The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks 1768

Front Cover

Back Cover

Title Page

The Sir Joseph Banks Memorial

The Endeavour Journal of Joseph Banks in two Volumes

Volume II

The Endeavour JournalOf Joseph Banks 1768–1771 Edited byJ. C. BeagleholeVolume IIThe Trustees Of the Public Library of New South Wales in Association with Angus and RobertsonFirst published in 1962Angus & Robertson Ltd 89 Castlereagh Street, Sydney 54-58 Bartholomew Close, London 66 Elizabeth Street, Melbourne 168 Willis Street, Wellington Copyright Set in Monotype Baskerville 11 point Text printed on Burnie Mill Antique Wove Illustrations printed by L. Van Leer and Co., N.V., Amsterdam Printed in Australia by Halstead Press, Sydney

Kangaroo from the painting by George Stubbs

Contents Volume II List of Illustrations vii The Journal iii continued. 30 March 1770 1 iv 1 April 1770-26 August 1770 43 v 27 August 1770-25 December 1770 139 vi 25 December 1770-12 July 1771 232 Appendix I Interpolations in the Journal 276 Appendix II ‘Mr B's Circuit Round Otaheite’ 302 Appendix III Correspondence About the Voyage 308 Appendix IV Thoughts on the Manners of Otaheite 330 Appendix V Banks and Cook's Second Voyage 335 Index 357

List of Illustrations Volume II (For Note on the Illustrations see Volume I, pp. xiii-xiv)

Colour Plates I. Kangaroo frontispiece Oil on panel, 23 1/4 by 27 1/2 in., signed ‘Geo.Stubbs’. George Stubbs (1724-1806), the greatest of English animal painters, must have painted this picture for Banks in 1771 or 1772, from a stuffed or blown-up skin. It was exhibited at the Society of Artists’ show in 1773 (‘318. A Portrait of the Kongouro from New Holland, 1770’) and was engraved in reverse for Hawkes-worth's Voyages, Vol. III, pl. 20. After Banks's death it passed to the Knatchbull family, and is now in the possession of Mrs W. P. Keith, by whose kind permission it is reproduced. II. Kennedya rubicunda Vent. Red Bean facing p. 62 Australia II, 85. 42–9 × 26.3 cm. Unsigned, but the accompanying lithograph gives ‘F. P. Nodder pinxit 1777’. There is a pencil inscription in Banks's hand, ‘This is in Flower at his Majestys Garden The First Production of That Climate that has yet Flowerd in England Decr 9 [?] 1790’. The title is in a different hand. A pencil note on the back of the unfinished drawing reads, ‘The petala blood colour & deep purple at the base the hind part of the vexillum very pale. the leaves on the upper side grass green vein'd wt lighter. below more Glaucus & very hairy with prominent veins of paler colour the stalks calyx & buds hairy’; and a note in ink, ‘Botany Bay’. III. Banksia serrata Linn.f. Red Honeysuckle facing p. 110 Australia VII, 326. 46.7 × 31.5 cm. Signed ‘John Frederick Miller pinxt 1773.’ On the back is a pencil note, ‘Leucadendron serratum’. On the back of the unfinished drawing are the pencil notes, ‘Mem. the space below the flowers to be fill'd up wt dark colour.’; ‘Leucad serratum’; and ‘Botany Bay’. IV. Hibiscus radiatus Cav facing p. 126 Australia I, 24. 42.1 × 27.3 cm. Signed at lower left ‘Fredk Polydore Nodder. Pinxt 1778’. On the back of the unfinished drawing are the pencil notes, ‘The flower white wt a cast of citron colour at the bottom of each petala deep crimson on the outside pale the stamina and stile dark red purple the parts mark'd × are stain'd wt carmine’, and ‘Hibiscus scabrosus’; and in ink, ‘Cape Grafton’. V. Castanospermum australe A. Cunn. Black Bean facing p. 206 Australia II, 95. 45.2 × 28.8 cm. Signed ‘Fredk Polydore Nodder: Pinxt 1779’. The unfinished drawing has on the back the note, ‘The vexillum first laid over wt yellow then stain'd & spinkled wt scarlet. the rest of the flower scarlet calyx deep buff colour ting'd at the base wt green the buds the same colour but somewhat more green. the leaves above grass green wt light veins—the under side more Glaucus wt dark veins stalk sordid brown. capsula grass green.’ In ink, ‘Endeavours River’. The engraving has the names in pencil ‘Sophora caudiciflora’ and ‘Castanospermum australe A.Cunn.’ VI. Ficus glomerata Willd. Cluster Fig facing p. 222 Australia VII, 361. Size of sheet 54.7 × 34.9 cm. (The sheet is unmounted; the left edge has been mutilated and repaired.) Signed ‘Fredk Polydore Nodder, Pinxt 1782’. There is a pencil note on the back, ‘Ficus caudiciflora’; and one in ink, ‘Endeavours River’. The pencil note at the bottom of the drawing, ‘Ficus glomerata Roxb. ex Hien in Journ. Bot. 1901, 4.’ is probably by Britten. This drawing was not engraved.

Plates at the end of the Volume 1.

The Arched Rock Tolaga Bay

Add. Ms 23920, f.39. Pencil drawing, 27.3 × 41.8 cm. Unsigned, but a copy (by Spöring?) of Parkinson's picture of the same subject.

New Zealand War Canoe

Add. Ms 23920, f.46. Wash drawing, 30 × 48.2 cm. Unsigned. A single canoe with elaborately carved head and stern pieces. One of the men in the stern is wearing a chequered dog-skin cloak and holding a taiaha; of the standing figures, the left one seems to be holding a mere and a pakepake, or rough flax cloak; the centre one wears a woven cloak of flax and holds a whalebone hoeroa; that on the right wears a vertically striped dog-skin cloak and holds a tewhatewha. The bending figures all wear pakepake.

New Zealand War Canoe. The Crew bidding defiance to the Ships Company

Add. Ms 23920, f.48. Wash drawing 26.5 × 41.5 cm. Unsigned. On the back of the drawing are the notes (1) in faint pencil, ‘The Inner [?] Island Canoe’ and (2) in Banks's hand, in ink, ‘Double War-Canoe. Novr 2d 1769. New-Zeeland.’ It was the first double canoe seen in New Zealand waters (Cook I, pp. 189–90), and the drawing shows it under sail, with a number of the occupants performing a haka. A chief stands in the stern brandishing a mere, and another amidships in a dog-skin cloak, holding a taiaha.

4a.

The Head of a New Zealand Canoe

Add. Ms 23920, f.78a. Pencil drawing, 20 × 32.2 cm. (measurements of drawing). Unsigned, but probably by Spöring. On the back of the drawing are the notes, in ink, ‘About 3 feet high.’ and ‘New-Zeeland’.

4b.

The Stern Ornament of a Canoe

Add. Ms 23920, f.78a. Pencil drawing, 27.3 × 7.9 cm. (measurements of drawing). Unsigned, but probably by Spöring. On the back of the drawing the notes, in ink, ‘About 12 feet high.’, and ‘New Zeeland.’

[Ceremonial Painted Canoe Paddles]

Add. Ms 23920, f.71a. Wash and water colour drawing, 28.8 × 22.8 cm. (size of sheet). Unsigned. The colours are red and cream. The drawing shows only the blades of the paddles, and the carved sections where the handles begin.

Portrait of a New Zeland Man

Add. Ms 23920, f.55. Wash drawing, 38.8 × 29.6 cm. Unsigned. The man is wearing a pakepake; hung from his neck is a heitiki, and from his ear a large pendant; his hair is dressed topknot fashion with three white feathers and an ornamental comb. The tattooing of the face is done in a very free vigorous style, and seems to be unfinished under the right ear.

Portrait of a New Zeland Man

Add. Ms 23920, f.54a. Wash drawing, 39.2 × 30 cm. Unsigned. The subject wears a woven flax cloak with bone toggle; hung from the neck is a reiputa or carved whale-tooth ornament, and from the ear a pendant and some other ornament (flowers?); hair topknot style with comb; face fully tattooed with an unusual design, which appears to be only ‘marked in’ on the forehead.

Black stains on the Skin called Tattoo

Add. Ms 23920, f.66a, b, c, d. Pen over pencil drawings, unsigned. To fit the page, a and c are on top, d (left) and b at the bottom.

a. 27.1 × 18.3 cm. On the back is a pencil sketch of tattooing.

b. 27 × 18.7 cm. On the back is a pencil sketch of tattooing.

c. 28.6 × 22.8 cm. Note at detail on left, ‘on the calf.

d. 14.9 × 12.1 cm.

[New Zealand Artifacts]

Add. Ms 23920, f.73. Wash drawing, 20.5 × 16.6 cm. within rules. Signed ‘John Frederick Miller: del: 1771.’ The articles are identified in a note in ink on the page on which the drawing is mounted: ‘1. Carved Ornament 2. Musical Instrument 3. Childs Top 4. Bodkin of Bone 5. Musical Instrument’. 1 is an article of rather doubtful use, but seems to be a ceremonial perch for snaring birds; 2 is a whistle; 3 a top; 4 an au ika, a bodkin or needle for threading fish through the gills; 5 a koauau or flute.

10.

Astelia solandri A. Cunn. Kokaha or Astelia

New Zealand IV, 496. 45.2 × 28.2 cm. No title; signature (of Nodder?) on lower left, almost all trimmed off. No. 495 is an unfinished pencil drawing with some details coloured, and a later pencil note added, ‘Astelia’; the engraving has the note, ‘Astelia Solandri A.Cunn. (furfuracea Mss.)’.

11.

Leptospermum scoparium Forst. Manuka

New Zealand I, 139. 42.9 × 15 cm. Signed by Nodder, lower left, but most of the signature trimmed off. On the mount is the title ‘Philadelphus parvifolius & rigidus Mss’. This name is also on the back of Parkinson's unfinished drawing, No. 138, with the note in ink ‘Taonero[a]’—i.e. Te Oneroa (Poverty Bay).

12.

Podocarpus spicatus R.Br. Matai

New Zealand IV, 463. 38.1 × 24.2 cm. Untitled; signed ‘Fredk Polydore Nodder pinxt 1780’. The unfinished pencil drawing, No. 462, which accompanies this, has part of the fruit, leaves and stem coloured; on the back is a pencil note partly trimmed off, ‘83 Juniperoid taxifoli[um]’; and in ink, ‘Oouhoorage’—i.e. Hauraki, or Thames River. The drawing may therefore have been made from part of a branch of the tree cut down and measured on 20 November 1769 (Vol. I, p. 436).

13.

Knightia excelsa R.Br. Rewa-rewa or New Zealand Honeysuckle

New Zealand III, 426. 45.6 × 29.9 cm. Titled ‘Brabejum-sparsum’ and signed ‘Sydney Parkinson pinxt 1770.’ Over the title is written in pencil the name ‘Embothrium serratum Mss’.

14.

Melicytus ramiflorus J.R. & G. Forst. Mahoe

New Zealand I, 29. 45 × 35 cm. Titled ‘Tachites-umbellulifera’ and signed ‘Sysdney Parkinson pinxt 1770.’ No. 28 is an unfinished pencil drawing, differently composed, of the same subject; it has a little colour, and a pencil note on the back, ‘The leaves a grass green vein'd wt lighter. the under side paler, the young leaves a yellow green. the stalks greyish, the petals pale green the calyx darker’.

15.

Pseudopanax crassifolium (Sol. ex A.Cunn.) C.Koch. Lancewood

New Zealand II, 205. 44.4 × 34 cm. No title, but on the back is written in pencil ‘Aralia crassifolia’. Signed ‘John Frederick Miller pinxt 1774’. No. 204 is an unfinished pencil drawing of the same subject, with some colour. The picture illustrates the foliage of the mature form of the Lancewood, remarkably different from that of the immature plant—so different that Solander put the two forms in different genera, calling the immature one Xerophylla longifolia, and the mature Aralia crassifolia.

16a.

Crepis novae-zelandiae Hook.f.

New Zealand II, 296. 17 × 17 cm. Unfinished pencil drawing with some colour by Parkinson, unsigned and undated, but on the back are the notes (1) in pencil, ‘Hieraceum Fragile/123 Leontodon elegans’ and (2) in ink, ‘Totarra nue or Queen Charlotte's Sound’. The finished drawing, No, 297, is by Nodder and dated 1779.

16b.

Celmisia gracilenta Hook.f.

New Zealand II, 250. 31.8 × 15.8 cm. Signed on lower left ‘Fredk Polydore Nodder Pinxt 1779’. The unfinished drawing has the notes (1) in pencil, ‘The under side of the leaves are shaded with grey & not wt Green / 130 Aster gracilentus’; and (2) in ink, ‘Admiralty Bay’.

17.

Veronica parviflora Vahl. Koromiko

New Zealand III, 375. 28.6 × 23.1 cm. Signed ‘Sydney Parkinson pinxt 1770’. Titled ‘Veronica floribunda’. There is a note in ink on the back ‘Totarra nue’ (Totaranui, i.e. Queen Charlotte Sound), on a piece of paper apparently trimmed off and then stuck on.

18.

Coprosma robusta Raoul. Karamu

New Zealand II, 221. 43.5 × 28 cm. The drawing appears to have been signed by Nodder at the lower left, though most of the signature has been trimmed off. There are the following pencil notes at appropriate places: ‘Obs The Leaves are broader before the Middle’ and ‘The flowers divided into 4 or 5 usu[ally?]’. The unfinished drawing, No. 220, has on its back the note, ‘The male flowers pale green & the stamina very pale the females pale green Stiles pale yellow green the fruit a pea green the upper side of the leaves dark green faintly vein'd—the under side pale blue green vein'd with dark green the stalks grey green / Pelaphia lata / 22 Trophis tinctoria’. The last two words have a faint pencil line drawn through them. The engraving from No. 221 has the name ‘Pelaphia lata’ pencilled on it.

19.

Helichrysum bracteatum (Vent.) Andr. Golden Everlasting

Australia IV, 193. 34 × 18 cm. Signed by Nodder, 1780. The pencil notes on the drawing, ‘Orange’, ‘Lemon’, ‘flat’, and ‘Hairs very short’, appear to be in Banks's hand. On the back of the unfinished drawing are notes, ‘Xeranthemoides fulgida’ and ‘Bustard Bay’.

20.

Isopogon anemonifolius (Salisb.) Knight. Drumsticks

Australia VII, 310. 31.5 × 27.6 cm. Unsigned and undated. Pencil title, ‘Isopogon anemonifolius’. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes, ‘The leaves grass green. the flowers the same colour as the other species but yellower the cones Coffee colour cover'd wt a white flowry[?] substance, the stalk dark redish brown / Leucad apiifolium / 93’; / and in ink, ‘Botany Bay’.

21.

Darwinia fascicularis Rudge

Australia III, 122. 30.5 × 23 cm. Signed by Nodder, 1779. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes, ‘The flower white but when older it becomes red & shuts up the anthera blk. the leaves fresh green stalk sordid brown / Kalmioides fasciculata / N. 8’; and in ink, ‘Botany Bay’.

22.

Eucalyptus crebra F.v.M. Narrow-leaf Ironbark

Australia III, 139. 36.8 × 29.2 cm. Untitled, signed by Nodder, 1778. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes on the back, ‘The stamina white receptacle pale green the stalks the same. The leaves a pale blue green wt a yellowish nerve in the middle / 139. Metrosid salicifolia’ [the last word altered to ‘obliqua’]; and in ink, ‘Thirsty Sound’.

23.

Clerodendrum floribundum R.Br.

Australia VI, 287. 43.5 × 30.3 cm. Untitled, signed by Nodder, 1778. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes on the back, ‘The flowers white—anthera brown stile ting'd wt green / Volkameria insectorum / 173’; and in ink, ‘Palm Island’.

24a.

Crotalaria calycina Schrank. Rattlepods

Australia II, 63. 40 × 24.4 cm. Untitled, signed by Nodder, 1777. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes on the back, ‘The flower white. the base of the vexillum ting'd wt yellow. / Genistoides [altered to Crotolaria] calyculata / 389’; and in ink, ‘Endeavours River’.

24b.

Centranthera cochinchinensis (Lour.) Merr.

Australia VI, 264. 35.4 × 16.3 cm. Untitled, signed by Nodder, 1778. A pencil note on the back of the unfinished drawing reads, ‘Digitalis hispidiuscula’; and one in ink, ‘Endeavours River’.

25.

Planchonia careya (F.Muell.) R.Knuth. Cocky Apple

Australia III, 146. 41.6 × 30.8 cm. Title in pencil, ‘Eugenia crenata’; signed by Nodder, 1777. Pencil notes on the back of the unfinished drawing read, ‘The petala & stile pale whitish green—stamina white turning into a fine blush colour about the middle & [?] to the bottom anthera cream colour / Eugenia crenata / R 177’; and ‘Cape Grafton’.

26.

Dillenia alata (DC.) Martelli

Australia I, 1. 45.6 × 30.7 cm. Untitled; signed by Nodder, 1778. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes on the back, ‘The old stalks sordid brown / Dillenia alata’; and in ink, ‘Endeavours River’.

27.

Myrmecodia beccarii Hook.f. Ant-house

Australia IV, 174. 41.9 × 35.5 cm. Originally untitled; signed ‘John Frederick Miller pinxt 1773.’ On the back are the pencil notes, ‘Epidendroides 4 andria’, and ‘Endeavours River’; on the unfinished drawing the pencil note, ‘too large’.

