Horopapera espoused the cause of Wiremu Kingi, and fought against the English troops at Waireki.

In 1862 Te Ua claimed that the Angel Gabriel appeared to him. In September of that year, the “Lord Worsley” was wrecked off the coast of Taranaki. The natives debated among themselves what should be done. A few, including Te Ua, wished the goods to be sent into the town untouched.

Meade, H.: A Ride Through the Disturbed Districts of New Zealand: Together with some account of the South Sea Islands. Being Selections from the Journals and Letters of Lieutenant the Hon. H. Meade, R.N., edited by his brother. London: John Murray. 1870. Ch. V, p. 142.

When he found that his advice was not taken, but on the contrary, that the goods were plundered, he was so afflicted that he became very ill, and while in this state the Angel Gabriel appeared and spoke to him.

Taranaki “Herald,” 1864. Quoted Appendix to the House of Representatives. E.8.5. 1865.

After this initial hallucination, other reports began to circulate, until Te Ua was regarded as having miraculous powers. Extravagant ru- mours became current, which the credulous natives believed.

Bishop Williams believed that he showed strong signs of insanity.

Rt. Rev. William Williams, D.C.L., “Christianity Among the New Zealanders.” London: Seely, Jackson & Halliday. 1867. Ch. XIX, p. 366.

Other evidence seems to confirm this. Gudgeon says:—

“Te Ua up to the date of his inspiration had been considered a harmless lunatic. His tribe looked on him as of weak intellect, but yet of peaceful disposition.”

Gudgeon, T. W.: Reminiscences of the War in New Zealand. 1879. Ch. IV, p. 24.

The Presbyterian Chaplain to the Imperial troops says:—

“He seems to have been afflicted with a species of insanity for some years.”

P.C.B. Fraser's Magazine. Oct., 1865.

Supernatural accounts of Te Ua spread amongst the natives. One account related how Te Ua, at the instigation of the Angel Gabriel, had cut off the hand and foot of a child with an American axe. The mother of the child related the crime to the tribe, who sent forty picked men to investigate. In the meantime the Angel Gabriel had spoken again to Te Ua and commanded him to reunite the hand and foot of the child. The natives, on arrival, found the child whole and well. It was obvious that Te Ua had miraculous powers as the blood could be seen on the ground.

The full account of this episode as given by a Maori, Rawiri Te Kakawaero, will be found in Appendix I, p. 61.

The Resident Magistrate of Central Wanganui confirms the above account in substance, although details vary. He says:—

“Horopapera took his son and twisted the leg until the bone broke in several places. A voice then cried: ‘Horopapera, spare your son.’ The Angel Gabriel then said: ‘Take your son and wash him in water.’ He took his son to a river called Wairau, and the leg was restored whole as the other.”

App. H. of R. 1865. Session V, E. No. 4.

Again another version relates that a child had a twisted foot, which he tried to straighten by pulling it violently, and then striking it with an axe, he broke the bone and the child died.…

P.C.B.: Good words. Oct., 1865.

Another account relates how on one occasion, Te Ua was successively bound to a post with lashings, chains, and handcuffs, all of which he in turn broke.

App. H. of R. 1864. E. No. 8. Enclosure. Memorandum by T. H. Smith, Esq., Civil Commissioner. Bay of Plenty.

Such reports certainly contributed towards the prestige of Te Ua Haumene among the Maoris. The discrepancies in the various versions are probably due to their legendary and fantastic nature, but they do not seem to have damaged the prophet's reputation. Instead, these accounts confirmed the natives in the belief that Te Ua was no maniac, but a great prophet who was raised up for their deliverance.

William Williams: op. cit., Ch. XIX, p. 367.

 CHAPTER II. The Development of the New Religion.

Te Ua felt the necessity of having coadjutors to aid him in the propagation of the new faith. He chose three: Tahutaki, Hepanaia, and Wi Parara. The divine blessing was communicated to them by inhaling the smoke of the prophet's pipe. Tahutaki and Hepanaia persuaded the tribe to undertake an expedition to Ahuahu, by predicting that some pakehas would be delivered into their hands.

A detachment of the 57th Regiment under Captain T. W. J. Lloyd, and some military settlers were destroying crops in the Kaitaki Ranges.

Gudgeon: op. cit., Ch. V, p. 27. Report of Lieut. Col. Logan: App. H. of R. 1864. E. No. 8. 1. April 4, 1864.

The Maoris attacked them, killing and decapitating Capt. Lloyd. One of the Hauhaus, Rawiri Te Kakawaero, described the engagement in the following terms:—

“The soldiers saw them and fired upon them with artillery. Te Ua then called to his men to lift up their left hands, and the shots fell short. They assaulted the Redoubt; it was taken. When Mr. Taylor, the minister, saw those people lift up their hands, he said: ‘God is with those people.’ He fled: the Redoubt was taken. Te Ua said to his soldiers: ‘Seek out the thoughtful man’ (from among the slain). He was sought for and found. Te Ua said: ‘This head will presently speak.’ The head then spoke to Te Ua, and said: ‘Do not bury me here, but take me to the town, that the Governor may see his fault. When I have been there, bring me back to Ngaruawahia as a stool for the Maori King.’ Then the head was filled with fresh water, and the water was given by Te Ua to be drunk by his soldiers. They drank, and the language of that people was changed, and became like that of the Pakeha. This was done by direction of the Angel. That is all.”

Report to Dr. Nesbit, Resident Magistrate of Rotorua: App. H. of R. 1864. op. cit. E.8.

The two prophets licked the blood from the axes which had been used to cut off the dead men's heads.

P.C.B.: Good Words, Oct. 1st, 1865.

This was significant, as showing the first tendency to revert to cannibalism. A few days later the Angel Gabriel appeared to those who had partaken of the blood. Through the medium of Capt. Lloyd's spirit they were ordered to exhume the head (which had before been buried), cure it in their own way, and take it throughout the length and breadth of New Zealand. Henceforth the head should be the medium of man's communication with Jehovah. These instructions were carefully obeyed, and immediately the head was taken up it appointed Te Ua to be high priest, and communicated to them in a most solemn manner the tenets of this new religion.