28.

Grevillea glauca Knight

Australia VII, 320. 46.5 × 32.8 cm. Signed by J.F. Miller, 1773. The pencilled title on the drawing, ‘Grevillia gibbosa’, is a later addition. On the back is the pencil note, ‘Leucadendroides glauca’; and on the back of the unfinished drawing the notes ‘Petala white wt a cast of green, germen pale green petiole gray green the ripe fruit dark chacolate colour much chopp'd. / Leucaddes glauca / A.R.’; and in ink, ‘Endeavours River’.

29.

Acacia complanata A.Cunn. ex Benth.

Australia II, 101. 39 × 29.4 cm. Signed by Nodder, 1781. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes on the back, ‘The flowers before & after they are open delicate yellow the younger capsula [?] has more or less a cast of green according to their age / L.T. / Mimosa anceps[?]’; and in ink, ‘Endeavours River’.

30.

Ægiceras corniculatum (L.) Blanco. River Mangrove

Australia V, 230. 39.7 × 25.4 cm. Unsigned and undated. There is a title added later in pencil, ‘Ægiceras majus Gaertn’. On the back is the pencil note, ‘Endeavours River’; and on the back of the unfinished drawing the pencil notes, ‘The flowers white, calyx pale green, anthera pale brown. / Rhizophera umbellata / 49’; and in ink, ‘Endeavours River’.

31.

Barringtonia gracilis (Miers) R.Knuth. Freshwater Mangrove

Australia III, 145. 46.2 × 28.5 cm. Untitled; signed by Nodder, 1777. On the back of the unfinished drawing are the pencil notes, ‘The petala & stamina white the anthera yellow the buds ting'd wt green calyx gray green turning pale toward the edge the main stalk of the flowers deep green the woody stalk sordid brown / Eugenia ramiflora / L.I.’; and the ink, ‘Lizzard Isle’.

32.

Sesbania aculeata Pers. (Willd.)sens.lat. Sesbania Pea

Australia II, 75. 26.8 × 25.5 cm. Untitled; signed by Nodder, 1778. The unfinished drawing has the pencil notes on the back, ‘The vexillum & alÆ bright yellow carina turng very pale at the bottom ting'd wt green buds pale yellow / Æschynomene diffusa’; and in ink, ‘Booby Island’.

33.

Calyptorhynchus magnificus (Shaw). Banksian Cockatoo

Zool. I, 10. Pencil drawing, 45.6 × 33.3 cm. Unsigned. On the back is the note by Parkinson, ‘The whole bird black spots on the head and on the shoulders dirty white the breast feathers wav'd wt pale brown, the outer feathers of the tail scarlet & yellow wt narrow facia of black the iris dark brown the pupil black the beak dirty white with the point of the upper mandible dark grey’. In Banks's hand is the name ‘Black Cocatoa’.

34a.

Kangaroo

Zool. I, 4. 32.6 × 27 cm. Pencil drawing by Parkinson, unsigned. The following pencil notes are on the back: (1) by Parkinson, ‘the whole body pale ash colour the ears excepting the base fine specled gray iris of the eye Chestnut’; (2) by Banks, ‘Kanguru’; and by Banks in ink, ‘Endeavours River’.

34b.

Kangaroo

Zool. I, 3. 24.2 × 41 cm. Pencil drawing by Parkinson, unsigned. The name ‘Kanguru’ is written in pencil on the back by Banks.

35a.

Portunus pelagicus (Linn.)

Zool. III, 7. 30.5 (to bottom of detached claw) × 36.2 cm. Pencil drawing by Spöring, unsigned.

35b.

Portunus sanguinolentus (Herbst)

Zool. III, 6. 26.7 (to bottom of detached claw) × 28 cm. Pencil drawing by Spöring, unsigned.

36a.

Urolophus testaceus (Müller & Henle). Common Stingaree

Zool. I, 46. 39.5 × 30.2 cm. Pencil drawing, unsigned, by H.D. Spöring, with title ‘Raja testacea’. On the front is a pencil note in Spöring's hand, ‘NB The 200d pounder wanted the upper fin on the extremity of the tail, & the small fin near the Stings [remainder of note illegible or trimmed off]’; and on the back a second, later note, ‘Trygonoptera testacea Müller and Henle’.

36b.

Trygonorhina fasciata Müller & Henle. Fiddler Ray or Banjo Shark

Zool. I, 47. 35.5 × 14.7 cm. Pencil drawing, unsigned, by H.D. Spöring, with title ‘Raja fasciata’. On the recto is the pencil note by him, ‘Long 2 ped: 1.1/2 uncias’.

37.

A Chiefs house in the Island of Savu near Timor

Add. Ms 23920, f.31. Wash drawing, 29.9 × 48.4 cm. Unsigned. On the mount is the above title, and the pencil note, ‘Drawn by S. Parkinson’. ‘Savu’ is written on the back of the picture. In foreground a boy climbing a palm tree for nuts; another figure carrying gourds or pots strung to a pole; other figures; trees and many clumps of palms in background.

38.

Sarcolobus banksii Roem & Schult

Java, 67. 40.2 × 29 cm. Untitled (title added later on mount); signed by J.F. Miller, 1774.

39.

Eugenia aquea Burm. Jambu ayer or Rose Apple

Java, 46. 47.7 × 29.8 cm. Untitled (title added later on mount); signed by Nodder, but most of the signature, and the date, trimmed off. Pencil notes on the back of the unfinished drawing read, ‘The stalk when old brown’; and ‘Eugenia aquea’. The drawing was not engraved.

40a.

Malay Boats

Add. Ms 23920, f.30. Pencil sketch, 29.8 × 48.1 cm. Unsigned. On the back is the pencil note, ‘Anatacan’; on the mount is ‘Savu’.

40b.

Java Proe

Add. Ms 9345, f.65 verso. Pencil sketch, 18.5 × 23.3 cm. Unsigned. Note by Banks (?) top right, ‘Java Proe’.

Sketch Maps 1. East Coast of Australia, Cape Everard to Breaksea Spit page 48 2. East Coast of Australia, Double Island Point to Endeavour Strait 68 3. Track of the Endeavour, Cape York to Batavia 138 4. Track of the Endeavour round the World at end of volume

The Endeavour Journal Of Joseph Banks (continued)

The Endeavour Journal Of Joseph Banks Account of New Zealand [march 1770]

As we intend to leave this place tomorrow morn, I shall spend a few sheets in drawing together what I have observd of this countrey and its inhabitants; premising in the mean time that in this, and all others of the same kind which may occur in this Journal, I shall give myself liberty of conjecturing and drawing conclusions from what I have observd, in which I may doubtless often be mistaken; in the daily Journal however the Observations may be seen, and any one who referrs to that may draw his own conclusions from them, attending as little as he pleases to any of mine.

This countrey was first discoverd by Abel Jansen Tasman on the 13th of December 1642 and calld by him New Zealand;

Tasman did not call the country New Zealand but Staten Land, on the supposition that it was part of the coast of the southern continent and a westward extension of the Staten Land off Tierra del Fucgo discovered by Schouten and le Maire in 1616. When this was proved to be an island by Brouwer in 1643 the second part of the supposition fell down; but who it was conferred the name New Zealand, within the next few years, we do not know. The reason for it may have been analogy with New Holland. Cf. E. H. McCormick, Tasman and New Zealand (Wellington 1959), p. 11.

he however never went ashore upon it, probably for fear of the natives; who when he had come to an anchor set upon one of his boats and killd 3 or 4 out of 7 people that were in her.

They killed four of the men in his cockboat as it rowed between his two ships.

Tasman certainly was an able navigator: he saild into the mouth of Cooks streights, and finding himself surrounded in all appearance with land observd the tide of flood to come from the Se; from thence he conjecturd that there was in that place a passage through the land, which conjecture we provd to be true and he himself had certainly done, had not the Wind changd as he though[t] in his favour, giving him an opportunity of returning the way he came in, which he preferrd to standing into a bay with an on shore wind.

This may be unjust to Tasman: we do not know that he did think the wind changed in his favour, but after riding at anchor for four days in stormy weather under D'Urville Island he was faced with an easterly wind, against which it might have been difficult for his ships to make headway, and he rather reluctantly, so it seems (the point has been debated)—though perhaps a little uncourageously—turned north.

Upon the strengh of conjecture only again, when he came the lengh of Cape Maria Van Dieman he observd hollow waves to come from the Ne, from whence he concluded it to be the northermost part of the Land, which we realy found it to be: Lastly, to his eternal credit be it spoken, tho he had been four months absent from Batavia when he made this land, and had saild both Westward and Eastward, his longitude (allowing for an Error of in that of Batavia as he himself has stated it) differs no more than from ours,

It is difficult to fill this second gap in the text, as there are no strictly comparable figures, if by the phrase ‘when he made this land’ Banks refers to Tasman's first New Zealand landfall. Note by Banks: ‘Tho Tasmans Long of Cape Maria Van Diemen comes so near the truth our seamen affirm and seem to make it appear that he errd no less than 4°…49′ in running from the first land he made to Cape Maria van Diemen; if so his exactness must be attributed more to chance than skill’. The truth about Tasman's longitudes is rather complicated. They have been analysed by Miss Helen M. Wallis in an unpublished thesis, ‘The Exploration of the South Sea, 1519 to 1644’, ff. 397–401. His initial error for Batavia was 3. 35. too far east. Because of the trade wind current, he underestimated the distance he sailed to Mauritius, ‘the first land he made’, and made it 5° 07′ too far east. ‘The error for Mauritius in its turn’, writes Miss Wallis, ‘almost cancelled out Tasman's underestimate of the distance that he sailed eastward with the westerlies. At Drie Coningen Island the net result was an error of 1° 50′E… . Tasman did not give an observation for Cape Maria van Diemen, but when west-south-west of it he estimated his longitude to be 191° 09′. This calculation is 3° 15′ too far west, or slightly less than that, allowing for their position west of the Cape… . Banks was not far wrong, therefore, in alleging that where Tasman's resultant error was negligible, the cause was chance, not Tasman's absolute accuracy in observation. At the same time Banks's first judgment was historically more sound. Errors varying mainly between 2° and 3′ are very small for this period’. Cook's error for the longitude of Cape Maria van Diemen was 4′ E.

which is corrected by an innumerable number of observations of the Moon and Sun &c. as well as a transit of Mercury over the Sun; all calculated and observd by Mr Green, a mathematician of well known abilities, who was sent out in this ship by the Royal Society to observe the transit of Venus. Thus much for Tasman: it were much to be wish'd however that we had a fuller account of his voyage than that publis'd by Dirk Rembranse, which seems to be no more than a short extract;

Dirk Rembrantszoon van Nierop, Eenige Oefeningen (1674); a still more abbreviated version, translated from this, appeared in the English Account of several late Voyages and Discoveries (1694 and 1711), which book Banks appears to have had with him—and the 1694 edition, to judge from his reference, p. 116 below.

and that other navigators would Imitate him in mentioning the Latitudes and Longitudes in which they account the places from whence they take their departure to be situated; which precaution, usefull as it is, may almost be said to have been usd by Tasman alone.

The face of the countrey is in general Mountanous, especialy inland, where probably runs a chain of very high hills parts of which we saw at several times; they were generaly coverd with snow and certainly very high — some of our officers, men of experience, did not scruple to say as much so as The pike of Teneriffe; in that particular however I cannot quite agree with them, tho that they must be very high is sufficiently provd by the hill to the Northward of the mouth of Cooks streights,

Mount Egmont.

which was seen, and made no inconsiderable figure, at the distance of Leagues.

The sea coast (should it ever be examind) will probably be found to abound in good harbours: we saw several, of which the Bay of Islands or Motuaro,

Banks extended the name of this island to the whole bay.

and Queen Charlots Sound or Totarra nue,

Totaranui.

are as good as any seaman need desire to come into, either for good anchorage or convenience of Wooding and watering. The outer ridge of Land which lies open to the Sea is (as I beleive is the case in most countries) generaly Barren, especialy to the Southward, but within that the hills are Coverd with thick woods quite to the top, and every Valley produces a rivulet of Water.

The soil is in general light, and consequently admirably adapted to the uses for which the natives cultivate it, whose crops consist intirely of roots. On the Southern and western sides it is the most barren, the Sea being there generaly bounded with either steep hills or vast tracts of Sand, which probably is the reason why the people in these parts were so much less numerous, and livd almost intirely upon fish. The Northern and Eastern sides make however some amends for the Barrenness of the others: in them we often saw very large tracts of Ground which either actualy were or very lately had been cultivated, and an immense quantity of Woodland, which was yet uncleard, but promisd great returns to the people who would take the trouble of Clearing it — of the latter especialy in Taoneroa or Poverty bay, and Tolaga — besides Swamps, which might doubtless Easily be draind, and sufficiently evincd the richness of their soil by the great size of all the plants that grew upon them, and more particularly of the timber trees which were the streightest, cleanest, and I may say the largest I have ever seen — at least speaking of them in the Gross; I may have seen several times single trees larger than any I Observd among them, but it was not one but all these trees which were enormous, and doubtless had we had time and opportunity to Search, we might have found much larger ones than any we saw, as we were never but once ashore among them, and that but for a short time on the banks of the River Thames; where we rowd for many miles between woods of these trees, to which we could see no bounds.

He is obviously in the foregoing lines referring again, and exclusively, to the white pine or Kahikatea; but he must have seen many other great trees of various and distinctive kinds, and it is odd that as a botanist he makes no mention of them in the journal. Kahikatea (Podocarpus dacrydioides), Matai (P. spicatus), and Rimu (Dacrydium cupressinum), however, are all three represented both in the Herbarium and in the Pocket Book, p. 121.

The River Thames is indeed in every respect the properest place we have yet seen for establishing a Colony; a ship as large as Ours might be carried several miles up the river, where she would be moord to the trees as safe as alongside a wharf in London river, a safe and sure retreat in case of an attack from the natives, as she might even be laid on the mud and a bridge built to her. The Noble timber, of which there is such abundance, would furnish plenty of materials either for the building defences, houses, or Vessels. The River would furnish plenty of Fish, and the Soil make ample returns of any European Vegetables sown in it. I have some reason to think from observations made upon the vegetables that the Winters here are extreemly mild, much more so than in England; the Summers we have found to be scarce at all hotter, tho more equably Warm.

The South part, which is much more hilly and barren than the North, I firmly beleive to Abound with minerals in a very high degree. This however is only conjecture; I had not, to my great regret, an opportunity of landing in any place where the signs of them were promising except the last; nor indeed in any one, where from the ship the Countrey appeard likely to produce them, which it did to the Southward in a very high degree, as I have mentiond in my Daily Journal.

I[n] all the times that we have landed in this Countrey, we have seen I had almost said no Quadrupeds realy original natives of it. Dogs and rats indeed there are; the former as in other countries companions of the men, and the latter probably brought hither by the men, especialy as they are so scarce that I myself have not had an opportunity of seeing even one.

The dog, called Kuri by the Maori, is now extinct; it was like the dog of Tahiti, whence, very likely, it came; it was a low-set animal, its head somewhat fox-like, and it did not bark. The ‘Kiore maori’, Mus exulans, also came to New Zealand, it seems, with the great migration of the fourteenth century—‘probably stowaways’, thought Sir Peter Buck (op. cit., p. 102). It was a bush-living animal, trapped and valued for food, but it is not surprising that Banks did not see one, as he never was in the forest except on the banks of the Thames and in Queen Charlotte Sound—where he certainly did no trapping.

Of Seals indeed we have seen a few, and one Sea Lion

The seal was probably the Fur Seal, Arctocephalus forsteri (Lesson), very common on the New Zealand coast till the ruthless depredations of the sealers, which almost exterminated the animal in the early nineteenth century. It is now legally protected. The New Zealand Sea-lion is Phocarctos hookeri (Gray).

; but these were in the sea, and are certainly very scarce, as we have seen no signs of them among the natives except a few teeth of the latter, which they make into a kind of Bodkins and value much. It appears not improbable that there realy are no other species of Quadrupeds in the countrey;

This was so.

for the natives, whose cheif luxury of Dress consists in the skins and hair of Dogs and the skins of divers birds, and who wear for ornaments the bones and beaks of birds and teeth of Dogs, would probably have made use of some part of any other animal they were acquainted with: a circumstance which tho we carefully sought after, we never saw the least signs of.

Of Birds there are not many species,

This was a rash statement, which Banks would not have made had he been more in the forest; for birds were much more obvious than the rat.

and none except perhaps the Gannet the same as those of Europe. There are however ducks

The Gray Duck, Anas superciliosa Gm. is rather like a dark female mallard, and the New Zealand Shoveler, Spatula rhynchotis (Latham) belongs to the same genus as the European Shoveler.

and shags of several kinds

There were several species of shags: cf. I, p. 430, n. 2 above.

sufficiently like the European ones to be calld the same by the seamen, Both which we eat and accounted good food, especialy the former which are not at all inferior to those of Europe. Beside these there are hawks,

There are two resident New Zealand hawks, the Australasian Harrier, Circus approximans, Peale, and the New Zealand Falcon, Falco novaeseelandiae Gmelin.

owls

There were two New Zealand owls at the time of Cook's voyages, the Morepork or Ruru, Ninox novaeseelandiae (Gm.) and the Laughing Owl, Sceloglaux albifacies, Gray; the latter is now almost extinct.

and Quails

The New Zealand Quail, Coturnix novae-zealandiae Quoy and Gaimard, has been extinct since 1870.

differing but little at first sight from those of Europe, and several small birds that sing much more melodiously than any I have heard. The sea coast is also frequently visited by many Oceanick birds as Albatrosses, Shearwaters, Pintados &c. and has also a few of the birds calld by Sr Jno Narbourough Penguins,

There is no particular significance in Narborough's use of the name. It goes back well before his time; O.E.D. dates its first English appearance as 1588 and it appears in Hakluyt. Sir John Narborough (1640-88) made a famous voyage through the Straits of Magellan to the Chilean coast in 1669–71, to try to break the Spanish monopoly of trade on the South American Pacific coast. He afterwards rendered distinguished service as an admiral in the Mediterranean against the Tripoli corsairs. On ‘Penguin Island’ near Port Desire, he ‘took into my Boat three hundred Penguins, in less than half an hour, and could have taken three thousand in the time, if my Boat would have carried ‘em’.—An Account of several late Voyages and Discoveries (1694), p. 25, and other references.

which are truly what the French call Nuance,

He overdoes the resemblance of the penguin's feathers to the fish's scales, but in so overdoing it, his reference to the French use of nuance, as ‘gradation’, is clear, and his conception of the penguin as something between a bird and a fish. Buffon had made a point of the alliance, through a series of grades, of the whole animal kingdom—‘La nature marche toujours et agit en tout par degrés imperceptibles et par nuances’.—Histoire générale des animaux (Vol. II of Histoire naturelle, 1749, chap. XI). Banks was certainly acquainted with the doctrine of the great zoological systematizer of the century.

between birds and fishes, as their feathers especialy on their wings differ but little from Scales; and their wings themselves, which they use only in diving and by no means in atempting to fly or even accelerate their motion on the surface of the water (as young birds are observd to do), might thence almost as properly be calld fins.

Neither are insects in greater plenty than birds: a few Butterflys and Beetles, flesh flies very like those in Europe, Musquetos, and sandflies maybe exactly the same as those of North America, make up the whole list.

There were originally only nine species of butterflies in New Zealand, but a rich beetle fauna is found there. Flesh flies comprise the family Sarcophagidae; the larvac for the most part live in decaying flesh. Culicine mosquitoes are endemic, but not anophelines; Culex pervigilans was the commonest. The sandflies are Austrosimulium spp.

Of these last however, which are most Justly accounted the curse of any countrey where they abound, we never met with any great abundance; a few indeed there were in almost every place we went into but never enough to make any occupations ashore troublesome, or to give occasion for using shades for the face which we had brough[t] out to defend ourselves from them.

If he had got ashore at Dusky Sound, as he so much wished, he would probably have revised this opinion. When the Resolution was there on Cook's second voyage, her company found the sandflies a most irritating pest.

For this scarcity of animals on the land the Sea however makes abundant recompense. Every creek and corner produces abundance of fish not only wholesome but at least as well tasted as our fish in Europe: the ship seldom anchord in or indeed passd over (in light winds) any place whose bottom was such as fish resort to in general but as many were caught with hook and line as the people could eat, especialy to the Southward, where when we lay at an anchor the boats by fishing with hook and line very near the rocks could take any quantity of fish; besides that the Seine seldom faild of success, insomuch that both the times that we anchord to the Southward of Cooks streights every Mess in the ship that had prudence enough salted as much fish as lasted them many weeks after they went to sea.

For the Sorts, there are Macarel of several kinds, one precisely the same as our English ones

The Southern Mackerel, Pneumatophorus colias (Gm.).

and another much like our horse macarel,

Perhaps Trachurus novae-zelandicae Richardson, which seems to be Scomber clupeoides of Solander (Pisc. Aust., 37) from Motuaro.

besides several more; these come in immence shoals and are taken by the natives in large Seines from whoom we bought them at very easy rates. Besides these were many species which tho they did not at all resemble any fish that I at least have before seen, our seamen contrivd to give names to, so that hakes,

Probably Rock Cod, Lotella rachinus (Forster), to which Solander's Gadus rubriginosus (Pisc. Aust., p. 42) appears to refer.

breams,

Snapper, Pagrosomus auratus and Tarakihi, Dactylopagrus macropterus; cf. I, 438, n. 3 and 453, n. 3 above.

Cole fish

These were Blue Cod, Parapercis colias. See I, p. 453, n. 3 above.

&c. were appellations familiar with us, and I must say that those who bear these names in England need not be ashamd of their nam[e]sakes in this countrey. But above all the luxuries we met with the lobsters or sea crawfish must not be forgot, which are possibly the same that in Lord Ansons Voyage are mentiond to be found at the Island of Juan Fernandes;

This surmise was correct. The fish was Jasus lalandi. Walter, in his account of Anson's voyage, pp. 125–6, writes, ‘we found here one delicacy in greater perfection, both as to size, flavour, and quantity, than is, perhaps, to be met with in any part of the world: this was a sea-cra-fish; they generally weighed eight or nine pounds a-piece, were of a most excellent taste, and lay in such abundance near the water's edge, that the boat-hooks often struck into them, in putting the boats to and from the shore’.

they are large tho not quite so large as those at Juan Fernandes and differ from ours in England in having many more prickles on their backes, and being red when taken out of the water. Of them we bought great quantities of the natives every where to the Northward, who catch them by diving near the shore, feeling first with their feet till they find out where they lie. We had also that fish describd by Frezier in his voyage to Spanish South America by the name of Elefant, Pejegallo, or Poisson Coq,

The Elephant Fish, Callorhincus callorhynchus (Linn.); it has a curious proboscis like a short trunk, which gives it its name. Amédée François Frézier (1682-1775) was the author of a book entitled Relation du voyage de la mer du Sud aux côtes du Chilì et du Pérou, fait pendant les années 1712, 1713 et 1714 (Paris 1716), the fruit of travels at the behest of the French government, to spy out the land in the Spanish colonies of South America. He was a military engineer of high reputation, who became, finally, director of fortifications in Brittany. He wrote also on fireworks, and on architecture and building. An English translation of his Relation (A Voyage to the South-Sea, And along the Coasts of Chili and Peru… . By Monsieur Frezier, Engineer in Ordinary to the French King) appeared in 1717. It is this edition, I think, that Banks refers to, here and elsewhere in his journal. Frézier writes (p. 121), ‘The great Fishery is carry'd on at Concon, a Hamlet two Leagues N. and by E. from Valparaiso by sea… . There they take Corbinos, a Sort of Fish known in Spain, Tollos and Pezegallos, which they dry to send to Santiago, which is also serv'd with fresh Fish from thence. The last of them takes its Name from its Shape, because it has a Sort of Comb, or rather a Trunk, which has given Occasion to the Creolians to call it Pezegallo, that is, Cock-fish. The French call it Demoiselle or Elephant, because of its Trunk, which is here to be seen, as I drew it by the Life’. But the names given on pl. XVII, opposite this passage, are ‘Pejegallo ou Poisson Coq’.

which tho coarse we made shift to Eat, several species of Skates or sting rays

Several species of these fishes exist in New Zealand waters; an unsigned pencil sketch, pl. 44 in Parkinson I, is of Raja nasuta (Müller and Henle), from ‘Totarra nue’ (Totaranui); another most interesting capture from that same locality was of Arhyn-chobatis asperrimus Waite 1909, which Solander clearly described (p. 133) as Raia arsata; tho only other specimen known to science was described by Waite. Solander, p. 137, also described the Eagle Ray Aetobatus caudatus (Hector).

which were abominably coarse, but to make amends for that we had among several sorts of dog fish one that was spotted with a few white spots,

Probably the Spotted or Spiny Dogfish, Squalus fernandinus Molina; Phillipps suggests that the New Zealand fish common in Cook Strait, a good edible species, is distinct from the above and has named it S. kirki. See Parkinson I, pl. 52. The Carpet Shark, Cephaloscyllium isabella (Bonnaterre) was described by Solander (p. 167) as Squalus lima, and painted by Parkinson, I, pl. 53. Banks may have had that in mind also.

whose flavour was similar to but much more delicate than our skate. We had flat fish also like Soles and flounders,

There are thirteen species of flatfishes in New Zealand; it seems probable that they took several of these, including the Sand Flounder, Rhombosolea plebia (Richardson) apparently a species identical with Solander's Pleuronectes plebius (Pisc. Aust., p. 12).

Eels and Congers

The Conger Eel, Conger verrauxi, is the commonest of the New Zealand marine eels. New Zealand cels and congers belong to the same genera as European species.

of several sorts, and many others which any Europæans who may come here after us will not fail to find the advantage of, besides excellent oysters and many sorts of shell fish and cockles, clams &c.

Tho the countrey is generaly coverd with an abundant verdure of grass and trees yet I cannot say that it is productive of so great a variety as many countries I have seen. The intire novelty however of the greatest part of what we found recompens'd us as natural historians for the want of variety. Sow thistle,

Sonchus oleraceus, called by the Maori Puwha and eaten by him.

garden nightshade,

Solanum nigrum, which botanists have thought possibly introduced; but this mention seems conclusive that it was a native.

and perhaps 1 or 2 kinds of Grasses were exactly the same as in England,

Of the grasses that Banks collected only Deschampsia caespitosa is now considered to be the same species in New Zealand as in England; Trisetum subspicatum was formerly so considered.

3 or 4 kinds of Fern the same as those of the West Indies, and a plant or 2 that are common to almost all the world: these were all that had before been describd by any botanist out of about 400 species, except 5 or 6 which we ourselves had before seen in Terra del Fuego.

Today the interpretation would be that the spp., e.g. of the genus Pratia, are closely related rather than identical. Apium prostratum and Cardamine glacialis are common to Tierra del Fuego and New Zealand. A. C. Smith (Jour. Arnold Arbor. 26:51-58, 1945) discusses bicentric-paleoantarctic distributions in general with special reference to Wintcraceae. Cockayne (New Zealand Plants and their Story, 2–7, 1910) briefly considers the topic, citing other examples.

Eatable Vegetables there are very few. We indeed as people who had been long at sea found great benefit in the article of health by eating plentifully of wild Celery,

Apium prostratum and A. filifolium.

and a kind of Cresses which grew every where abundan[t]ly near the sea side.

Probably what Cook called scurvy-grass, Lepidium oleraceum; other candidates would be a wild cress called Poniu, Nasturtium palestre, and Cardamine glacialis.

We also once or twice met with an herb like that which the countrey people in England call Lambs Quarters or Fat hen,

The New Zealand variety of this herb is Chenopodium triandrum. It may be added, as a philological curiosity, that Banks's words, taken over into Hawkesworth, become in O.E.D. the first literary mention of ‘lambs’ quarters’, though ‘fat-hen’ is there ignored in favour of a 1795 appearance.

which we boild instead of Greens, and once only a Cabbage tree the Cabbage of which made us one delicious meal.

The ‘Cabbage tree’ of New Zealand (Kouka of the Maori, who ate its leaf-heads) is Cordyline australis (Forst. f.) Hook.f. But Hooker, who was certainly familiar with the plant—for he gave the species its present botanical name—identified the source of Banks's ‘one delicious meal’ as the Nikau palm, Areca sapida, characterized by its feather-duster coma, now known as Rhopalostylis sapida. Cf. L. H. Bailey in Gentes Herbarum 3: 429–35, 1935. This identification is strengthened by the reference in George Forster's De Plantis Esculentis Insularum Oceani Australis (1786). Cf. Cook II, p. 567, n. 5.

These with the Fern roots and one other vegetable (Pandanus)

Probably the Kiekie, Freycinetia banksii A. Cunn., related to the pandanus.

totaly unknown in Europe, which tho eat by the natives no Europæan will probably ever relish, are the whole of the vegetables which I know to be eatable, except those which they cultivate and have probably brought with them from the countrey from whence they themselves have originaly come.

Nor does their cultivated grounds produce many speceis of Esculent plants, three only I have seen — Yams, sweet potatoes, and Coccos, all three well known in both East and West Indies and much esteemd of these, especialy the two former. They cultivate often peices of many acres, and I beleive any ship that was to be to the Northward in the Autumn about the time of digging them up might purchase any quantity. Besides these they cultivate gourds,

Hue, Lagenaria siceraria.

the fruits of which serve them to make bottles, Jugs &c. and a very small quantity of the Chinese paper mulberry tree, the same as the Inhabitants of the South Sea Islands use to make their garments of. This they very much value, but it is so scarce with them probably having been brought from a hotter countrey and not thriving here, that tho they likewise beat it out into cloth we never saw peices of it larger than what servd to put into the holes they bore in their ears, making an ornament they are very fond of, and this was doubtless the reason why they preferrd the Cloth which we had brought from the South Sea Islands with us to any merchandise we could shew them, and next to it white paper.

Fruits they have none, except I should reckon a few kind of insipid berries which had neither sweetness nor flavour to recommend them and which none but the boys took the pains to gather. The woods however abound with excellent timber trees fit for any kind of building in size, grain, and apparent durability. One which bears a very conspicuous scarlet flower made up [of?] many threads, and is a large tree as big as an oak in England, has a very heavy hard wood which seems well adapted for the Cogs of Mill wheels &c. or any purpose for which very hard wood is us'd.

The Pohutukawa, Metrosideros tomentosa Soland. ex Gaertn. (M. tomentosa A. Rich.), the ‘iron-hearted myrtle’ of the poet Domett; its timber is extremely hard and durable. It is represented in the Pocket Book, p. 111, its source not recorded more precisely than New Zealand, but there can be no doubt that the specimen is associated with Banks's notation, Cheeseman's scepticism notwithstanding (Manual of the New Zealand Flora, ed. 2 [Wellington 1925], p. 594). Hooker made the identification Metrosideros robusta, Rata, but he was pretty clearly wrong; and no coll. of that species was preserved, if gathered.

That which I have before mentiond to grow in the swamps, which has a leaf not unlike Yew and bears small bunches of Berries,

Podocarpus spicatus; see I, p. 436, n. 2 above, and Pl. 12 in the present volume.

is tall streight and thick enough to make Masts for vessels of any size, and seems likewise by the streight direction of the fibres to be tough but is too heavy: this however I have been told is the case with the pitch pine in North America, the timber of which this very much resembles, and that the North Americans know how to lighten by tapping it properly and actualy use for Masts. But of all the plants we have seen among these people that which is the most excellent in its kind, and which realy excells most if not all that are put to the Same uses in other Countries, is the plant which serves them instead of Hemp and flax.

Phormium tenax Forst.; the Maori name is Harakeke.

Of this there are two sorts: the leaves of Both much resemble those of flags: the flowers are smaller and grow many more together, in one sort they are Yellowish in the other of a deep red.

There are indeed two species of the plant, Phormium tenax and P. colensoi, the latter smaller and growing on dry hill sides. But this is apparently not what Banks means. There are many varieties of P. tenax. but the colour of the flowers is not the determinant. Some light is thrown on the passage, probably, by a sentence or two from the journal of William Bayly, astronomer of the Adventure on Cook's second voyage. Bayly is writing of Queen Charlotte Sound: ‘The Flax of which they have two sorts, grows here in great plenty; the finer sort resembles the European flax but it is vastly superior both for Beauty and Strength… . The coarser sort grow like a Flag, either on the ground or runs up the side of a Tree and spreading into great tufts at different heights… the fine sort grow on the ground & is a flag of a finer texture & of quite a difft Nature from the coarse sort’. ATL, Bayly's Journal, pp. 62–3. The ‘coarser sort’ here referred to is obviously the plant called Kiekie, Freycinctia banksii.

Of the leaves of these plants with very little preparation all their common wearing apparel are made and all Strings, lines, and Cordage for every purpose, and that of a strengh so much superior to hemp as scarce to bear a comparison with it. From the same leaves also by another preparation a kind of snow white fibres are drawn, shining almost as silk and likewise surprizingly strong, of which all their finer cloaths are made; and of the leaves without any other preparation than splitting them into proper breadths and tying those strips together are made their fishing nets. So usefull a plant would doub[t]less be a great acquisition to England, especialy as one might hope that it would thrive there with little trouble, as it seems hardy and affects no particular soil, being found equaly on hills and in Valleys, in dry soil and the deepest bogs, which last land it seems however rather to prefer as I have always seen it in such places of a larger size than any where else.

When first we came ashore we imagind the countrey to be much better peopled than we afterwards found it, concluding from the Smoaks that we saw that there were inhabitants very far inland, which indeed in Poverty bay and the Bay of Plenty, which are much the best peopled parts of the countrey that we have seen, may yet be the case. In all the other parts we have been in we have however found the sea coast only inhabited and that but sparingly, insomuch that the number of inhabitants seem to bear no kind of proportion to the size of the countrey which they possess, and this probably is owing to their frequent wars. Besides this the whole Coast from Cape Maria Van Diemen to Mount Egmont and seven eights of the Southern Island seems totaly without people.

It is almost impossible to make an instructed guess at the Maori population at this time, and these remarks of Banks do not help us in the least. He seems to have gone purely on the presence or absence of smoke. He could hardly have found any part of the country beyond the sea-coast inhabited, because he had never been beyond the sea-coast. In the North Island there were considerable centres of population inland; and for all Banks knew, there might have been in the South Island too, though in fact, because of the climate, there were not. It is true, however, that according to European ideas the number of inhabitants bore ‘no kind of proportion to the size of the country which they’ possessed—as European settlers were later loud in proclaiming; but the Maori knew the whole habitable part of the country intimately, and each part of it played a clearly understood part in his economy.