The engagement had confirmed the natives in their belief that they were under the special protection of the Angel Gabriel. They had beaten the Pakeha. Te Ua Haumene was regarded as the infallible prophet of the angel. Te Ua forthwith began to formulate a system of worship for his devotees. A military success thus led directly to a rapid propagation of the new religion.

Taylor, Rev. R.: The Past and Present of New Zealand with Prospects for the Future. London: Will Macintosh. 1868. p. 148.

The central object in the worship was the “Niu.” The origin of this innovation was described in the following terms:—

“The Angel Gabriel said: ‘Go back to your house and erect a niu.’ Horopapera enquired what a niu was. The Angel replied: ‘A post.’ Horopapera enquired for what purpose? The Angel replied: ‘To work for you for the acquirement of the languages of all the races upon the earth.’”

Report J. White, Resident Magistrate of Central Whanganui, to the Hon. the Col. Secr. App. H. of R. 1864. A4.

The term “niu” was the old Maori term for the short sticks used by the tohunga priest in his mystic arts of divination, particularly before a battle.

Philogical Significance from Williams, Herbert W.: Dictionary of the Maori Language. p. 261.

Te Ua's niu was a tall pole or flag-staff, round which the faithful were to march in procession, chanting their hymns. The first niu was part of the mast of the “Lord Worsley,” wrecked by Cape Egmont, 1862.

Supra, Ch. I, p. 17.

 Crossed with a yard, rigged with flags of curious design,

flag of the niu is described by an eye witness as “a regular war flag—pennant with a white cross and a white bow and with a dark tip.”

Flag found atop the first HauHau nui — a pennant with a white cross and a white bow and with a dark tip.

The above description and diagram is given in the Diary of the Rev. Basil Taylor, March 1, 1864. Diary of the Rev. Basil Taylor of Journey up River to Tangarakau and across Maori Track to Waitara and back to Putiki. (MSS Private Collection in possession of T. W. Downes, Wanganui.) The bow was not a Maori weapon, but its incorporation by the Hauhaus in their flag is typical of their desire to retain many European ideas, while repudiating any association with the Europeans themselves.

 it was the first visible emblem of the religion.

Vide App. II for a further account of the niu, and a discussion about the present nius in/existence. p. 61.

The term “Hauhau,” by which the disciples of the new faith came to be known, had its origin in the exclamation “Hau!” used at the end of the choruses chanted by the disciples. It had an esoteric significance, being applied to the life principle of man, the vital spark; besides its literal meaning of wind. “Anahera hau,” or wind angels, was one of the curious phrases originating with Te Ua, which had a reference to the fancy that the angels came to the Maoris on the winds of heaven, and that they ascended and descended by the ropes which were left dangling from the yardarms of the sacred mast—the niu.

Williams, Herbert W.: op. cit. p. 46.

The actual beliefs and doctrines of the Pai Marire religion are confused and involved. The Bishop of Waiapu, writing to the Secretary of the Church Missionary Society, says:—

“The form which they have prepared for worship is a most miserable attempt—a few sacred words, which are blasphemously mixed up with a large amount of nonsense. There is no attempt at system, no doctrine, no deliverance from sin, no salvation… They have trifled with things sacred, and God seems to have sent them a strong delusion that they should believe a lie.”

Letter from the Rt. Rev. William Williams, D.C.L., Bishop of Waiapu, written from Turanga, March 25, 1865, to C.M.S. cited “Murder of the Rev./C. S. Volkner.” London: Church Missionary House. 1865.

Again, in another place, he says:—

“A new form of worship was prepared which seems to have been borrowed in part from the Roman missal, one portion being headed: ‘A Song of Mary for the people who are standing destitute on the Island, which is divided in two’; but it is worded in a jargon which the natives say they do not understand.”

William Williams: op. cit., Ch. XIX, p. 368.

Apparently the majority of the chants were unintelligible even to the natives themselves.

“A jumble of Christian and ancient concepts, of soldier and sailor terms, of English and Maori language with the barking watchword of the cult interspersed.”

Keesing, J. M.: The Changing Maori. N.Z. 1928. Memoir of the Board of Maori Ethnological Research. Part II, Ch. II, p. 50.

Perverted fragments of Church services were mingled with spells and incantations.

App. H. of R. A4. 1868.

The following is a translation of one of their chants:—

Further Chants. Vide App. III, p. 63.

“God the Father, Hau; God the Son, Hau, Hau; God the Holy Ghost, Hau, Hau, Hau. Attention, save us; Attention, instruct us; Attention. Jehovah, avenge us, Hau. Jehovah, stand at ease, Hau. Fall out, Hau, Hau. Father, Good and Gracious, Hau; big rivers, long rivers, big mountains and sea. Attention, Hau, Hau, Hau.”

Keesing: op. cit., Part II, Ch. II, p. 50.

These chants were intoned while the naked throng of men, women and children would touch with the hand the head of a white man set upon a post. These “preserved Pakehas' heads” were apparently made to utter words of prophetic import; invariably to the effect that the Pakeha would eventually be overcome.

Blake, A. Hope: Sixty Years in New Zealand. Wellington, N.Z.: Gordon & Gotch Pty. Ltd. N.D. Ch. III, p. 24.

Mr. White says:—

“The sign of the descent of the Holy Ghost upon any of them is a cold shivering at the time they are performing the circle marching around the niu. After the cold shivering they are inspired with the gift of languages, some of which I have heard. A perfectly unintelligible jargon both to themselves and to others.”

J. White, Resident Magistrate of Central Wanganui. App. H. of R. 1865. op. cit. E4.

The worshippers worked themselves into a state bordering on frenzy during the procedure of the ritual, until catalepsy frequently prostrated them.

Blake, A. Hope: op. cit., Ch. III, p. 24.

Te Ua believed his countrymen stood in the same covenanted relationship to God as the Israelites of old.

P.C.B.: Good Words, Oct. 1st, 1865.

The Hauhaus were descended from the sons of Shem, and the Pakeha from the sons of Japheth. (Gen. 5:32). Thus Jesus was the God of the sons of Japheth; Jehovah of the sons of Shem. God had chosen the Maoris as His special people; no missionary or stranger was to be allowed to dwell amongst them. An exception was made in favour of the Jews, who resemble the Maori in having Shem as their common progenitor, and in having been persecuted and oppressed by the Gentiles and Pakehas. This sympathy was further expressed in the word “Teu,” or Jew, the professional name by which the priests of the new faith were designated.

This partiality for the Jew was the sole reason that the life of Captain Levy, a Jew, was spared when Volkner was murdered. Infra, Ch. IV, p. 41.

A cardinal principle in the religion as first practised, was a belief that the Pakeha bullets could be averted by certain magic spells. The faithful marched to battle chanting their hymns and holding their right hand up on a level with the face, palm towards the enemy, while they cried in quick, sharp tones: “Hapa! Hapa! Pai Marire, Hau!”

Cowan: op. cit., Vol. II, Ch. I, p. 7.

Hapa means to pass over, or ward off; the act and formula were supposed to avert the bullets from the true believer.

Apparently it was also believed possible to make animals invulnerable to bullets as well as individuals, judging from the following account:— “When the war broke out with the pakeha Te Kere presented Titikowaru with the horse known throughout the island as Niu Tirani. Te Kere was living with Titikowaru at the time, and he recited a Karakia (spell) to make the horse invulnerable against the soldiers' bullets. Tiko was the man who rode the animal, and he galloped right through a long line of soldiers, who all fired their rifles at him without any effect at all.…” Notes concerning the Whanganui tohunga Te Kere-Nga-Tai. (MSS., Downes, T. W.)

 The following remark by Lieutenant Gudgeon of the Colonial Forces is illuminating:—

“I cannot say that I have tried it or seen it tried; but many veracious cannibals have assured me that it is a fact. The word Hau! is pronounced very abruptly, so as to sound like the bark of a dog.”

Gudgeon: op. cit., Ch. V, p. 28. Van Hansburg led the Boers against British rule promising similar invulnerability. Also Chembrasseri Thangal led the Moplah Rebellion in India. Cable, Jan. 11, 1922.

Finally Te Ua related to his people a remarkable dream in which he stated that victory was near at hand. The Angel Gabriel with his legions would protect them from their enemies.

Fox, W.: op. cit., Ch. IX, p. 128.

The Virgin Mary would be constantly with them.

App. H. of R. E. No. 8. 15. Session IV, 1864.

 Lady Martin described the vision, and said:—

“Jehovah was to fight for them; the arm of the Lord, and the sword of the Lord, were on their side to drive the English into the sea.”

Lady Martin: op. cit., p. 170.

The Civil Commissioner of the Tauranga District, writing to the Colonial Secretary (Native Dept.), November 14, 1864, adds:—

“A wonderful deliverance was to be wrought for them; those natives who did not remain faithful to the Maori King, nor became believers in the Pai Marire religion, would be involved in one common ruin with the Pakeha. The Angel Gabriel had appeared on earth, and had interposed on behalf of the native race.”

Report of Henry T. Clarke: App. H. of R. 1864. E. No. 8. 6. Enclosure No. 1.

The first great day of deliverance was to be in December, 1864.

Rusden, G. W.: op. cit., Vol. II, p. 287.

When the last Pakeha had perished in the sea, all the Maoris who had perished since the beginning of the world would leap from their graves with a shout, and stand in the presence of Zerubbabel, the Great Prophet.

These words bear a striking similarity to Scripture itself: “For the Lord Himself shall descend from heaven with a shout… and the dead… shall rise first … and so shall we ever the with the Lord.” 1 Thes., 4:16–17. It showed how much the Scriptures had entered the native mind.

They would stand as they were when they died, with all their diseases and infirmities, and then his miraculous powers would be exhibited to the whole world. The deaf would hear, the blind see, the lame walk; every species of disease would disappear; all would become perfect in their bodies as in their spirits.

P.C.B. op. cit., p. 375. Again the millenium blessings are described in words taken from the Scriptures. “The blind see, the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, the deaf hear, the dead are raised.…” Luke 7:22.

 Men would be sent from heaven to teach the Maoris all the arts and sciences now known by Europeans.

Fox, W.: op. cit., Ch. IX, p. 129.

Meanwhile all days were to be regarded as alike—sacred, and no notice was to be taken of the Christian sabbath.

App. H. of R. E. No. 8. 15. Also there is an interesting note in the Diary of the Rev. Basil Taylor, Feb. 24, 1864. He says: “The party from Taupo under Topia Pehi are expected tomorrow. The Waikatos not before Sunday.… They say 28th according to the Hauhaus, which Topine explains to mean 27th, as they say we have made a mistake in the calendar when we first made the sun stand still, and they have corrected it.…” Diary of Rev. Basil Taylor of Journey up River to Tangarakau.

Men and women must live together promiscuously, so that their children might be as the sand of the sea shore for multitude.

 CHAPTER III. The Spread of Hauhauism.

Hauhauism was in the form of a return to barbarism and superstition, and this did not lessen its irresistible appeal to the Maori,

“The fascination such wild doctrines have over the savage and half savage mind is not easily explained, but it is not the less certain, they appealed, too, to the most brutal passions, to gross immorality, to cannibalism, to the love of plunder, to the love of murder, to the excitement of wild and horrible fanatic rites.”— Weld, F. A.: Notes on New Zealand Affairs… Late Prime Minister of the Colony. London: Edward Stanford, 1869. p. 39.

for it enabled him to throw off the last restraints of the now unpopular churches.

The Rev. T. S. Grace gives the following reasons for the Maoris turning away from the church and the missionaries. The Maoris believed that

the missionaries of old had taught the Maoris to turn their eyes to heaven, while they themselves turned theirs to the land;

the missionaries had deserted them in the midst of their troubles;

the missionaries by their prayers had strengthened the troops to fight against their women and children.