The men are of the size of the larger Europæans, Stout, Clean Limnd and active, fleshy but never fat as the lazy inhabitants of the South Sea Isles are, vigorous, nimble and at the same time Clever in all their excersizes. I have seen 15 paddles of a side in one of their Canoes move with immensely quick strokes and at the same time as much Justness as if the movers were animated by one Soul: not the fraction of a second could be observd between the dipping and raising any two of them, the Canoe all the While moving with incredible swiftness; and to see them dance their War dance was an amusement which never faild to please every spectator, so much strengh, firmness and agility in their motions and at the same time such excellent time kept that I have often heard above 100 paddles &c.struck against the sides of their boats, as directed by their singing, without a mistake being ever made.

Either this sentence is unduly compacted, or Banks witnessed something in the nature of a posture-dance carried on in canoes.

In Colour they vary a little, some being browner than others, but few are browner than a Spaniard a little sun burnd might be supposd to be. The women without being at all delicate in their outward appearance are rather smaller than Europæan women, but have a peculiar softness of Voice which never fails to distinguish them from the men tho both are dressd exactly alike. They are like those of the fair sex that I have seen in other countries, more lively, airy and laughter loving than the men and have more volatile spirits, formd by nature to soften the Cares of more serious man who takes upon [him]

Word omitted in Ms; him supplied from S and P.

the laborious toilsome part as War, tilling the Ground &c.

Nevertheless the Maori woman did plenty of hard work.

That disposition appears even in this uncultivated state of nature, shewing in a high degree that as well in uncivilizd as the most polishd nations Mans ultimate happiness must at last be plac'd in Woman. The dispositions of Both Sexes seems mild, gentle, and very affectionate to each other but implacable towards their enemies, who after having killd they eat, probably out of a princ[i]ple of revenge,

There seem to have been a number of motives—revenge or exultation at the end of a battle or siege; acquisition of mana or prestige; ritual; the lack of flesh foods; simple hunger.

and I beleive never give quarter or take prisoners.

This was wrong. Prisoners became slaves.

They seem innurd to war and in their attacks work themselves up by their War Dance to a kind of artificial courage which will not let them think in the least.

The peruperu or tutu waewae, the war dance, was not needed to work up an artificial courage, for the Maori had enough of the real thing; but there is no doubt it heightened excitement. It seems probable that Banks and his fellows took every haka or posture dance they saw for a war-dance: the haka might be loud and vigorous enough without any intention to intimidate, and the peruperu simply took the haka a stage further, with weapons and an extra zest.

Whenever they met with us and thought themselves superior they always attackd us, tho seldom seeming to mean more than to provoke us to shew them what we were able to do in this case. By many trials we found that good usage and fair words would not avail the least with them, nor would they be convincd by the noise of our fire arms alone that they were superior to theirs; but as soon as they had felt the smart of even a load of small shot and had had time allowd them to recollect themselves from the Effects of their artificial courage, which commonly took up a day, they were sensible of our generosity in not taking the advantage of Our superiority and became at once our good freinds and upon all occasions placd the most unbounded confidence in us. They are not like the Islanders addicted to stealing, but would sometimes before peace was concluded, if they could by offering any thing they had to sale entice us to trust something of ours into their hands, refuse to return it with all the coolness in the world, seeming to look upon it as the plunder of an enemy.

Both sexes were much more modest in their carriage and decent in their Conversation than the Islanders, which such of our people who had a mind to form any connexions with the Women soon found, but they were not impregnable: if the consent of their relations was askd and the Question accompanied with a proper present it was seldom refusd, but then the strictest decency must be kept up towards the young lady or she might baulk the lover after all. Upon one of our gentlemen making his adresses to a family of the better sort the following answer was made him by the mistress of the family: ‘Any of these young ladies will think themselves honourd by your adresses but you must first make me a proper present and must come and sleep with us ashore, for daylight should by no means be a witness of such proceedings’.

Neither sex are quite so cleanly in their persons as the Islanders, not having the advantage of so warm a climate they do not wash so often. But the most disgustfull thing about them is the Oil with which they daub their hair: this is melted from the fat either of fish or Birds: the better sort indeed have it fresh and then it is intirely void of smell, but the inferior often use that that is rancid and consequently smell something like Greenland dock when they are trying Whale Blubber.

Both sexes stain themselves with the colour of black in the same manner and som[e]thing in the same method as the South Sea Islanders, introducing it under the skin by a sharp instrument furnish'd with many teeth, but the men carry this custom to much greater lenghs and the women not so far, they are generaly content with having their lips black'd but sometimes have patches of black on different parts of their bodies. The men on the contrary seem to add to their quantity every Year of their lives so that some of the Elder were almost coverd with it. There faces are the most remarkable, on them they by some art unknown to me dig furrows in their faces a line deep at least and as broad, the edges of which are often again indented and most perfectly black. This may be done to make them look frightfull in war; indeed it has the Effect of making them most enormously ugly, the old ones at least whose faces are intirely coverd with it. The young again often have a small patch on one cheek or over an eye and those under a certain age (may be 25 or 26) have no more than their lips black. Yet ugly as this certainly looks it is impossible to avoid admiring the immence Elegance and Justness of the figures in which it is form'd,

S adds in a note, ‘(well as the Resolution of these poor People in bearing pain.)’

which in the face is always different spirals, upon the body generaly different figures resembling something the foliages of old Chasing upon gold or silver; all these finishd with a masterly taste and execution, for of a hundred which at first sight you would judge to be exactly the same, on a close examination no two will prove alike; nor do I remember to have seen any two alike, for their wild imaginations scorn to copy as appears in almost all their works. In different parts of the coast they varied very much in the quantity and parts of the body on which this Amoco as they call it was placd, but in the spirals upon their faces they generaly agreed, and I have generaly observd that the more populous a countrey was the greater quantity of this Amoco they had; possibly in populous countreys the emulation of Bearing pain with fortitude may be carried to greater lenghs than where there are fewer people and consequently fewer examples to encourage. The Buttocks which in the Islands was the principal seat of this ornament in general here escapes untouchd: in one place only we saw the contrary:

Off Cape Brett, on 26 November 1769: I, p. 439 above.

possibly they might on this account be esteemd as more noble, as having transferrd the seat of their ornament from the dishonourable cheeks of their tail to the more honourable ones of their heads.

Besides this dying in grain as it may be calld they are very fond of painting themselves with Red Ocre which they do in two ways, either rubbing it Dry upon their skins, which some few do, or daubing their faces with large patches of it mixd with oil which consequently never drys: this latter is generaly practisd by the women and was most universaly condemnd by us, for if any of us had unthinkingly ravishd a kiss from one of these fair Savages our transgressions were wrote in most legible Characters on our noses, which our companions could not fail to see on our first interview.

The common dress of these people is certainly to a stranger at first one of the most uncouth and extrordinary sights that can be imagind. It is made of the leaves of the Flag describd before which are split into 3 or 4 Slips each, and these as soon as they are dry are wove into a kind of Stuff between netting and cloth, out of the upper side of which all the ends, of 8 or 9 inches long each, are sufferd to hang in the same manner as thrums out of a thrum mat. Of these peices of cloth 2 serve for a compleat dress one of which is tied over the shoulders and reaches about their knees, the other about the waist which reaches near the ground; but they seldom wear more than one of these and when they have it on resemble not a little a thachd house. These dresses however, ugly as they are, are well adapted for their convenience who are often obligd to sleep in the open air and live some time without the least shelter even from rain, so that they must trust intirely to their Cloaths as the only chance they have of keeping themselves dry, for which they are certainly not ill adapted as every strip of leaf becomes in that case a kind of Guttar which serves to conduct the rain down and hinder it from soaking through the cloath beneath. Besides this they have several kinds of Cloth which is smooth and ingeniously enough workd:

Woven of scutched flax fibre. The best description of technique, including the taniko borders which Banks goes on to mention, is in Buck, pp. 158 ff.

they are cheifly of two sorts, one coarse as our coarsest canvass and ten times stronger but much like it in the lying of the threads, the other is formd by many threads running lenghwise and a few only crossing them which tie them together. This last sort is sometimes stripd and always very pretty, for the threads that compose it are prepard so as to shine almost as much as silk; to both these they work borders of different colours in fine stiches something like Carpeting or girls Samplers in various patterns with an ingenuity truly surprizing to any one who will reflect that they are without needles. They have also Mats with which they sometimes cover themselves, but the great pride of their dress seems to consist in dogs fur, which they use so sparingly that to avoid waste they cut into long strips and sew them at a distance from each other upon their Cloth, varying often the coulours prettily enough. When first we saw these dresses we took them for the skins of Bears or some animal of that kind, but we were soon undeceivd and found upon enquiry that they were acquainted with no-animal that had fur or long hair but their own dogs. Some there were who had these dresses ornamented with feathers and one who had an intire dress of the red feathers of Parrots,

The parrot was the Kaka, Nestor meridionalis (Gm.).

but these were not common.

The men always wore short beards and tied their hair in a small knot on the top of their heads, sticking into it a kind of comb

A man combed his hair when dressing it carefully, but the main purpose of these combs, whalebone or hardwood, was decorative. They were called heru. Women only very rarely wore them. See Pls. 6 and 7.

and at the top two or 3 white feathers.

They were not invariably white. The black and white tail feathers of the Huia were greatly valued, among others; white plumes were obtained from such birds as the albatross, white heron, tropic bird, gannet, and so on.

About their Waists was tied a belt from which hung a string which was tied round the preputium and in this seemd to consist most or all of their decency in that particular; for when that was-tied they often exposd by different motions every part of their bodies to our view and indeed not seldom threw off all other dress, but shewd visible reluctance and signs of shame when we desird them to untie it from a curiosity to see the manner in which it was tied. The first man we saw when we went ashore at Poverty bay who was killd by one of our people had his dress tied on exactly in the same manner as is represented in Mr Dalrymples account of Tasmans Voyage, in a plat which I beleive is copied from Valentynes history of the East Indies;

Cf. I, p. 400, n. 2 above. François Valentijn (1656-1727), a Dutch East Indian traveller, was pastor of the church at Amboina 1686–94 and 1707–14. He wrote a number of theological works and, being an excellent scholar and speaker of Malay, translated the Bible into that tongue; but his real and present fame rests on the eight folio volumes of his Oudt en Nieuw Oost-Indien (Dordrecht 1724–6), which was translated into more than one language. Not very well arranged, the book was nevertheless a mine of information on the Dutch East Indies, though most detailed on Amboina, and collected together accounts of travel and discovery as far east as China and Japan, and as far south as New Zealand (curiously enough, in Vol. V, thrust into a description of Banda).

it was tied over his shoulders cross his breast, again under his armpits, likwise across his breast, and round his loins. Of this dress we saw however but one more in [s]tance during our whole stay on the Coast, tho it seems convenient as it leaves the arms quite at liberty while the body is coverd; in general indeed when they chose to set their arms at liberty they at the same time freed all their other limbs by casting off their cloaths intirely.

The Women contrary to the custom of the Sex in general seemd to affect dress rather less than the men. Their hair which they wore short was seldom tied, and if it was it was behind their heads and never ornamented with feathers. Their cloaths were of the same stuff and in the same form as those of the men but in decently covering themselves they far exceeded them; their lower garments were at all times bound fast round them and they never exposd to view any thing even in the neighbourhood of those parts which nature co[n]ceals, except when they gatherd lobsters and shell fish in which occupation they were frequently obligd to dive, but then they never meant to be seen by men and when once or twice accidentaly met by us shewd most evident signs of Confusion, veiling as well as they could their naked beauties with sea weed the only covering their situation afforded. Round their waists instead of a belt they constantly wore a girdle of many platted strings made of the leaves of a very fragrant Grass; into this were tuckd the leaves of some sweet scented plant fresh gatherd which like the fig leaf of our first mother servd as the ultimate guard of their modesty.

Both sexes bord their ears and wore in them a great variety of ornaments; the holes by stretching were generaly large enough to admit a finger at least. These generaly (as if to keep them upon the stretch) were filld up with a plug of some sort or other, either cloth, feathers, Bones of large birds, or sometimes only a stick of wood; into this hole they often also put nails or any [thing] we gave them which could be put there. The women also often wore bunches of the down of the albatross which is snow white near as large as a fist, which tho very odd made by no means an unelegant appearance.

Men as well as women wore this ornament.

Besides these they hung to them by strings many very different thing[s], often chissels or bodkins made of a kind of green talk

Greenstone ear pendants or kuru were straight, curved, circular or some other shape as the stone or the fancy of the artist dictated.

which they value much, the nails and teeth also of their deceasd relations, dogs teeth, and in short every thing they could get which was either valuable or ornamental. Besides these the Women wore sometimes Bracelets and anclets made of the Bones of Birds, shells, &c. and the men often had the figure of a distorted man made of the beforementiond green talk,

This was the tiki or hei tiki, a neck pendant, one of the most characteristic of Maori art forms. It was also fashioned from whalebone. See Pl. 6.

or the tooth of a whale cut slauntwise, so as something to resemble a tongue, and furnishd with two eyes;

The rei paraoa or reiputa (rei, a large tooth or whale ivory; paraoa, the sperm whale; puta, a hole) was a valuable ornament; the aristocratic person portrayed in Hawkesworth's pl. 13 is wearing one, as well as a fine kurukuru, or straight greenstone ear pendant and a handsome comb. See Pl. 7.

these they wore about their necks and seemd to Value almost above every thing else. I saw one instance also of a very extrordinary ornament, which was a feather stuck through the bridge of the nose and projecting on each side of it over the cheeks; but this I only mention as a singular thing, having met with it only once among the many people I have seen, and never observd in any other even the marks of a hole which might occasionaly serve for such a purpose.

Their houses are certainly the most inartificialy made of any thing among them, scarce equal to a European dog kennel and resembling one in the door at least, which is barely high and wide enough to admit a man crawling upon all fours. They are seldom more than 16 or 18 feet long, 8 or 10 broad and five or 6 high from the ridge pole to the Ground and built with a sloping roof like our European houses. The materials of both walls and roof is dry grass or hay and very tightly it is put together, so that nescessarily they must be very warm. Some are lind with bark of trees on the inside, and many have either over the door or fixd somewhere in the house a peice of Plank coverd with their carving, which they seem to value much as we do a picture, placing it always as conspicuously as possible. All these houses have the door at one end and near it is generaly a square hole which serves for a window or probably in winter time more for a chimney, for then they light a fire in the middle of the house. At the same end where this door and window are placed the side walls and roof project, generaly 18 inches or 2 feet beyond the end wall, making a kind of Porch in which are benches where the people of the house often set. Within is a square place fencd of with either boards or stones from the rest, in the middle of which they can make a fire; round this the sides of the house are thick layd with straw on which they sleep. As for furniture they are not much troubled with it: one chest commonly contains all their riches, consisting of Tools, Cloaths, arms, and a few feathers to stick into their hair; their gourds and Baskets made of Bark which serve them to keep fresh water, provision baskets, and the hammers with which they beat their fern roots, are generaly left without the door.

Mean and low as these houses are they most perfectly resist all inclemencies of the weather and answer consequently the purposes of mere shelter as well as larger would do. The people I beleive spend little of the day in them (except may be in winter): the porch seems to be the place for work, and those who have not room there must set upon a stone or the ground in its neighbourhood.

Banks has been describing the commonest sleeping hut or whare puni, the least impressive of Maori architectural forms. By ’dry grass or hay’ he seems to mean the various sedges or rushes which were used for walls and thatching—e.g. toetoe or pampas grass (Arundo conspicua). Whare puni, it is to be noted, might on the other hand be very carefully and skilfully constructed timber buildings. He unfortunately does not seem to have seen any of the great whare whakairo, the ’superior houses’ decorated with carving and woven designs, which were the glory of Maori architecture, apart from the imperfect example mentioned in the next paragraph.

Some few of the better sort have kind of Court Yards, the walls of which are made of poles and hay 10 or 12 feet high, which as their families are large incloses 3 or 4 houses. But I must not forget the ruins or rather frame of a house (for it had never been finishd) which I saw at Tolaga, as it was so much superior in size to any thing of the kind we have met with in any other part of the land. It was 30 feet in lengh, in breadth and high; the sides of it were ornamented with many broad carvd planks of a workmanship superior to any we saw upon the land; but for what purpose this was built or why deserted we could not find out.

It might have been designed as a whare hui, an assembly house for the tribe and its guests, or a whare runanga, where tribal discussions would take place. A possible reason for desertion (if Banks was right about desertion—and he probably was, for it was important to push right on with the construction of a house once it was started) was some infringement of tapu. Cf. Best, The Maori, II, p. 561: ’The tapu of a new house … is, or was, even more stringent than that of an occupied house. For a house in course of construction is placed under the care and control of the gods, and great care has to be taken that no act is committed that will give offence to those gods, or trouble will visit the house, its builders or inmates—this because the gods have withdrawn their protection. No woman was allowed in or near a superior house in course of construction. Such an untoward occurrence would be followed by lack of energy, listlessness on the part of the workmen, and probably the house would never be finished’.