Grace: op. cit. p. 257. Annual Letter to C.M.S., July 19th, 1877.

 The old tohunga priests who had been schooled in the ancient religion, were the first to accept Pai Marire. They were astute enough to realise that by adopting it they would attain the ancient supremacy of their class over the people. Apart from this motive of self-interest, there was in some cases a genuine reversion to their earlier and more deeply ingrained and less stringent faith and ritual. Grace says:—

“They have lost confidence in us as a body, and look upon us with distrust and suspicion, and have determined to manage their own religious affairs… Who can blame them after 14 years' neglect by us, for framing a service more or less imperfect, with which to supply the need? They know they cannot do without religion.”

Grace: Op. cit., p. 266. Diary, Aug. 10th, 1877.

However, from a study of the subsequent behaviour of the tohunga priests, it seems impossible to attribute their acceptance of Hauhauism to genuine heart belief; but rather to a desire to regain their fast decreasing influence.

Anderson, M. A.: “Christianity and the Maoris.” MS. 1933.

Hauhauism was enlisted as a powerful instrument for Maori nationalist propaganda.

Meade, H. A.: Ride Through the Disturbed Districts of New Zealand. London: John Murray. 1870. Ch. II, p. 32.

The more intelligent rebel chiefs such as Thompson and Rewi favoured this new fanaticism for political motives. While they were far too enlightened to accept it themselves, they adopted it as an instrument for rousing the flagging energies of their countrymen, who, driven from their lands and worsted in almost every engagement, were beginning to despair of success.

P.C.B. Good Words, Oct. 1, 1865.

 Te Ua and his doctrines were thus used by the King party as a useful auxiliary on their side.

Clarke, H. T.: Civil Commissioner, Tauranga. App. H. of R. A4. No. 6. 1868. Also William Williams: op. cit., Ch. XIX, p. 374.

 They made political capital from his rhapsodies, and recruited their ranks from his followers. The King party wished to separate themselves for ever from the Pakeha, and they knew they could not do so while they retained their religion.

Le Pai Maririsme à la Nouvelle Zélande (Etude sur la nouvelle réligion du Maorisme) Ethnographic-Super-stitions. Revue Britannique. 1866.

The Colonial Secretary and Native Minister declared:—

“The foul superstition seems to have seized with more or less violence on all the rebel party; a Kingite and a Hauhau appear to be synonymous.”

Fox: op. cit., Ch. IX, p. 140.

Many insisted that the Kingmaker was a convert. Letters attributed to him were produced with the concluding word Pai Marire.

See App. IV for Hauhau prayers for King Tawhiao.

Te Oriori assured Sir George Grey that some of them were not written by the Kingmaker; and in December, 1864, a Maori averred that the King was opposed to the Pai Marire.

Rusden: op. cit., Vol. II, Ch. XII, p. 192.

 Lady Martin, however, says:—

“It had a political significance. Their King Tawhiao became a spiritual power.”

Lady Martin: op. cit., p. 170.

Hauhauism was certainly having an extraordinary and diverse appeal. The Bishop of Wellington stated:—

“Doubtless thousands… have joined the fanatical movement merely as a political engine for upholding their nationality.”

Rt. Rev. Bishop Hadfield, Charge to Synod, Wellington. Sept. 26, 1865.

Te Ua was not ignorant of this fact, and to co-ordinate the activities of his followers he issued a proclamation to the New Zealand chiefs:—

“The Lord of Hosts has given to the natives the sword of Samson and of Gideon; the sword by which the Philistines and the Midianites were overpowered. This is Gabriel the Archangel. He has come down like a mighty flood upon his people and upon the ruler who is anointed over them. He commands you to stay the fair winds of heaven, and that all the people shall take upon them the solemn oath.… If you obey this command your God will come down upon this land. It is because He loves His people and is about to restore you to your rock, which is Jehovah.”

Letter by Horopapera to Tamihana Te Waharoa, and New Zealand chiefs generally. Cited William Williams. Ch. XIX, p. 367.

The Hauhaus were elated at their success against the 57th Regiment under Captain Lloyd.

Supra. Ch. II, p. 21.

The prophet Kapewhiti persuaded them to attack the Sentry Hill Redoubt on the top of Te Morere Hill on April 30th, 1864.

Despatches, N.Z. Govt. Gazettes, 1864. E. No. 3, p. 73.

 Despite the promise of invulnerability, Hepanaia was killed. Te Ua had a satisfactory explanation—namely— that those who fell were to blame because they did not repose absolute faith in the Karakia (spells).

Hamilton Browne, Col. E.: With the Lost Legion in New Zealand. Late Commandant in Colonial Forces. London: T. Werner Laurie. Ch. II, p. 23.

The prophet Matene (Martin), who had Captain Lloyd's head in his possession, started with a large body of fanatics down the coast to Waitotara. He intended joining a large party of very warlike natives just returned from Waikato, and then proceeding to the Upper Wanganui. Matene applied to the Wanganui natives for permission to pass down the river. It was refused. The prophet was willing to wait two months, but Hemi Nape, Mete Kingi, and others, tired of negotiations, challenged him to battle on the island of Moutoa in the Wanganui River. The battle took place on May 14, 1864

Rusden: op. cit., Vol. II, Ch. XXII, p. 193.

The Hauhau women came down and stood on the shore with the children making their magic-working incantations. They waved imaginary bullets back over their shoulders with both hands, exclaiming as they did so “Hapa! Hapa! Hapa!” (Pass over! Pass over!) The old women were crazy with excitement, and exhorted the young people: “Kia Kaha te hapa! Kia Kaha te hapa!” (Let your hapa be strong).

Cowan: op. cit., Vol. II, Ch. III, p. 33. I feel Cowan's description of the battle has been drawn from his own fertile imagination, despite the fact that he was writing a “scientific” account of the origins of the Hauhau wars at the command of the Minister for Native Affairs. Cowan gives no authority or justification for his statements. A certain amount of information is given on the inscription on the monument erected on Pukename Hill in Wanganui, which I have seen. The inscription reads: “To the memory of those brave men who fell at Moutoa, 14th May, 1864, in defence of law and order against fanaticism and barbarism.”

 The Hauhaus were very severely defeated,

Taylor, Rev. R.: op. cit., Ch. VII, p. 150.

 and nearly all the survivors were known to have been wounded.

Report of Dr. Featherston, C.P.P. 1864. E. No. 3, p. 80.

These severe reverses seemed to add fuel to fire, and emissaries were sent to every part of the island. Both Hepanaia and Matene had disobeyed Te Ua's instructions; having been too impatient to await the appointed time for the head to do the circuit of the island. Both had lost their lives, and this failure was attributed to disobedience. The Maoris, far from being disheartened, felt that it showed how correct were Te Ua's instructions, and therefore joined the ranks of Pai Marire with renewed vigour.

Taranaki became the central point from which the new faith was propagated. The Hauhau emissaries who were sent through the country in the early part of the year 1865, left Taranaki in two bodies. The one was to pass by Wanganui and Taupo, and thence to Whakatane, Opotiki, and East Cape, after which they were to proceed to Poverty Bay by way of the coast. The other party was to go through the centre of the island by Ruatahuna and Wairoa, and both were to meet at Poverty Bay. The instructions given by Te Ua were, that they should travel peaceably, carrying with them human heads, which they were to deliver to Hirini Te Kani, a Poverty Bay Chief.

William Williams: op. cit. Ch. XIX, p. 370. Also App. H. of R. 1865. E. No. 5. 7 Enclosure.

The object of this expedition was not fighting, but to obtain the adhesion of all the tribes through which they passed.

Rusden: op. cit., Vol. II, Ch. XII, p. 199. Te Ua Haumene wrote Dec. 8, 1864: “… Let your conduct be good in carrying these my instructions to the various parts of the Island, even until you come unto Hirini, who will convey the teachings peacefully to his European relations there.”

It appears, however, that on the arrival of the first party at Pipiriki, on the Wanganui River, their purpose was changed. The friendly natives, under the command of the chief John Williams, who was head catechist to the Church Missionary House at Wanganui, defended the town against the Hauhau warriors.

William Williams: op. cit., Ch. XIX, p. 372.

After their defeat on February 23rd, 1865, the Hauhaus proceeded thence with the intention of murdering any missionaries who might come in their way. This purpose was announced at Whakatane, but there was no means of warning those who might be exposed to danger.

In 1865 various Reports were sent to the Minister for Native Affairs, which testify to the alarm felt in numerous areas at the spread of the Pai Marire religion.

The Resident Magistrate for Central Wanganui wrote:—

“I would report that the Hauhau fanaticism is spreading very rapidly in the Province, and I fear will be the cause of great mischief. It is now the mainstay of the King movement.”

White, J.: App. H. of R. E. No. 4, 3. 1865.

The Civil Commissioner in Napier also wrote:—

“I beg to draw your particular attention to a very unsatisfactory state of affairs in this Province. Even making every allowance for the usual exaggeration of Maori stories, there still remains the fact that a body of armed ruffians have suddenly made their appearance right in the centre of the Province before anybody knew they were coming; that they have converted a number of people to the most ridiculously degraded superstition; that Te Hapuku—hitherto supposed to be the first friend of the Pakeha—has invited them here, subscribed to their faith, and hoisted the rebel flag with many absurd ceremonies; and, above all, that they are to be followed by further armed parties of propagandists, with the distinct object of defying the English and the peaceably-disposed natives in the hopes of bringing on a disturbance.… In the present state of the Province, it is evident that if large bodies of armed fanatics are permitted to be constantly travelling about, a state of peace cannot long exist.”

Cooper, S.: App. H. of R. No. 4. 20. 1865.

Friendly chiefs at Te Whaiti sent a message to Dr. Nesbit saying:—

“Friends, greeting you the heads of affairs. Natives of Taranaki, Waikato, and Raukawa, have come here to preach their God, and leading also Pakeha captives— there are two living men, and one head of a murdered man. When they came they urged us to return to their God, but we did not consent. They replied, it is well: the bearer of the sword is close behind to destroy you and all the Arawa. We sought and found a word in Scripture: ‘Be patient in tribulation;’ but if their sword touches us we shall fight. Enough.

From NGAKOWAI-TE WIREMU, and all the Chiefs of the three Tribes.”

App. H. of R. No. 4. 22. 1865. Enclosure.

It was apparent that a new phase in the political struggle had been inaugurated by the development of Hauhauism.

 CHAPTER IV. Murder and Pillage.

The Hauhaus continued their journey up the Wanganui River until they reached Taupo. The Reverend T. S. Grace was stationed as a missionary at Taupo, and had to flee from his post.

Flight to Matata. Diary of the Rev. T. S. Grace, Oct. 8, 1863-Nov. 4, 1863. Quoted: A Pioneer Missionary Among the Maoris: being Letters and Journals of Thomas Samuel Grace. Edited jointly by S. J. Brittain, G.F., C.W., and A. V. Grace. N.Z. Bennett & Co. N.D. p. 110 seq.

The apostles Kereopa and Patara, who were now the leaders of the party, began to pillage and murder. They broke into the now evacuated house of Mr. Grace, and promptly appropriated its contents.

Hamilton-Browne, Col. G.: op. cit. Ch. II, p. 25.

 The Maoris at Taupo became converts to Pai Marire, no doubt largely in self-defence from the fanatics.

At Taupo the Hauhaus divided into their two parties as previously arranged. The result was one party reached Opotiki on March 1st, 1865, while the other reached Turanga on March 16th, 1865. These two parties must be dealt with separately.