Tho these people when at home defend themselves so well from the inclemencies of the Weather, yet when abroad upon their excursions which they often make in search of fern roots fish &c. they seem totaly indifferent of shelter: sometimes they make a small shade to wind ward of them but oftener omit that precaution. During our stay at Opoorage

Purangi, the Maori name of the ‘Oyster River’ at Mercury Bay, transferred by those in the Endeavour to the whole bay.

or Mercury bay such a party of Indians were there consisting of 40 or 50, who during all that time never erected the least covering tho it twice raind almost without ceasing for 24 hours together.

Their food, in the use of which the[y] seem to be moderate, consists of Dogs, Birds, especialy sea fowl as penguins albatrosses

Buck, p. 98, figures a special form of hook that was used for catching the albatross. It was generally the young of sea birds that were taken. The taste for sea birds is now confined (though the pakeha has also acquired it) to the ‘mutton bird’, the Sooty Shearwater, Puffinus griseus. Banks ignores, and can have had no means of learning, the much greater importance of forest birds for Maori diet.

&c, fish, sweet potatoes,

Kumara (cf. Tahitian Umara), Ipomoea batatas.

Yams,

Uhi or Uwhi (Tahitian Uhi), Dioscorea sp.

Coccos,

Taro (Tahitian Taro), Colocasia antiquorum.

some few wild plants as sow thistles,

Puwha, Sonchus oleraceus.

Palm Cabbage

Kouka, the inner leaf-shoots of the Cordyline australis.

&c. but Above all and which seems to be to them what bread is to us, the roots of a species of Fern very common upon the hills and which very nearly resembles that which grows on our hilly commons in England and is calld indifferently Fern, Bracken, or Brakes.

Aruhe, the rhizomes of the bracken fern, Pteridium aquilinum. (Cf. I, p. 416 above.) It ranges from Australia to Tahiti, as the regional variant of the world-wide monotypic Pteridium.

As for the flesh of men, although they certainly do eat it I cannot in my own opinion Debase human nature so much as to imagine that they relish as a dainty or even look upon it as a part of common food. Tho Thirst of Revenge may Drive men to great lenghs when the Passions are allowd to take their full swing Yet nature through all the superior part of the creation shews how much she recoils at the thought of any species preying upon itself: Dogs and cats shew visible signs of disgust at the very sight of a dead carcass of their species, even Wolves or Bears were never sayd to eat one another except in cases of absolute nescessity, when the stings of hunger have overcome the precepts of nature, in which case the same has been done by the inhabitants of the most civilizd nations.

Among fish and insects indeed there are many instances which prove that those who live by prey regard little whither what they take is of their own or any other species; but any one who considers the admirable chain of nature in which Man, alone endowd with reason, justly claims the highest rank and next to him are placd the half reasoning Elephant, the sagacious dog, the architect Beaver, &c. in Whoom instinct so nearly resembles reason as to have been mistaken for it by men of no mean capacitys, from these descending through the less informd Quadrupeds and birds to the fish and insects, which seem besides the instinct of Fear which is given them for self preservation to be movd only by the stings of hunger to eat and those of lust to propagate their species, which when born are left intirely to their own care, and at last by the medium of the Oyster, &c. &c. which not being able to move but as tost about by the waves must in themselves be furnishd with both sexes that the species may be continued, shading itself away into the vegetable kingdom for the preservation of whoom neither sensation nor instinct is wanting — whoever considers this I say will easily see that no Conclusion in favour of such a practise can be drawn from the actions of a race of beings placd so infinitely below us in the order of Nature.

Nothing more than this paragraph could place Banks so exactly in his period. The ‘order of nature’ or the ‘chain of nature’ was one of the overruling ideas of the eighteenth century, and perhaps the nearest to a philosophical or general scientific notion that Banks ever had. With a long ancestry in the western world, in his time it was as commonly accepted as the idea of evolution is in ours. All created things, it was held, are linked together in a regular progression, from the non-sentient to the sentient, rocks to man (however many ‘missing links’ there might be to discover), with a further infinite progression beyond man to the Creator; and each had its settled place, as ordained by the Creator, in the whole related scheme. Nature does not proceed by leaps, to quote one of the classic formulations. Banks has already made one allusion to the idea in his remark on penguins (p. 5 above), ‘which are truly what the French call Nuance, between birds and fishes’; and will make others on corals (p. 108 below): ‘we were so intirely taken up with the more conspicuous links of the chain of creation’; and on Hottentots (p. 256 below), ‘that some have been inclined to suppose them more nearly related to Baboons than Men’. The unfortunate Hottentots were always being picked on to illustrate. A. O. Lovejoy's interesting study, The Great Chain of Being (Cambridge, Mass. 1942), is devoted to the subject, Chapters VI (‘The Chain of Being in eighteenth century thought’) and VIII (‘The Chain of Being and some aspects of eighteenth century biology’) being particularly apposite in the present context.

But to return to my subject. Simple as their food is their Cookery as far as I saw is as simple: a few stones heated hot and laid in a hole, their meat laid upon them and coverd with Hay seems to be the most dificult part of it.

He refers to the umu or hangi (Tahitian umu) the traditional Polynesian ‘earth-oven’, described in detail, I, p. 344 above.

Fish and birds they generaly broil or rather toast, spitting them upon a long skewer, the bottom of which is fixd under a stone and another stone being put under the fore part of the skewer it is raisd or lowerd by moving that stone as the circumstances may require. The Fern roots are layd upon the open fire untill they are thouroughly hot and the bark of them burnt to a coal, they are then beat with a wooden hammer over a stone which causes all the bark to fly off and leaves the inside consisting of a small proportion of a glutinous pulp mixt with many fibres, which they generaly spit out after having suckd each mouthfull a long time. Strange and unheard of as it must appear to an European to draw nourishment from a class of Plant which in Europe no animal, har[d]ly even insects, will taste, I am much inclind to think that it affords a nourishing and wholesome diet: these people eat but little and this is the foundation of their meals, all summer at least from the time that their roots are planted till the season for digging them up. Among them I have seen many very healthy old men and in general the whole of them are as vigorous a race as can be imagind.

To the Southward where little or nothing is planted Fern roots and fish must serve them all the Year. Here therefore we saw that they had made vast piles of Both, especialy the latter which were dryd in the sun very well, I suppose meant for winter stock when possibly Fish is not so plentifull or the trouble of catching it greater than in Winter.

Water is their universal drink nor did I see any signs of any other liquor being at all known to them, or any method of Intoxication. If they realy have not happy they must be allowd to be above all other nations that I at least have heard of.

Among happy nations Banks has forgotten the Tierra del Fuegians, whose ignorance of strong liquors was much admired by British seafarers such as Sydney Parkinson. See e.g. Cook I, p. 45, n. 2.

So simple a diet accompanied with moderation must be productive of sound health, which indeed these people are blessd with in a very high degree. Tho we were in several of their towns where Young and old crowded to see us, actuated by the same curiosity as made us desirous of seing them, I do not remember a single instance of a person distemperd in any degree that came under my inspection, and among the numbers of them that I have seen naked I have never seen an eruption on the skin or any signs of one by scars or otherwise. Their skins indeed when they came off to us in their canoes were often markd in patches with a white flowery appearance which at first deceivd us, but we afterwards found that that was owing to their having been in their Passage wetted with the spray of the sea, which when it was dry left the salt behind it in a fine white powder.

Such health drawn from so sound principles must make physicians almost useless: indeed I am inclind to think that their knowledge of Physick is but small from the state of their surgery which more than once came under my inspection. Of this art they seemd totaly ignorant; I saw several who were wounded by our shot without the smallest application upon their wounds, one in particular who had a musquet ball shot through the fleshy part of his arm; he came out of his house and shewd himself to us making a little use of the wounded arm; the wound which was then of several days standing was totaly void of inflammation, seemd well digested, in short appeard to me to be in so good a state that had any application been made use of I should not have faild to enquire carefully what it had Been which had had so good an Effect.

Cf. I, p. 443 above.

A farther proof and not a weak one of the sound health that these people enjoy may be taken from the number of old people we saw; hardly a canoe came off to us that did not bring one or more and every town had several whoom if we may judge by gray hairs and worn out teeth were of a very advancd age.

The worn-out teeth may have been due to the fern-root diet. Best, who discusses its use in detail, says (I, p. 427), ‘The chewing of these roots was hard on the teeth; I have seen many old skulls containing teeth so worn that the grinders must have been worn pretty well down to the gums, but every tooth as sound as the proverbial bell’.

Of these few or none were decrepid, indeed the greatest number of them seemd in vivacity and chearfullness to equal the young, indeed to be inferior to them in nothing but the want of equal strengh and agility.

That these people have a larger share of ingenuity than usualy falls to the lot of nations who have had so little or indeed no commerce with any others appears at first sight. Their boats, the better sort of them at least, shew it most evidently. They are built of very thin planks sewd together,

This was not so. The canoes which Banks observed were the seagoing vessels for fishing and coastal travel (waka tete) or the great war-canoes (waka taua). Neither (nor indeed any other Maori canoe) was ‘built of very thin planks sewd together’; he must have been misled by imperfect study of the top or gunwale strakes, which were lashed on to the main part of the hull, and then, writing this general New Zealand summary after he had left the country, incorporated some of his own observations from the Society Islands. The main hull was hewn out of a single tree trunk, a totara or kauri; or, in the case of the waka taua, built up of a long middle section and shorter bow and stern sections joined cunningly and strongly by mortice and tenon.

their sides rounding up like ours, but very narrow for their lengh. Some are immensely long: One I saw which the people laid alongside the ship as if to measure how much longer she was than the Canoe, which fairly reachd from the anchor that hung at the bows quite aft, and consequently could not be less than

This blank argues that Banks was hazy about the length of the Endeavour, which was 106 feet. This was certainly an unusually large canoe, but war canoes eighty feet long, or even longer, were not uncommon.

feet long; but indeed we saw few so large as that. All except a few that we saw at Opoorage or Mercury bay, which were merely trunks of trees hollowd out by fire, were more or less ornamented by carving. The common fishing canoes had nothing but the face of a man with a monstrous tongue and whose eyes were generaly inlayd with a kind of shell like mother of Pearl

The shell of the Paua, Haliotis sp.

in the fore part of them, but the larger sort which seemd to be intended for war were realy magnificently adornd. Their heads were formd by a Plank projecting about 3 feet before the canoe, and on their sterns stood up another proportiond to the size of the canoe, from ten to 18 feet high; both these were richly carvd with open work and coverd with loose fringes of Black feathers that had a most gracefull effect; the gunnel boards were often also carvd in a grotesque taste and ornamentd with white feathers in bunches placd upon a black ground at certain intervals. They sometimes joind two small canoes together and now and then made use of an outligger

‘Outligger’ or ‘outlicker’, thinks the O.E.D., was probably a corruption of ‘outlier’, and is defined as from 1626 as ‘a spar projecting from a vessel to extend some sail, or to make a greater angle for some rope’. It gave way to ‘outrigger’ in 1755. But ‘outrigger’ has ordinarily a quite different meaning, as here: and S has the note, ‘Outligger. A piece of board at the side, by way of balancing’.

as is practisd in the Islands, seldom towards the north rather oftener to the Southward.

In managing these canoes they are very expert, in the padling of them at least, in one I counted 16 padlers of a side and never did men I beleive keep better time with their strokes, driving on the boat with immense velocity. Their paddles are often ornamented with carving, their blade is of an oval shape pointed towards the bottom, broadest in the middle and again sloping towards the handle, which is about 4 feet long, the whole being generaly near 6 feet long more or less. But in sailing they are not so expert, we very seldom saw them make use of Sails and indeed never unless when they were to go right before the wind. They were made of mat and instead of a mast were hoisted upon two sticks which were fastned one to each side, so that they requird two ropes which answerd the purpose of sheets and were fastned to the tops of these sticks;

Banks does not make this rig altogether clear, and he seems to be describing a square sail. But the author of the anonymous Journal of a Voyage round the World (1771), writing of a sailing canoe in the Bay of Plenty, describes ‘a sail of an odd construction, which was made from a kind of matting, and of a triangular figure, the hypotheneuse, or broadest part, being placed at the top of the mast, and ending in a point at the bottom’ (p. 82). The sole surviving Maori sail is in the British Museum. It is triangular (though certainly not a right-angled triangle, as ‘hypotheneuse’ would infer), 14 ft 6 in. long, 6 ft 4 in. wide at the base, and 12 in. wide at the apex. It was rigged on a vertical mast, the base at the top, the other long side attached to a sprit or boom, which was itself loosely attached at the bottom to the mast just above the thwart. This boom was manoeuvred by a rope tied to it near the top; the mast, the boom, and rope, together with the shrouds and stays of the masts, may have given Banks the impression he records of ‘two sticks … fastned one to each side’. The British Museum sail has been described and figured by Raymond Firth in the Journal of the Polynesian Society, 40 (1931), pp. 129—35, with Additional Notes by Te Rangi Hiroa (Peter Buck), ibid., pp. 136—40.

in this clumsey manner they saild with a good deal of swiftness and were steerd by two men who sat in the stern with each a paddle in his hand. I shall set down the dimensions of one that we measurd that was of the largest size: it was in lengh 68½ feet, breadth 5, depth 31½; this was the only one that we measurd or indeed had an opportunity of measuring.

For the beauty of their carving in general I fain would say something more about it but find myself much inferior to the task. I shall therefore content myself with saying that their taste varied into two materialy different Stiles, I will call them. One was intirely formd of a number of Spirals diff[er]ently connected, the other was in a much more wild taste and I may truly say was like nothing but itself.

Possibly Banks is here referring to the formalized human figure, or to such pieces as the figure-heads of war canoes—where indeed the spiral and double-spiral were much used, together with scroll-work and straight lines.

Of the former the truth with which the lines were drawn was surprizing, but above all their method of connecting several spirals into one peice, which they did inimitably well, intermingling the ends of them in so dextrous a manner that it was next to impossible for the eye to trace their connections. For the other I shall say nothing but referr intirely to the few drawings which I had an opportunity of getting made of them; premising however that the beauty of all their carvings depended intirely on the design, for the execution was so rough that when you came near it was difficult to find any bea[u]ties in the things which struck you most at a distance.

After having said so much of their workmanship it will be nescessary to say something of their tools. As they have no metal among them these are made of Stone of different kinds, their hatchets

If Banks means ‘hatchet’ literally, and not ‘adze’, this is evidence for the existence among the ancient Maori of an axe-hafted implement with two bevels to its edge, the toki titaha, about which there has been a good deal of enquiry and controversy. See Best, The Stone Implements of the Maori (Dominion Museum Bulletin 10, Wellington 1912), Chap. VIII, esp. pp. 137 ff. Cook refers to ‘adzes or axes’ as the tools used in building canoes and houses.

especialy of any hard stone they can get but cheifly of a kind of Green Talk which is very hard and at the same time tough;

Greenstone or nephrite, pounamu.

with axes of this stone they cut so clean that it would often puzzle a man to say if the wood they have shapd was or was not cut with an Iron hatchet. These axes they value above all their riches and would seldom part with them for any thing we could offer. But their nicer work which requires nicer edge tools they do with fragments of Jasper,

By jasper he probably means obsidian.

which they break and use the edges of it that are sharp like flints till they are blunt, after which they are thrown away as useless, for it impossible ever again to sharpen them; with these fragments of Jasper I suppose it was that at Tolaga they bord a hole through a peice of Glass that we had given to them, just large enough to admit a thread in order to convert it into an ornament. But what method they make use of to cut and polish their weapons calld by them patoo patoo, which are made of very hard stone, I must confess I am quite ignorant.

The process was long and complicated, and Banks certainly had no opportunity to observe it. The piece of stone or greenstone deemed suitable was reduced to something like its final shape by hammering, and sawing with a stone file, sand and water; then the inequalities were flaked, chipped, ‘pecked’ and ‘bruised’ off with further stone instruments; then it was ground with wet sandstone; then it was rubbed with a special polishing stone, or with green lacebark wood. Greenstone was polished with shark oil.

For their Cloths they are made exactly in the same manner as is usd by the inhabitants of South America, some of whose workmanship procurd at Rio de Janeiro I have on board: the warp or long threads are laid very close together and each crossing of the woof is distant from another an inch at least. But they have besides this several other kinds of cloth and work borders to them all, which I have before mentiond, but as to their manner of doing I must confess myself totaly ignorant.

The reader will find an illuminating discussion of cloth-making technique in Buck, pp. 158 ff.

I never but once saw any of this work going forwards, that was done in a kind of frame of the breadth of the Cloth, across which it was spread, and the cross threads workd in by hand which must be very tedious; but howsoever they may be made the workmanship sufficiently proves the workmen to be dextrous in their way. One peice of notability in them I must not forget, which is that to every garment of the better kind is fixd a Bodkin, as if to remind the wearer that if it should be torn by any accident no time should be lost before it is mended.

Banks made a bad guess here: the bodkin was not to repair, but to fasten the garment when in use.

Netts for fishing they make in the same manner as ours, of an amazing size. A seine seems to be the joint work of a whole town and I suppose the joint property: of these I think I have seen as large as ever I saw in Europe. Besides this they have fish pots and baskets workd with twiggs, and another kind of net which they most generaly make use of that I have never seen in any countrey but this. They are circular and about 7 or 8 feet in diameter and 2 or 3 deep; they are stretchd by two or three hoops and open at the top for near but not quite their whole extent; on the bottom is fastned the bait, a little basket containing the gutts &c. of fish and sea ears which are tied to different parts of the net. This is let down to the bottom where fish are and when enough are supposd to be gatherd together are drawn up with a very gentle motion by which means the fish are insensibly lifted from the bottom; in this manner I have seen them take vast numbers of fish and indeed it is a most general way of fishing all over the coast. Their hooks are but ill made, generaly of bone or shell fastned to a peice of wood; indeed they seem to have little occasion for them for with their netts they take fish much easier than they could do with them.

There was more than one sort of the circular net here described, of different sizes and names, depending on the sort of fish it was used for. Banks is rather unjust to the Maori fish hook.

In tillage they excell, as people who are themselves to eat the fruit of their industry and have little else to do but to cultivate nescessarily must. When we first came to Tegadu their crops were just coverd and had not yet began to sprout: the mould was as smooth as in a garden, and every root had its small hillock rangd in a regular Quincunx by lines which with the pegs still remaind in the feild.

This seems to refer to kumara cultivation.

We had not an opportunity of seeing them work but once saw their tool, which is a long and narrow stake flatted a little and sharpned, across this is fixd a peice of stick for the convenience of pressing it down with the foot; with this simple tool industry teaches them to turn up peices of ground of 6 or 7 acres in extent; indeed the soil is generaly sandy, is therefore easily turn up, and the narrowness of the tool the blade of which is not more than 3 inches broad makes it meet with the less resistance.

He is describing the tool called the ko, only one (though an important one) of those used in tilling the ground.

Tillage, weaving and the rest of the arts of peace are best known and most practisd in the North Eastern parts; indeed in the Southern there is little to be seen of any of them. But War seems to be equaly known to all tho most practisd in the South West parts. The mind of man, ever ingenious in inventing instruments of destruction, has not been Idle here. Their weapons tho few are well calculated for bloody fights and the destruction of numbers, defensive weapons they have none and no Missive ones except stones and darts which are cheifly usd in defending their forts, so that if two bodies should meet either in boats, or upon the plain ground, they must fight hand to hand and the slaughter be consequently immense. Their Weapons are Spears made of hard wood and pointed at both ends, sometimes headed with human bones; of these some are 14 or 15 feet long; they are graspd by the middle so that the end which hangs behind, serving as a balance to keep steady that which is before, makes it much more dificult to parry a push from one of them than it would be from one of a spear only half as long which was held by the end.

A spear of this sort seems to be described by no one besides Banks, and there appears to be no specific Maori name for it. As described it comes somewhere between the huata or taoroa, the long spear (18—24 feet) used in the attack on or defence of the fortified pa, and the Ordinargy light fighting spear or tao, 6 to 9 feet long. Best (II, pp. 242—3) remarks that ‘Notched spear points of whale's bone (taraiwi pakake) were occasionally used, lashed to a shaft of ten feet or so in length’. The Maori in any case did not hold his spear ‘by the end’.

Battle axes made likewise of a very hard wood about 6 feet long, the bottom of the handle pointed, and the blade which is perfectly like the blade of an axe but broader made very sharp; with these they chop at the heads of their antagonists when an opportunity offers.

The tewhatewha. The point was not very sharp or lethal, and the important blow was delivered not with the ‘sharp’ edge of the blade, as Banks assumed, but with the thick back of it—i.e. it was a club rather than an axe, and when made from the favourite root of the tree called Maire, extremely hard and strong, was a very efficient club.

Patoo patoos as they calld them, a kind of small hand bludgeon of stone, bone or hard wood most admirably calculated for the cracking of sculls; they are of different shapes, some like an old fashiond chopping knife, others of this always however having sharp edges and a sufficient weight to make a second blow unnescessary if the first takes place; in these they seemd to put their cheif dependance, fastning them by a strong strap to their wrists least they should be wrenchd from them. The principal people seldom stirrd out without one of them sticking in his girdle, generaly made of Bone (of Whales as they told us) or of coarse black Jasper very hard, insomuch that we were almost led to conclude that in peace as well as war they wore them as a warlike ornament in the same manner as we Europeans wear swords.

The first shape drawn by Banks represents the stone patu, which had the distinctive name onewa. He uses the term ‘Jasper’ rather loosely; he may here be referring to the baked argyllite much used in the Marlborough Sounds area, which he would certainly have seen at Queen Charlotte Sound. Best (II, p. 259) thinks it was a kind of greywacke. The second sketch is that of the whalebone (sometimes wooden) kotiate, described by Buck (p. 278) as ‘somewhat fiddle-shaped owing to a notch on each side’. Whalebone clubs were generically called patu paraoa. The most beautiful of patu was of course the greenstone mere, and this in particular might be worn ‘as a warlike ornament’, in addition to its function as a deadly weapon.

or Darts about 8 feet long made of wood bearded and sharpned, but intended cheifly for the defence of their forts where they have the advantage of throwing them from a hight down upon their enemy; they often brought them out in their boats when they meant to attack us, but so little were they able to make use of them against us who were by reason of the hight of the ship above them that they never but once attempted it, and that dart tho thrown with the utmost effort of the man who held it barely fell on board.

The dart or pere seems to have died out of use by the time of early European settlement in New Zealand. It was frequently stuck lightly in the ground at an angle and projected with a sort of throwing stick (Best refers to them as ‘whip-thrown’, II, pp. 273—5,) as well as flung down from a pa as recounted by Banks; so that it does not appear to have been particularly well adapted for offence at sea.

Sometimes I have seen them pointed with the stings of stingrays but very seldom: why they do not oftener use them I do not know, nothing is more terrible to a Europae[a]n than the sharp Jagged beards of those bones, but I beleive they seldom cause death tho the wounds made by them must be most troublesome and painfull. Stones however they use much more dextrou[s]ly. Tho ignorant of the use of Slings they throw by hand a considerable distance; when they have pelted us with them on board the ship I have seen our people attempt to throw them back and not be able to reach the Canoes, tho they had so manifest an advantage in the hight of their situation.

These are all that can properly be calld arms. But besides these the cheifs when they came to attack us carried in their hands a kind of ensign of distinction in the same manner as ours, or spontoons: they were either the rib of a Whale as white as snow carvd very much and ornamented with dogs hair and feathers,

This must have been the hoeroa, which Best (II, pp. 276—9) describes as ‘the most peculiar weapon of the native armoury, and, moreover, one concerning which we have very little explanation to offer as to its use. Its extraordinary shape, its lack of a piercing point, render it an extremely puzzling form… . [It] is 5 ft. and upward in length, about two inches wide, flat, and about ¼ in. in thickness, or a little more. Neither end is brought to a piercing point, but merely slightly rounded. It carries its width throughout… . The rear end was adorned with carved designs, and a little carving may appear about the middle’. As a weapon it is said to have been thrown; but examples which were, in Banks's words, ‘carvd very much’ are more likely to have been simply the mark of chiefly rank and authority—an ‘ensign of distinction’. But it now seems certain that it was not a weapon at all. The literal meaning of hoeroa is ‘long paddle’: it was an ‘ensign of distinction’ purely, the mark of chiefly rank and authority.

or a stick about 6 feet long carvd and ornamented in the same manner and generaly inlayd with shell like mother of Pearl.

Possibly a wooden version of the hoeroa; but probably the well-known taiaha, one end of which was carved into a grotesque face with a lengthened distended tongue, and eyes of pawa or haliotis. It was much used in ceremonial as well as being a favourite weapon; good examples of this long slim perfectly balanced shaft are matched in beauty only by a fine greenstone mere, with its austere purity of line and colour.

Of these cheifs there were in their War Canoes one two or 3 according to the size of them. When within about a Cables lengh of the ship these generaly rose up, dressd themselves in a distinguishing dress, often of Dogs skin, and holding in their hands either one of their Spontoons or a Weapon directed the rest of the people how to proceed; they were always old or at least past the middle age and had upon them a larger quantity than common of the black stains that they call amoco. These Canoes commonly paddled with great vigour till they came within about a stones throw of the ship (having no Idea that any missive weapon could reach them farther) and then began to threaten us, this indeed the smaller canoes did as soon as they were in hearing. Their words were almost universaly the same, ‘haromai haromai harre uta a patoo patoo ’oge

Haere mai, haere mai, haere ki uta hei patu-patu ake: ‘literally ‘Come here, come here, come on shore to be patu-patued!’

— come to us, come to us, come but ashore with us and we will kill you with our Patoo patoos: in this manner they continued to threaten us, venturing by degrees nearer and nearer till they were close alongside, at intervals talking very civily and answering any questions we askd them but quickly renewing their threats till they had by our non-resistance gaind courage enough to begin their war song and dance; after which they either became so insolent that we found it nescessary to chastise them by firing small shot at them, or else threw three or four stones on board and as if content with having offerd such an insult unreveng'd left us.

The War Song and dance consists of Various contortions of the limbs during which the tongue is frequently thrust out incredibly far and the orbits of the eyes enlargd so much that a circle of white is distinctly seen round the Iris: in short nothing is omittd which can render a human shape frightful and deformd, which I suppose they think terrible. During this time they brandish their spears, hack the air with their patoo patoos and shake their darts as if they meant every moment to begin the attack, singing all the time in a wild but not disagreable manner and ending every strain with a loud and deep fetchd sigh in which they all join in concert. The whole is accompanied by strokes struck against the sides of the Boats &c with their feet, Paddles and arms, the whole in such excellent time that tho the crews of several Canoes join in concert you rarely or never hear a single stroke wrongly placd.

Banks seems in this paragraph to be telescoping his impressions of haka or peruperu seen on land and some modified version of song and posture adapted to performance in the canoes. Although the haka was (and is) a posture dance it is difficult to reconcile some of its characteristic figures with a crowded canoe out at sea, even in a flat calm. But no doubt enough could be done to work up a sufficiently intimidating effect; and no doubt the chief himself, with taiaha or patu, could put on a terrifying display. Parkinson made a drawing of the crew of a canoe bidding defiance to the ship, as well as one showing them in more peaceful shape. The best description of the haka seen on land during the Endeavour's visit is by Monkhouse, in Cook I, p. 569.

This we calld the War song, for tho they seemd fond of using it upon all occasions whether in war or peace they I beleive never omit it in their attacks.

‘Tho they seemd fond of using it upon all occasions whether in war or peace’ is a perceptive remark. Haka was a general term for the dance, and a perfectly peaceable, welcoming and fraternal haka might bear all the marks—to the uninitiated—of extreme fury and bloodthirstiness. The war-dance was properly called peruperu, and was a really formidable exhibition: as Banks says, nothing was omitted that could render a human shape frightful. But it still remained a masterpiece of co-ordination and rhythm.

Besides this they have several other songs which their women sing prettily enough in parts; they are all in a slow melancholy stile but certainly have more taste in them than could be expected from untaught savages. Instrumental musick they have not, unless a kind of wooden pipe

Probably this was the instrument known as pu torino (pu to blow; torino, flowing smoothly), about 18 inches long on the average. Not a great deal is known about its use; Buck (p. 261) was ‘informed that it was in the nature of a speaking trumpet, the player singing or reciting words and chants into the instrument’. See also Best, II, pp. 150—2. It was blown into from the end, and was often beautifully carved. Or Banks may have been referring to the whio, another sort of slim flute.

or the shell calld Tritons Trumpet

The shell trumpet was not a musical instrument, but was used for signalling purposes, e.g. to bring people together or to announce visitors. The shell was that of the New Zealand Triton, Charonia capax euclioides Finlay.

with which they make a noise not much differing from that made by boys with a Cows horn may be calld such. They have indeed besides these a kind of small pipe of wood, crooked and shapd almost like a large tobacco pipe head, but it has hardly more musick in it than a whistle with a Pea in it;

Perhaps the koaauau, the shape of which however varied, and might be straight. If so, Banks does a grave injustice to its sound; in the famous legend of Tutanekai and Hinemoa it was the strains of the koauau played by Tutanekai on the island Mokoia that brought Hinemoa swimming across Lake Rotorua to him. But Banks does not appear ever to have heard the instruments played. See Pl. 9.

but on none of these did I ever hear them attempt to play a tune or sing to their musick.

That they eat the bodies of such of their enemies as are killd in war is a fact which, tho universaly acknowledg'd by them from our first landing at every place we came into, I confess I was very loth to give credit to till I by accident found the bones of men well pick'd in the very baskets where these people keep their provision: so convincing a proof I could not withstand, so I proceeded to inquire as well as I could with the small knowledge of their language which I had and the Assistance of Tupia what were their customs upon this occasion. They told us that a few days before a canoe of their enemies had been surprizd by them and that out of her they killd 7 persons, to one of whoom the bones in the basket had belongd, that now all the flesh of these people was eat up and most of the bones thrown away, which we found to be true for in almost every cove where we landed fresh bones of Men were found near the places where fires had been made. The whole was still more confirmd by the old man who we supposd to be the cheif of an Indian town which was very near us, coming a few days afterwards and at our desire bringing with him in his Canoe 6 or 7 heads of men preservd with the flesh on. These it seems these people keep after having eat the brains as trophies of their victories in the same manner as the Indians of North America do scalps; they had their ornament in their ears as when alive and some seemd to have false eyes.

The heads of friends as well as enemies might be preserved, the former to be wept over, the latter to be reviled. They were first steamed to soften and dispose of interior matter, the eyes taken out and the eyelids sewn down, and then were smoke-dried and oiled. The ‘false eyes’ referred to by Banks were pieces of paua or haliotis shell, as used for the eyes of carved figures. It was these ‘smoked heads’ that were a popular article of Maori-European trade in the 1820’s and 1830’s, especially when the tattooing was good. The Maori however was not a ‘head-hunter’.

He was very jealous of shewing them. One I bought tho much against the inclinations of its owner, for tho he likd the price I offerd he hesitated much to send it up, yet having taken the price I insisted either to have that returnd or the head given, but could not prevail untill I enforc'd my threats by shewing Him a musquet on which he chose to part with the head rather than the price he had got, which was a pair of old Drawers of very white linnen. It appeard to have belongd to a person of about 14 or 15 years of age, and evidently shewd by the contusions on one side of it that it had receivd many violent blows which had chippd of a part of the scull near the eye: from hence and many more circumstances I am inclind to beleive that these Indians give no quarter, or ever take prisoners to eat upon a future occasion

Quarter was given, and prisoners became slaves of the victors. Battles were not infrequently followed by the slaying and consumption of prisoners, and slaves were killed and eaten on ritual occasions, but it does not seem that the sort of stocking of a larder to which Banks refers was ever a matter of general practice.

as is said to have been practisd by the Floridan Indians; for had they done so this young creature who could not make much resistance would have been a very proper subject.

The state of war in which they live, constantly in danger of being surprizd when least upon their guard, has taught them not only to live together in towns, but to fortify those towns; which they do by a broad ditch and a pallisade within it of no despicable construction. For these Towns or Forts, which they call Heppas, they chuse situations naturaly strong; commonly Islands or Peninsulas where the sea or steep cliffs defend the greatest part of their works; and if there is any part weaker than the rest a stage is erected over it of a considerable hight, 18 or 20 feet, on the top of which the defendants range themselves and fight with a great advantage as they can throw down their darts and stones with so much greater force than the assailants can throw them up. Within these forts the greatest part of the tribe to whoom they belong reside and have large stocks of provisions, Fern roots and dryd fish laid up but no water; for that article in all that I have seen was not to be had but at some distance without the lines, from whence we were led to conclude that sieges are not usd among them.

A very erroneous conclusion. Banks here seems to be reverting to the pa at Mercury Bay, cf. I, p. 433 above.

Some however are generaly out in small parties in the neighbouring creeks and coves employd either in taking fish or collecting Fern roots &c, a large quantity of which they bring back with them, a reserve I suppose for times when the neighbourhood of an enemy or other circumstances make the procuring of fresh provision dificult or dangerous.

Of these Forts or towns we saw many, indeed the inhabitants constantly livd in such from the Westermost part of the Bay of Plenty to Queen Charlots Sound; but about Hawk's bay, Poverty Bay, Tegadu and Tolaga there were none, and the houses were scatterd about; there were indeed upon the sides of hills stages built, sometimes of a great lengh, which might serve as a retreat to save their lives at the last extremity, and nothing else, and these were mostly in ruins. Throughout all this district the people seemd free from apprehension and as in a state of Profound peace. Their cultivations were far more numerous and larger than we saw them any where else and they had a far greater quantity of Fine boats, Fine cloaths, Fine carvd work; in short the people were far more numerous, and livd in much greater affluence, than any others we saw. This seemd to be owing to their being joind together under one cheif or king, so at least they always told us, Whose name is Teratu and who lives far up in the countrey.

Cf. I, p. 424, n. 2 above. Banks at ‘countrey’ refers to a note written by him later, Ms f. 220, as follows: ‘the People who mentiond Teratu to us pointed as we thought always in land, but since the countrey has been laid down upon paper it appears that over the land in that direction lays the Bay of Plenty; from hence it appears probable that this is the residence of Teratu and if so the Countrey in land will probably be found to be quite void of inhabitants’. ‘Inland’ from where the informants pointed was the west— te ra to—an added argument for the confusion of Teratu, the name of a person, with that of a direction. What Banks goes on to say about the ‘Indian Monarch’ adds nothing to what he has said already.