The party for Opotiki found the tribe at that place already in a state of excitement. The Hauhaus boasted of their successes, and this further inflamed the simmering discontent of the Opotiki natives. The people of Opotiki had

Map showing routes followed by the Hauhau emissaries when they left the Taranaki in 1865.
sympathised in the Waikato War, and some had taken part. Various circumstances had caused their minister (the Reverend C. S. Volkner)

Carl Sylvius Volkner was a native of Cassell in Germany. He studied at the Hamburg Missionary College, and came to New Zealand in 1847, as an agent of the North German Missionary Society. Later he joined the Church Missionary Society and was ordained deacon and priest. Ward, R.: Life Among the Maoris of New Zealand. 1872. Ch. XXII, p. 441.

 to be suspected of being in secret correspondence with the Government on the subject of their disaffection.

Sir William Martin, Late Chief Justice of New Zealand, writing to the Native Minister, Sept. 28th, 1865. Quoted by W. Colenso: Fiat Justitia. 1871.

Mr. Volkner had several times visited Auckland. This aggravated the suspicion already current about him. Actually he was continually troubled by the thought of the miserable conditions of his people.

Fox describes him as “a man of remarkable simplicity of character, of the most simple minded and devoted piety, and an extremely conciliatory and kind disposition.” op. cit., Ch. XV, p. 22.

It was for the purpose of ameliorating their conditions that he made his last trip to Auckland.

On March 2nd, 1865, the Reverends C. S. Volkner and T. S. Grace arrived at Opotiki on the “H.M.S. Eclipse.”

App. H. of R. E. No. 5. 7. Enclosure 1.

A Taranaki native named Wiwini immediately went on board and asked Morris Levy, one of the crew, for his Hebrew prayer book. The native pretended to read it and expressed great satisfaction at be- coming possessed of so great a treasure.

Ibid. Statement by Joseph Jeans (? Jeanings), Portuguese Resident at Opotiki: sent by James Mackay, Civil Commissioner to the Native Minister. 27th June, 1865.

 Mr. Volkner's natives then came on shore to cry for him, because they knew what was going to happen. Shortly after everybody on board the schooner was ordered on shore. On landing Mr. Volkner went up to the people and offered his hand, but no one would shake hands with him. The two missionaries, at the command of Kereopa, were marched off to the Roman Catholic Chapel.

Diary of the Rev. T. S. Grace, March 1st, 1865. Quoted: A Pioneer Missionary Among the Maoris, 1850–1879, being Letters and Journals of Thomas Samuel Grace. p. 136.

 Finally they were locked in a hut with the sailors. However, Captain Levy, who had piloted the boat, was allowed his freedom, because, being a Jew, he was considered a sort of Hauhau.

Gudgeon, T. W.: op. cit., Ch. VIII, p. 44.

In the evening there was a Runanga (meeting) of the chiefs. It was decided to hang Mr. Volkner, but Mr. Grace was to be kept a prisoner until Patara returned to Opotiki, as Mr. Grace was a stranger to the place.

App. H. of R. 1865. E. No. 5. 7. Enclosure 1. Ranapia, one of the natives, told Joseph Jeans.

The majority of the tribe voted for the death of their pastor, with a few notable exceptions — Tiwai and Te Ranapia.

The following day a number of armed men came, and, after going through some ceremonies in front of the house, called to Mr. Volkner to accompany them. Mr. Grace pressed again and again to go with him, but was forced back and told his turn would come next.

Diary of the Rev. T. S. Grace, March 2nd: op. cit., p. 138.

Volkner was taken away to the Church, where Kereopa dressed himself in the coat and waistcoat of his victim. Volkner was then led to a willow-tree, which was improvised as a gallows. Te Ranapia, seeing the Hauhaus pass, attempted a rescue, but was upset into a deep creek.

Joseph Jeans says: “Soon after, Ranapai looked out of the window of my house and saw Mr. Volkner with his hands tied, and a rope on his neck, being led by three natives.… He called my attention to this, and I looked out and saw this. Ranapai then rushed out of the house with a tomahawk in his hand, and attempted to cross the bridge (a plank) over the stream near my house. While doing so the natives on the opposite side shook the plank and caused him to fall into the stream.” App. H. of R. 1865. E. No. 5. 7.

 Volkner was permitted to pray, and was then hoisted up. After being suspended for about two minutes he was lowered, and then Kereopa went up and shot him through the body; he was then run up again with a jerk.

Ibid. Joseph Jeans: Portuguese Resident.

 An hour later the body was lowered and the head cut off.

Taylor, Rev. R.: op. cit., Ch. VIII, p. 158.

 Mr. Grace describes in his diary for that day the events that followed:—

“The scene where this was done was most dreadful. They were eager to taste his blood, and many rubbed it on their faces. Some of his old friends took part in all this! From my own observance, the people appeared to be half lunatic, and so worked up by their religion as to be ready for any work of the devil.”

Diary of the Rev. T. S. Grace: 2nd March: op. cit., p. 141: There is a discrepancy of a day between the dates of Grace and Jeans. As Jeans did not write his account until 2 months after the event, there is the possibility that his account is slightly inaccurate.

Kereopa carried the murdered man's head to St. Stephen's Church, and placed it on the reading desk in front of him, together with the communion cup of the missionary's blood.

The blood stains may still be seen on the reading desk of the Church of St. Stephen the Martyr, Opotiki.

Kereopa forced out Mr. Volkner's eyes and swallowed them, and declared that this was a symbol of the way he would deal with the Queen and the Parliament of England.

Mr. Morgan S. Grace, C.M.G., a Member of the Legislative Council of New Zealand, cross-examined some of the natives who were present at the time. He said to them: “But Kereopa tore out the dead man's eyes and swallowed them!” A native replied: “There is no difference between a dead man's eyes and a dead fish's eyes. As Kereopa swallowed the eye, he said, ‘This is the Queen.’ Of the left eye, he said: ‘This is the Parliament.’ It was only a symbol.” A Sketch of the New Zealand War. London: Horace Marshall & Son. 1899. Dr. A. Agassiz, M.R.C.S., of Opotiki, in “A Statement respecting Kereopa's proceedings…” gives a similar interpretation to the swallowing of eyes. He relates:“On another occasion they named a pig the Governor, and another represented the General. They proceeded to hang these; after they were dead, one of the men who was partially deranged from running round the niu (post), poked out the eyes of the pig, and ate them raw, saying that before long he would serve the Governor and the General in the same way. I witnessed the scene.” Enclosure 2. 1865. E. No. 5. 7. Kereopa apparently made it a regular practice to swallow his victims' eyes. This habit was, in effect, another relapse to ancient Maori custom. The eye of a great chief was thought to become a bright star in the Heavens; and was often swallowed by his conqueror to prevent it from having its due honour.