It is much to be lamented that we could get no farther knowledge of this cheif or king than only his name: his Dominions are certainly for an Indian Monarch most extensive, he was acknowledgd for a lengh of coast of upwards of Leagues and yet we do not know the eastern limits of his dominions; we are sure however that they contain the greatest share of the rich part of the Northermost Island and that far the greatest number of people upon it are his subjects. Subordinate to him are lesser cheifs who seem to have Obedience and respect paid them by the tribes to whoom they belong and probably administer justice to them, tho we never saw an instance of it except in the case of theft on board the ship, when upon our complaint the offender receivd kicks and blows from the cheif with whoom he came onboard. These cheifs were generaly old men; whether they had the office of cheif by birth or on account of their age we never learnt, But in the other parts where Teratu was not acknowledg'd we plainly learnt that the cheifs whoom they obeyd, of which every tribe had some, receivd their dignity by inheritance.

Chieftainship came from birth, but a man naturally gifted would gain authority, particularly in times of war or other emergency. Age added to authority, as in most societies; and it seems that most of the leaders encountered by Banks were chiefs born.

In the Southern parts their societies seemd to have many things in common, particularly their fine cloaths and netts, the former of which they had but few. We never saw any body employd in making [them?], it might be that what they had were the spoils of war.

This is unlikely.

They were kept in a small Hut erected for that purpose in the middle of the town; the latter seemd to be the joint work of the whole society. Every house had in it peices of netting upon which they were at work; by the joining together these it is probable that they made the long Seins which we saw.

The Women are less regarded here than at the South Sea Islands, at least so Tupia thought who complaind of it as an insult upon the sex. They eat with the men however. How the sexes divide labour I do not know but I am inclind to beleive that the Men till the ground, fish in boats and take birds, the Women dig up Fern roots,

If by this Banks means the aruhe, the bracken rhizomes, he must have seen something exceptional; for this laborious task was generally carried out by the men.

collect shell Fish and lobsters near the beach and dress the Victuals and weave cloth, while the men make netts — thus at least these employments have been distributed when I had an opportunity of Observing them which was very seldom, for our approach generaly made a holiday where ever we went; men women and children flocking to us either to satisfy their curiosity or trade with us for whatever they might have, taking in exchange cloth of any kind, especialy linnen or the Indian cloth we had brought from the Islands, Paper, Glass bottles, sometimes peices of broken glass, Nails &c.

We saw few signs of religion among these people: they had no publick places of Worship among them as the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands, and only one private one came under my observation, which was in the neighbourhood of a plantation of their sweet potatoes. It was a small square, borderd round with stones; in the middle was a spade, and on it was hung a basket of fern roots, an offering (I suppose) to the Gods for the success of the Crop, so at least one of the natives explaind it.

The ‘Gods’, in this case, would be Rongo, the god of agriculture (and also, logically enough, of peace). It does not seem likely that the ‘small square’ here described, was a place of worship, though no doubt suitably tapu.

They however acknowledged the influence of superior beings and have nearly the same account of the creation of the World, mankind &c. as Tupia; he however seemd to be much better vers'd in such legends than any of them, for whenever he began to preach as we calld it he was sure of a numerous audience who attended with most profound silence to his doctrines.

The Burial of the Dead instead of being a Pompous ceremony as in the Islands is here kept secret.

By ‘Burial of the Dead’ Banks must mean actual interment—or other disposal—of bodies, or of bones: for exhumation of the remains of important people and the scraping clean of their bones for final disposal was not infrequent. Earth, sand, swamp were all used for burial; caves provided natural vaults; bones were sometimes hidden in tapu trees; some tribes practised cremation. Mourning ceremonies—the tangi—however were highly public, and pompous enough in a savage way to figure in Sir Thomas Browne. Banks has already described, and here again goes on to describe, the ritual cutting of the flesh by women which was so important a part of them.

We never saw so much as a grave where any one had been interrd; nor were they always alike in the accounts they gave of the manner of disposing of Dead bodies, in the Northern parts they told us that they buried them in the ground and in the southern said that they threw them into the sea, having first tied to them a sufficient weight to cause their sinking. Howsoever they disposd of the dead their regret for the loss of them was sufficiently visible; few or none were without scarrs and some had them hideously large on their cheeks, arms, thighs, legs &c. which proceeded from the cuts they had given themselves during their mourning. I have seen several with such wounds of which the blood was not yet staunchd and one only, a woman, while she was cutting herself and lamenting. She wept much, repeating many sentences in a plaintive tone of voice, at every one of which she with a shell cut a gash in some part of her body; she however contrivd her cutts in such a manner that few of them drew blood and those that did penetrated a small depth only. She was old and had outlivd probably those violent impressions that greif as well as other passions of the mind make upon young people, her greif also was probably of long standing; the scarrs upon the bodies of the greater part of these people evincd however that they had felt sorrows more severely than she did.

Thus much for the manners and customs of these people as far as they have come to my knowledge in the few opportunities I had of seeing them; they differ in many things but agree in more with those of the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands. Their Language I shall next give a short specimen of which is almost precisely the same at least in fundamentals. It is true that they have generaly added several letters to the words as usd by the inhabitants of Otahite &c.

He is thinking primarily no doubt of the consonantal changes which were characteristic of the variants of the Polynesian language-group: e.g. the Tahitian and Society Islands va'a (canoe) in New Zealand was waka; similarly ra'i (sky) was rangi; umete (bowl) was kumete. The southern dialects in New Zealand used k instead of ng. The Tahitian word for house, fare, became whare, but for many Europeans the Maori aspirate wh sound seemed equivalent to f. See for a short, clear discussion Buck, pp. 74—9.

but the original plainly appears in the composition. The language of the Northern and southern parts differ cheifly in this: the one has added more letters than the others, the original words are however not less visible to the slightest observer. I shall give a short table of each compard with the Otahite, taking care to mention as many words as I know which are either of a doubtfull or different original, Premising however two things: first that the words were so much disguisd by their manner of pronouncing them that I found it very dificult to understand them till I had wrote them down; secondly that Tupia at the very first understood and conversd with them with great facility.

This is an interesting list. Examples may be studied, as with Banks's Tahitian vocabulary, I, pp. 372—3 above. As with his Tahitian words, Banks frequently takes the indefinite article e or he as an inherent part of the word: e.g. his words for Forehead, Northern Erai, Southern Heai, Tahitian Erai=[e] rae, [he] rae. [e] rae. He was certainly more characteristic of the southern dialects than e. With his words for Chief we have evidence of consonantal ambiguity: Eareete, Eareete, Earee=[e] ariki, [e] ariki, [e] arii; similarly for Trees: Eratou=[e] rakau, Tahitian [e] rauu. With Yams we have the definite article te plus consonantal ambiguity: Tuphwe = [te] uhi; with Lobster the te only in the Tahitian word: Kooura=koura but Tooura=[te] oura. With Hair we have two different Maori words: Northern Macauwe=makawe; Southern Heoooo apparently=[he] huruhuru; Tahitian Roourou=rouru. With Ear we have two different words and probably some poor reporting for the Southern one: Terringa=taringa, but Hetaheyei may be [he] + [te] hoi (the lobe of the ear); Terrea=Tahitian taria. The Maori word Taata reported for Man has an interest of its own; for it suggests that the consonantal change from Tahitian taata to tangata was not yet made: Banks seems otherwise to pick up the ng sound—e.g. paparinga (cheeks), [he] ringaringa (arm).

NorthernSouthernOtahitea cheifEareeteEareeteEareea ManTaataTaataTaataa Womanwahinewahinewahinethe headEupoHeaowpohoEupo

NorthernSouthernOtahitethe HairMacauweHeooooRoourouthe EarTerringaHetaheyeiTerreathe ForeheadEraiHeaiEraithe EyesMataHemataMatathe CheeksPaparingaHepapaehPapareathe noseAhewhHeeihahewthe MouthHangoutouHegowaiOutouthe ChinEcouwaiHekaoewai……the ArmHaringaringa……Remathe fingerMaticaraHemaigawhManeowthe bellyAteraboo……Oboothe navelApetoHecapeetoPetoCome hereHoromaiHoromaiHarromaiFishHeicaHeicaEycaa lobsterKoouraKoouraToouraCoccosTaroTaroTaroSweet potatoesCumalaCumalaCumalaYammsTuphwheTuphwheTuphwheBirdsMannuMannuMannuNoKaoureKaoureOure1.Tahai……Tahai2.Rua……Rua3.Torou……Torou4.Ha……Hea5.Rema……Rema6.Ono……Otio7.Etu……Hetu8.Warou……Warou9.Iva……Heva10.Angahourou……Ahourouthe teethhennihuheneahoNihiothe WindMehow……Mattaia theifAmootoo……Tetoto examineMataketake……Mataitaito SingEheara……HeivaBadKenoKenoEnoTreesEratouEratouEraouGrandfatherToubounaToubounaToubouna

I must remark that the greatest part of the southern Language was not taken down by myself and I am inclind to beleive that the person who did it for me made use of more letters in spelling the words than were absolutely nescessary. The Genius of the Language especialy in the Southern parts is to add some particle before a noun as we do

There was no special practice of this sort in ‘the Southern parts’. The ‘Genius of the Language’ was just as much alive in the north.

‘the’ or ‘a’; ‘the’ was generaly He, or Ko;

He is the indefinite article (Tahitian c); ko (Tahitian o), a particle ‘used when the predicate is either a proper name, a personal pronoun, a local noun, or the interrogatives wai or hea [or whea]; also before a common noun with any of the definitives except he’.—Tregear, Maori Comparative Dictionary. Ko wai, who?—ko whea, where, what? The answer would begin also ko, he is, or it is (cf. O Tahiti).

they also often add to the end of any word, especialy if it is in answer to a question, the word Oeia

aheiha, a word denoting acquiescence—‘yes, indeed’, ‘truly’.

which signifies yes, realy, or certainly. This sometimes led our gentlemen into most longwinded words, one only of which I shall mention as an example. In the Bay of Islands a very remarkable Island was calld by the natives Motu Aro: some of our gentlemen askd the name of this from one of the Natives, Who answerd I suppose as usual Kemotu aro;

Ko, Motu-aro, ‘It is Motu-aro’.

the Gentleman not hearing well the word repeated his question, on which the Indian again repeated his answer, adding Oeia to the end of the name which made it Kemotuaroeiea:

Ko Motu-aro aheiha, ‘Truly, it is Motu-aro’.

this way at least and no other can I account for that Island being calld in the Log book &c Cumattiwarroweia. The same is practisd by the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands only their Particle instead of He, or She, is To, or To;

O, rather.

their oeia

The Tahitian form was oiha, meaning (according to Davies), ‘yes, it is so, spoken rather contemptuously’.

is exactly the same which when first I began to learn the language producd many difficulties and mistakes.

From the similarity of customs, the still greater of Traditions and the almost identical sameness of Language between these people and those of the Islands in the South Sea there remains little doubt that they came originaly from the same source: but where that Source is future experience may teach us, at Present I can say no more than that I firmly beleive that it is to the Westward and by no means to the East.

The origin of the Polynesian peoples was no doubt discussed at large in the Endeavour. Cf. Cook, pp, 286–8: to him the common language was a sufficient proof that both the islanders and the New Zealanders ‘have had one Origin cr Source but where this is, even time perhaps may never discover. It certainly is neither to the Southward nor Eastward for I cannot preswaid my self that ever they came from America and as to a Southern Continent I do not believe any such thing exists unless in a high Latitude… .’ Parkinson, on the other hand (Journal, p. 125) fancies a migration from New Zealand to Tahiti. The theory of a western origin for the Polynesian peoples, on the evidence of language, made an immediate appeal also to the French philologist Court de Jebelin, as we learn from the second edition of Bougainville's Voyage (1772), II, p. 435. Language still seems an extremely difficult obstacle for the upholders of an opposing theory to overcome.

Having now intirely circumnavigated New Zealand and found it, not as generaly has been supposd part of a continent, but 2 Islands: and having not the least reason to imagine that any countrey larger than itself lays in its neighbourhood, it was resolvd to leave it and Proceed upon farther discoveries in our return to England being determind to do as much as the state of the Ship and provisions would allow. In consequence of this resolution a consultation was held and 3 schemes proposd: One, much the most elegible, to return by Cape Horn keeping all the way in the high Latitudes, by which means we might with certainty determine whether or not a Southern Continent existed; but this was unanimously agreed to be more than the Condition of the ship would allow. Our provisions indeed might be equal to it — we had six months at ⅔ allowance — but our Sails and rigging, with which the former especialy we were at first but ill provided, were renderd so bad by the blowing weather that we had met with off New Zealand that we were by no means in a condition to weather the hard Gales that must be expected in a winter passage through high latitudes. The second was to steer to the southward of Van Diemen's Land and stand away directly for the Cape of Good Hope, but this was likewise immediately rejected: if we were in too bad a condition for the former we were in too good a one for this. 6 months provision was much more than enough to carry us to any Port in the East Indies and the over plus was not to be thrown away in a Sea Where so few navigators had been before us: the third therefore was unanimously agreed to, which was to stand immediately to the Westward, fall in with the Coast of New Holland as soon as possible, and after following that to the northward as far as seemd proper, to attempt to fall in with the Lands seen by Quiros in 1606.

The ‘Lands seen by Quiros in 1606’, and called by him Austrialia del Espiritu Santo, were the New Hebrides. Banks gives a rather different account of the plan from Cook's, which runs (p. 273), ‘upon leaving this coast to steer to the westward untill we fall in with the East Coast of New Holland and than to follow the deriction of that Coast to the northward or what other direction it may take untill we arrive at its northern extremity, and if this should be found impractical than to endeavour to fall in with the lands or Islands discover'd by Quiros’. Banks's ‘to the northward as far as seemd proper’ is not quite as thoroughgoing as Cook's phraseology.

In doing this, although we hopd to make discoveries more interesting to trade at least than any we had yet made, we were obligd intirely to give up our first grand object, the Southern Continent: this for my own part I confess I could not do without much regret. — That a Southern Continent realy exists, I firmly beleive; but if ask'd why I beleive so, I confess my reasons are weak; yet I have a preposession in favour of the fact which I find it dificult to account for. Ice in large bodies has been seen off Cape Horn now and then; Sharp saw it in [1681]

Basil Ringrose, in the volume by him added to the English edition of Esquemeling's Buccaneers of America (1685), describes his voyage round the Horn with Captain Bartholomew Sharp, from the Pacific to the Atlantic. In Chapter XXIV, in his entry for 17 November 1681, he writes, ‘At four this morning we saw two or three islands of ice to the S. of us. Soon after this we saw several others, the biggest of them being at least a leagues round. By observation lat. 58° 23′ S. We had now a vehement current to the S. At noon I saw many others of these islands of ice aforementioned, of which some were so long that we could scarce see the end of them, and extended about 10 or 12 fathom above-water’.

and Monsr Frezier, in his return from the Coast of Chili, in the month of March 1714; he also mentions that it has been seen by other French Ships in the same place.

While Frézier's ship was looking for her consorts, on her homeward voyage, in lat. 58° 30′ S, long. 68° 22′ W, he says, ‘we discover'd a shoal of ice, which might be at least 200 foot high above the water, and above 3 cables long. It was at first sight taken for an unknown island, but the weather clearing up a little, it perfectly appear'd to be ice, whose blewish colour in some parts look'd like smoak; the small pieces of ice we immediately saw floating on both sides of the ship, left us no farther room to doubt’. This berg was followed by another, much higher, ‘which look'd like a coast four or five leagues long’. Ice had been seen by other ships, he added, but by very few.—Voyage, pp. 283–4.

If this Ice (as is generaly beleivd) is formd by fresh water only there must be land to the Southward:

Frézier has his own robust feeling over the matter being considered by Banks: ‘If it be true, as many pretend, that the ice in the sea is only form'd of the fresh water, which runs down from the land, it must be concluded that there is land towards the South Pole; but it is not true that there are [sic] any more to the northward than 63 degrees of latitude for the extent of above 200 leagues, from 55 of longitude to 80; for that space has been run over by several ships, which the S.W. and S.S.W. winds have obliged to stand far to the southward, to double the end of the lands. Thus those Southern Lands, or Terra Australis generally laid down in the old charts, are meer Chimeras, which have been justly left out of the new charts’.—ibid., p. 284.

for the Coast of Terra del Fuego is by no means cold enough to produce such an Effect. I should be inclind to think also that it lays well away to the Westward, as the West and South West Winds so generaly prevail that the Ice must be supposd to have followd the direction of these winds, and consequently have come from those points. When we saild to the Southward, in the months of August and Septr 1769, we met with signs of land, sea weed, and a seal: which, tho both of them are often seen at large distances from Land, yet they are not met with in open oceans; and we were at that time to[o] far from the Coast of New Zealand, and much too far from that of South America, to have supposd them to have come from either of these. The Body of this land must however be situated in very high latitudes: a part of it may indeed come to the Northward, within our track; but as we never saw any signs of land, except at the time mentiond above, although I made it my particular business (as well as I beleive the most of us) to look out for such, it must be prodigiously smaller in extent than the theoretical continent makers have supposd it to be. We have by our track provd the absolute falsity of above three fourths of their positions, and after that the rema[in]ing part can not be much rely'd upon; but above all, we have taken from them their firmest Ground work, in Proving New Zealand to be an Island, which I beleive was lookd upon even by the most thinking people to be in all probability at least a part of some Vast Countrey. All this we have taken from them: the land seen by Juan Fernandes, the land seen by the Duch squadron under Hermite, signs of Continent seen by Quiros, and the same by Roggewein,

The references to Juan Fernandez, Hermite, Quiros and Roggeveen, seem all to point to Banks's reading of Alexander Dalrymple's An Account of the Discoveries made in the South Pacifick Ocean, Previous to 1764; for he was not otherwise learned in the history of Pacific exploration. ‘The land seen by Juan Fernandes’ in 1563, and enlarged by imaginative writers into ‘a very fertile and agreeable continent’, was the island now known by his name. Jacob le Hermite was the admiral put in command of the ‘Nassau fleet’ which sailed round the world in 1623–6; one of its ships, the Orange, which had been blown astray, rejoined the fleet at Juan Fernandez in April 1624 with the news that it had seen the continent—probably cloud-banks-twice, in 50° and 41° S. Quiros, the discoverer of the New Hebrides in 1606, convinced himself he had had the whole continent stretching before him. Roggeveen (1721–2) who had sailed beyond 60° S to get round the Horn on his passage into the Pacific, had there met icebergs which he took as evidence of a continent; later he had discovered Easter Island, some of the Tuamotus, and Samoa.