On the same day that the murder was committed, Kereopa returned to an inland pa, and awaited the return of Patara (the other apostle), to whom he sent an account of his doings.

App. H. of R. 1865. E. No. 5. 7. Enclosure 1.

Patara returned that evening, and calling the people together, said:—

“This is Kereopa's work, not mine. Kereopa is an Arawa, and hates you because you fought against his tribe. He has done this deed out of revenge, for he knows that it will bring the Pakehas to seek payment.”

Gudgeon: op. cit., Ch. VIII, p. 45.

He then sent to Kereopa to come to Opotiki, and give an account of himself, but the latter was too afraid to appear, and started for Poverty Bay. Political and personal motives were thus apparent in the crime, although its barbarism was clothed in religious phraseology.

Bishop Selwyn, writing on Dec. 26th, 1865, to the Rev. Edward Coleridge, says: “The murder of Mr. Volkner was an exceptional case; the act of one miscreant (Kereopa) not one of his own people, working upon Mr. Volkner's own flock.…” Quoted Tucker.

Mr. Grace remained in captivity, expecting every day to be his last. In his diary he records on March 3rd:—

“This was a day of bitter suspense. The excitement was great.… At an early hour I heard the noise of their horrid worship. I saw their ovens lighted, but all passed over without any interference with me.…”

Diary of the Rev. T. S. Grace: op. cit., p. 141.

On the 5th, Mr. Grace was taken into the Church to be tried by the natives. The trial is best given in his own words:—

“Three charges were brought against Mr. Volkner by different Maoris to justify his death.

—His going to Auckland as a spy for the Government.

—A cross had been found in his house, and therefore he was a Romanist and a deceiver.

—He returned to Opotiki after having been told to remain away.

 The second charge, respecting the cross, broke down. Patara said that we had taught them to repent, to be baptised, to receive the Lord's Supper, and not to commit adultery; now they had found out that this was all deceit. Then followed a long discussion on the land question, all the arguments in common use amongst the Maoris being brought forth. These I answered by pointing out that neither Mr. Volkner nor myself had land.… I proposed again to them either to take a ransom for me in money, or to make an exchange in prisoners. After some discussion they agreed to take Hori Tupaea. Patara promised to write a letter to Tauranga for Hori to be liberated; this letter the Captain (Captain Levy) agreed to take, and bring back Hori; also a letter from Mr. Clark, the Magistrate, on the part of the Government to say he was at liberty. This done and I should be free. Here the meeting ended.…”

Diary of the Rev. T. S. Grace: op. cit., p. 143 and seq.

The meeting took place on March 5th; the following day a letter was despatched by the Hauhau chiefs at Opotiki to “the office of the Government, Auckland.” This letter is quoted in full as it throws illuminating light on the motives and outlook of the Hauhaus.

“Place of Canaan,
“March 6, 1865.

“Friends, this is a word to you. Mr. Volkner, Minister, is dead. He has been crucified according to the laws of the New Canaan, in the same manner as it has been ordained by the Parliament of England, that the guilty man be crucified. Mr. Grace, Minister, is captured, and is in the prison house of the Law of the New Canaan, which was arranged by us in the same manner as that which the Parliament of England instituted, that the guilty man be imprisoned. Friends, do not you say, ‘What is the origin of that sin?’ This alone was the origin — the deception practised upon our Island by the Church. That Church said that they were sent hither by God; but now we are aware that they were sent hither by the knowing society of the Church of England. In the second place, the sins of the Governor at Rangiriri—his cruelty—the women are dead. Thirdly, Rangiaohia the women were shot— that is a sacred law of the Governor's. We are now aware, with regard to those laws that were made by the authority-suppressing Parliament of England. Why is the Governor not ashamed at the great number of his authorities suppressing laws, practising deception upon our bodies? You say again to me that I must give up my guns and powder to you. You perhaps thought to treat us like pigs—you perhaps wished us to give up our guns lest we shoot you. You perhaps think it not possible to kill men with wooden weapons. Friends, our Island now is aware of your doings. Listen. You catch the Maoris; I also kill the Pakehas. You crucify the Maoris and I also crucify the Pakehas. But now release (unto us) Hori Tupaea

Hori Tupaea was a great chief of Tauranga, who had been arrested a short time before while attempting to propagate the Pai Marire among the Arawa. Gudgeon, T. W.: op. cit., Ch. VIII, p. 46.

and his companions, and we will then let go Mr. Grace; but if you withhold Hori Tupaea and his companions, we will also withhold Mr. Grace.…

“The Committee of “Ngatiawa, “Whakatohea, “Urewera, “Taranaki.”

App. H. of R. E. No. 5. 5. Enclosure 2. 1865.

The political significance of Hauhauism could scarcely be more clearly stated. The non-Hauhau tribes dissociated themselves from the outrage.

The Awa Tribe wrote:

“Go our letter to the Governor and to his Runanga also. Listen. Mr. Volkner has been killed by the Wakatohea, his head has been cut off for a god for themselves, his brains have been eaten by the Wakatohea, by the men, women, and children. “This from the chiefs of Awa to give you information. When you have received this letter, answer it, answer it by letter, that Awa may know (your thoughts) for Awa is pained on account of this murder.”

The assessors Hohaia Mate te Hokia and Hori Tunui of the Whakatane wrote:

“…Listen. This is the word of all the Whakatane. They turn away from this crime committed by the Whakatohea and Taranaki…”

App. H. of R. E. No. 5. 5. 1865.

Mr. Grace was therefore to remain a prisoner until Hori Tupaea should be brought to Opotiki, or known to be at liberty. But in the meantime news had reached Auckland. Bishop Selwyn was galvanised into action, and “H.M.S. Eclipse” arrived up the river at Opotiki on March 16th.

Missionary Life and Work in New Zealand 1833–1862: being the private journal of the late Rev. John Alexander Wilson, edited by C. J. Wilson.

“Bishop Selwyn and some of the clergy met at Parnell to determine what steps should be taken for Mr. Grace's rescue. They could determine nothing, and were, as one of themselves said, nonplussed. In their difficulty Mr. Wilson suggested that the Bishop might ask for “H.M.S. Eclipse” to visit Opotiki. To this it was objected that the Eclipse was under repairs, and could not be had in time. Mr. Wilson pressed that she be asked for…” p. 113.

Captain Levy, at imminent risk to his own life and property, got Mr. Grace into his boat and pulled him off to the man-of-war.

Letter of Commander Freemantle of the “H.M. Eclipse,” March 18th, 1865. Copy sent by Commodore Sir W. Wiseman, C.B., to His Excellency, Sir George Grey. N.Z, Govt. Gazette. 1865.

 Fortunately most of the natives had gone four miles inland for a feast; and none but an old woman saw his escape.

Letter of Bishop Selwyn to a friend. 16th March, 1865.

 Nevertheless the action of the Bishop in using a man-of-war was not the sort of thing to inspire confidence in the integrity of the Church, nor in Europeans generally. With some justification the Hauhaus could write of the “deception practised upon our Island by the Church,” since the ministers of the Gospel allied themselves with the ministers of war.

From Opotiki the main party of the Hauhaus, under the leadership of Kereopa and Patara, had proceeded to Turanga,

Turanga was a small port on the Poverty Bay Coast, and is not to be confused with Tauranga in the Bay of Plenty.

Poverty Bay, which was the station of the Bishop of Waiapu.

Taylor, Rev. R.: op. cit., Ch. VIII, p. 160. 1868.

 Here the party was ostensibly to await the arrival of the second party from Wairoa. At the meeting of the two parties, there was to be a grand performance of the Pai Marire Karakia (incantation) in the hope of drawing over the Poverty Bay natives, hitherto well affected to the Mission.

Carleton: The Life of Henry Williams, Archdeacon of Waimate. Auckland, N.Z.: Wilson & Horton. 1877. Vol. II, p. 348.

 The main objective was to win over Hirini te Kani, the principal chief of Turanga.

Hawthorne, J.: A Dark Chapter from New Zealand History. By a Poverty Bay Survivor. Printed and Published by James Wood, Napier, Hawkes Bay. 1869. Ch. II, p. 6.

Many converts were made to Hauhauism, the natives being carried away by “Aroha ki te iwi” (pity for the people) and a strong sympathy with the national cause.

Colenso, W.: Fiat Justitia. 1871. Pamphlet.

The Maoris were greatly affected by the novel practices and the burden of worship. The bitter crying and wailing for both their slain countrymen and their confiscated land had a great appeal.

The Bishop of Waiapu was in a precarious position. In his Annual Report to the Secretary of the C.M.S. from Turanga on March 25th, 1865, His Lordship records:—

“Our three families all slept under my roof, and the house is guarded through the night by men under arms.… We are left to ourselves with two exceptions, and these are the only men belonging to the school left with us.”

Annual Report of Bishop of Waiapu, Dr. William Williams, to C.M.S. London: Church Missionary House, July 10, 1865.

Again in his diary for March 16th, the Bishop says:—

“These fanatics having said much about their power to work miracles, and among other things being able to draw ships on shore, a native went to them this morning and gave them a fair challenge to drag on shore a steamer now at anchor. This led to a thorough discomfiture of the party, and they decamped in great anger to the village, where they slept the preceding night, where they have met with more favour.”

Diary of Bishop William Williams and Letters to C.M.S. Quoted: The Murder of the Rev. C. S. Volkner in New Zealand. London: Church Missionary House, July 10, 1865.

Finally the Hauhaus became so threatening that the Bishop appealed to the Government for protection. On April 5th, he left with his party on the “St. Kilda” for Napier.

Ibid. Diary April 5th. 1865. Subsequently he went to the Bay of Islands, where he resided for some time.

Meanwhile, one of the Hauhau prophets from Taranaki, Horomona, arrived at Whakatane, and called a meeting of the Patutatahi tribe. On July 22nd, the cutter “Kate” had arrived at Whakatane, with Mr. Fulloon, a half-caste who was a Government Interpreter, and three men, including the captain as well as two half-caste boys.

Fox: op. cit., Ch. XV, p. 226.

The cutter anchored off the bar to await high tide. Horomona demanded that the crew and passengers should be killed. The chief Te Hura rose up and said: “I consent.” Twenty men manned two whale boats, and boarded the cutter. Kirimangu, one of the leaders, went down into the cabin and found Mr. Fulloon. asleep. Kirimangu seized his revolver from under his pillow and shot him dead. A general massacre ensued, and one half-caste boy alone escaped to tell the tale.

 CHAPTER V. The Decline of Hauhauism.

His Excellency, Sir George Grey, felt it was imperative to take a firm stand towards this new movement. Accordingly, on Saturday, April 29th, 1865, the following Proclamation was issued:—

“Whereas a fanatical sect, commonly called Pai Marire, or Hau Hau, has been for some time, and now is, engaged in practices subversive of all order and morality; and whereas the rites and practices of such fanatical sect, consisting, as they do, in murder, in the public parade of the cooked heads of their victims, in cannibalism, and in other revolting acts, are repugnant to all humanity; and whereas Her Majesty the Queen has commanded her successive Governors in the Colony of New Zealand not to tolerate, under any pretext whatever of religious or superstitious belief, customs subversive of order and morality and repugnant to humanity: Now therefore, I, Sir George Grey, the aforesaid Governor, do hereby proclaim and notify that I will, on behalf of Her Majesty, resist and suppress by force of arms if necessary, and by every means in my power, fanatical doctrines, rites, and practices of the aforesaid char