&c &c have by us been provd not to have at all related to a Continent. As for their reasoning about the Balancing of the two poles, which always appeard to me to be a most childish argument, we have already shorn off so much of their supposd counterbalancing land that by their own account the South pole would already be too light, unless what we have left should be made of very ponderous materials. As much fault as I find with these gentlemen will however probably recoil on myself, when I on so slight grounds as those I have mentiond again declare it to be my opinion that a Southern Continent exists, an opinion in favour of which I am strongly preposesd; but foolish and weak as all prepossesions must be thought I would not but declare myself so, least I might be supposd to have stronger reasons which I conceald.

To search for this Continent then the best and readyest way by which at once the existence or nonexistence of it might be Provd appears to me to be this: Let the ship or ships destind for this service leave England in the Spring and proceed directly to the Cape of Good hope, where they might refresh their people and supply in some articles their expence of provision;

This is followed by about 22 words deleted separately and very heavily, as if Banks were ashamed of what he had written and determined it should not be read; they rouse curiosity, but are certainly quite indecipherable.

from thence to proceed round Van Diemens Land to the Coast of New Zealand, where they might again refresh in any of the numerous harbours at the mouth of Cooks streights where they would be sure to meet with plenty of Water, Wood and fish. Here they should arrive by the month of October that they might have the good season before them to run across the South Sea, Which by reason of the Prevailing westerly winds they would easily be able to do in any Latitude; and if in doing this they should not fall in with a Continent they might still be of service by exploring the Islands in the Pacifick Ocean where they might refresh themselves and proceed home by the East Indies.

In the plan thus put forward we see again an indication of the discussions which went on in the great cabin of the Endeavour. Except for the final few words, ‘proceed home by the East Indies’, it is the plan advanced by Cook at the end of his journal, and the plan of his second voyage. We may, one fancies, attribute it to Cook rather than to Banks.

Such a Voyage, as a Voyage of Mere Curiosity, should be promoted by the Royal Society to whoom I doubt not but his majesty would upon a proper application grant a ship, as the subject of such a voyage seems at least as interesting to Science in general and the increase of knowledge as the Observation which gave rise to the Present one. The small expence such an equipment is to goverment is easily shown: I will venture roundly to affirm that the Smallest Station Sloop

‘Station sloop’: a sloop based on, and in close contact with, some particular naval station, and hence constantly kept under repair. No doubt Banks is thinking of home service.

in his majesties service is every year more expensive than this ship where every rope, every sail, every rope yarn even, is obligd to do its duty most thouroughly before it can be dismissd; how trifling then must this expence appear when in return for it the nation acquires experiencd seamen in those who execute it, and the Praise which is never denied to countries who in this publick spirited manner promote the increase of knowledge.

At the Cape of Good Hope might be procurd Beef, Bread, Flower, Pease, Spirit, or indeed any kind of Provision at Reasonable Rates. The Beef must be bought alive and salted, for which purpose it would be proper to take out salt from Europe; the general price which i[n]deed never varies is two pence a pound, it is tolerable meat but not so fat as ours in England. Pork is scarce and dear, of that therefore a larger proportion might be taken out. Bread, which varies in price, is of the Rusk kind, very good but rather brown. Spirit is Arrack from Batavia, the Price of which after having paid the Duties of Import and Export is 60 Rd,

i.e. a Rix dollar, of conventional value 4s English.

12 lb Sterling, a Legger

The conventional spelling is ‘leaguer’.

of 150 Galls. Wine is in vast plenty and very cheap and while I was there they began to Distill a kind of Brandy, which however at that time was as dear as Arrack and much inferior to it both in Strengh and goodness.

Should a ship upon this Expedition be obligd to go into False Bay,

S has the note, ‘False Bay so call'd because Ships sometimes go into it (by mistake) instead of Table Bay’. Cf. p. 247, n. 1 below.

into which the Dutch remove on the 12th of May, most of these articles might be got there at a small advance occasiond by the carriage which is very cheap; and any be wanted which could not, they might be brought from the Cape town either by Dutch Scoots

Scoot, Banks's rendering of schuit, a Dutch flat-bottomed boat used at home in the river-trade, and no doubt well suited for employment as lighters at the Cape.

of which there are several belonging to the Company in the Harbour, or by Waggons over land as the Road is good and much frequented at that season of the Year.

It is obvious from the contents that this and the preceding paragraphs were later additions to the journal, written after the call at Cape Town on the Endeavour’s homeward passage. Apart from the fact that the page on which this paragraph comes is not filled, there is no other sign of interpolation, as Banks, in making the addition, evidently went back and fair-copied a number of earlier pages leading up to this one.

31 [March]. Our rout being settled in the manner above mentiond we this morn weighd and saild with a fair breeze of wind inclind to fall in with Van Diemen's Land as near as possible to the place where Tasman left it.

April 1770

1. Fresh breeze and fair all day.

2. Wind more to the westward but still fair. — Our malt having turnd out so indifferent that the Surgeon made little use of it a method was thought of some weeks ago to bring it into use, which was to make as strong a wort with it as possible and in this boil the wheat which is servd to the People for breakfast. It made a mess far from unpleasant which the people soon grew very fond of: myself who have for many months constantly breakfasted upon the same wheat as the people, either did or at least thought that I receivd great benefit from the use of this mess, it totaly banishd in me that troublesome Costiveness which I beleive most people are subject to when at sea. Whether or no this is a more beneficial method of administering wort as a preventative than the common must be left to the faculty, especialy that excellent surgeon Mr M'Bride whose ingenious treatise on the sea scurvy can never be enough commended.

David MacBride (1726–78), an Irish physician, who had been for a short time a naval surgeon, had attacked the problem of scurvy on the dietary side, and in his Experimental Essays (1764) and Historical Account of the New Method of Treating the Scurvy at Sea (1768)—probably the ‘ingenious treatise’ to which Banks refers—had recommended a boiled wort or infusion of malt as a preventative and cure. Cook had been directed to try MacBride's system during: the voyages and William Perry, the surgeon's mate and later surgeon, reported on it favourably. See Cook, Appendix VI, pp. 632–3. Perry's report is printed in full in Hist. Rec. N.S.W., I, pt. I, pp. 339–42.

For my own part I should be inclind to beleive that the salubrious qualities of the wort which arise from fermentation might in some degree at least be communicated to the wheat when thouroughly saturated with its particles, which would consequently acquire a virtue similar to that of fresh vegetables, the most powerfull resisters of Sea scurvy known.

3. Wind as yesterday: we got fast on to the Westward but the Compass shewd that the hearts of our people hanging that way caus'd a considerable North variation which was sensibly felt by our navigators, who calld it a current as they usualy do every thing which makes their reconings and observations disagree.

This is the first, though by no means the last, of Banks's gibes at those who wanted to see the voyage at an end and themselves home in the northern hemisphere. S has the further note, ‘They steer'd the Ship rather wrong in the night, inclining to the way they wished’. This seems a less persuasive explanation than a current.—‘hanging that way’: he means north, not west as the syntax implies.

4. Wind and weather precisely as yesterday.

5. Wind is rather abated and weather considerably milder. The Capth told me that he has during this whole vo[y]age observd that between the degrees of 40° and 37° South latitude the Weather becomes suddenly milder in a very great degree, not only in the temperature of the air but in the Strenght and frequency of the gales of wind, which increase very much in going towards 40 and decrease in the same proportion as you aproach 37.

6. Almost calm, the air very mild. Some dusky colourd birds

In parentheses above the line here in the Ms is the figure (11) but whether it refers to the number of birds or to a note which has disappeared is uncertain. The birds might have been Sooty Shearwaters or Mutton-birds. See p. 45, n. 3.

were seen by Tupia and the Master who both sayd they were of a sort which they had not seen before. Tupia also declard that he saw a flying fish, no one else however observd it.

7. Almost calm: the air both yesterday and today was damp so that many things began to mould. The sun today had greater power and heat than we had felt for some months past.

8. No swell today, Very light breezes, sun and air much as yesterday.

9. Fair breeze tho very little of it: the Sea both yesterday and today was as smooth as a millpool, no kind of swell ranging in any direction. In the Morn a red taild Tropick bird

Phaethon rubricauda.

was seen who hoverd some time over the ship but except him few or no Birds appeard.

10. Another red taild tropick bird was seen today and a Flying fish. Weather as it has now been for several days rather troublesomly warm and the Sea most uncommonly smooth.

11. Calm: myself went out a shooting and killd Diomedea exulans

This Wandering Albatross was classed by Solander with those of 2 October 1769 and 6 January 1770. There seems little doubt about its identity, and this is of particular interest in view of Banks's comments (p. 45) on the disgorging of Physalia either by this bird or by D. melanophris. Murphy notes this remark (Oceanic Birds of South America, p. 563, 1936) but does not comment on the apparent immunity of the albatross to the nematocysts.

and impavida,

Diomedea melanophris, the Black-browed Albatross. This was apparently the only specimen of this albatross taken on this voyage (Solander, p. 13).

saw profuga,

D. profuga was the Ms name given to the Grey-headed Albatross Diomedea chrysostoma by Solander (see 3 February 1769). The species is not uncommon in these waters, and this sight record may be accepted. The remaining species listed by Banks were apparently all taken on this day, since they are recorded by Solander, whose general practice was to note only the specimens he actually examined.

Procellaria melanopus,

The Kermadec Petrel, Pterodroma neglecta.

Velox,

A gadfly petrel, Cookilaria group.

Oceanica,

Wilson's Petrel. See D. L. Serventy, Emu, 52, 1952, p. 105, for an account of transit movement of this species in the Tasman Sea area.

Vagabunda

The White-headed Petrel, Pterodroma lessonii.

and longipes,

The Grey-backed Storm Petrel, Garrodia nereis.

Nectris fuliginosa,

Probably Sooty Shearwaters, Puffinus griseus.

which I find to be the same bird as was seen by the Master and Tupia on the 6th. Took up with dipping net Miimus volutator,

Glaucus atlanticus.

Medusa pelogica,

Pelagia

Dagysa coruta,

Thalia democratica.

Phyllodoce velella

Velella velella.

and Holothuria obtusata,

Portuguese Man-of-War.

of which last an Albatross that I had shot dischar[g]d a large quantity, incredible as it may appear that any animal should feed upon this blubber, whose stings innumerable give a much more Acute pain to a hand which touches them than Nettles.

12. Calm again: I again went out in my small boat and shot much the same birds as yesterday; took up also cheifly the same animals to which was added indeed Actinia natans.

This small sea anemone has not been identified; Parkinson painted it, III, pl. 26, and Solander described it, p. 481.

I again saw undoubted proofs that the Albatrosses eat Holothurias or Portugese men of War as the sea men call them. I had also an opportunity of observing the manner in which this animal stings. The body of it Consists of a bladder on the upper side of which is fixd a kind of Sail which he erects or depresses at pleasure; the edges of this he also at pleasure gathers in so as to make it Concave on one side and convex on the other, varying the concavity or convexity to which ever side he pleases for the conveniency of catching the wind, which moves him slowly upon the surface of the sea in any direction he pleases. Under the bladder hang down two kinds of strings, one smooth and transparent which are harmless, the other full of small round knobbs having much the appearance of small beads strung, these he contracts or extends sometimes to the lengh of 4 feet. Both these and the others are in this species of a lovely ultramarine blew, but in the more common one which is many times larger than this being near as large as a Gooses egg, they are of a fine red. With these latter however he does his mischeif, stinging or burning as it is calld if touchd by any substance: they immediately exsert millions of exceeding fine white threads about a line in lengh which peirce the skin and adhere to it giving very acute pain.

This is one of the earliest observations on the action of the nematocysts which comprise the stinging organs of Physalia. Trembley noticed the structures in Hydra in 1744, but no proper description of their mechanism was published until Ehrenberg discussed them in 1836. See R. Weil in Trav. St. Zool. Wimereux, 10, 1934. The other larger form to which Banks refers is a variety only and not a true species.

When the animal exserts them out of any of the little knobbs or beads which are not in contact with some substance into which they can peirce they appear very visibly to the naked eye like small fibres of snow white cotton.

13. Calm and fine as Yesterday with the sun as powerfull as ever; last night a great dew fell with which in the morn all the rigging &c was wet. Myself shooting as usual but saw no new birds except a Gannet which came not near me: of those for these 4 or 5 days past killd a good many, indeed during this whole time they have been tame and appeard unknowing and unsu[s]picious of men, the generality of them flying to the boat as soon as ever they saw it which is generaly the case when at large distances from the land. Took up Dagysa vitrea

Nectophore of Diphyes dispar.

and Gemma,

Thalia democratica.

Medusa radiata

Aequorea forskalia.

and Porpita,

Porpita porpita.

Helix Janthina

Janthina janthina.

very large, Doris complanata

A planarian.

and Beroe biloba.

Probably Callianira bialata Delle Chiaje. See Parkinson III, pl. 61; Solander, p. 441.

Saw a large shoal of Esox Scombroides

Probably Scombresox forsteri Cuv. and Val., the Skipper or Saury. See Solander, Pise. Aust., p. 47.

leaping out of the water in a very extrordinary manner, pursued by a large fish which I saw but could not strike tho I did two of the former. In the Evening saw several fish much Resembling Bonitos.

The weather we have had for these Nine days past and the things we have seen upon the sea are so extrordinary that I cannot help recapitulating a little. The Weather in the first place which till the fifth was cool or rather cold became at once troublesomely hot bringing with it a mouldy dampness such as we have experiencd between the tropicks: the Thermometer at this time although it shewd a considerable difference in the degree of heat was not near so sensible of it as our bodies, which I beleive is generaly the case when a damp air accompanies warmth. During the continuance of this weather the inhabitants of the seas between the tropicks appeard: the Tropick bird, flying fish and Medusa Porpita are animals very seldom seen out of the influence of trade winds, several others also are such as I have never before seen in so high a latitude and never before in such perfection as now except between the tropicks. All these uncommon appearances I myself can find no other method of accounting for than the uncommon lengh of time that the wind had remaind in the Eastern quarter before this, which Possibly had all that time blown home from the trade wind, and at the same time as it kept the sea in a quiet and still state had brought with it the Produce of the Climates from whence it came.

14. A great dew this morn and Weather as calm as ever; in the afternoon however a small breeze sprang up and increasd gradualy till towards night when a large quantity of Porpoises were seen about the ship.

15. Little or no Dew this.morn: the Breeze freshned and came to WNW which soon raisd a sea. Several flying fish were seen today; tho I was not fortunate enough to see any of them yet they were seen by people who I am sure could not be mistaken. After dinner a small Bird of the Sterna kind came about the ship much like the Sterna of New Zealand but browner upon the back;

Possibly an immature White-fronted Tern, Sterna striata (Gm.). Hindwood has discussed the status of this species on the Australian side of the Tasman Sea (Emu, 45, 1946, p. 179). Mid-April would be a particularly early date for its appearance in Australian waters, the first date given by Hindwood being May 3. In New Zealand these birds leave their nesting grounds in March.

it stayd a long time about the ship and seemd to me as if it had lost its way. At night the wind moderated but with it came a kind of invisible spray or mist which thouroughly wetted my hair as I walkd the deck.

16. No dew this morn: weather moderate and cloudy. In the Morn Tupia saw a large float of sea weed and shewd it to one other man; it was however so far from the ship that no one else saw it. At noon Our second Lieutenant observd a small Butterfly as he thought. At night some Thunder and a fresh gale at Sw, with a heavy swell which seemd to keep rather to the Westward of the Wind. Many Albatrosses and black shearwaters

Probably the Short-tailed Shearwater or Tasmanian Mutton-bird, Puffinus tenuirostris (Temm.), or the Wedge-tailed Shearwater, P. pacificus (Gm.).

were about the ship. At night a small land bird came on board about the size of a sparrow; some of the boys tried to catch it but it got from them in the rigging and was never seen after.

17. During last night and this morn the weather was most Variable with continual squalls and wind shifting all round the compass; such weather is often met with in the neighbourhood of land so that with this and the former signs our seamen began to prophesy that we were not now at any great distance from it. A Gannet was seen which flew towards the Nw with a steady uninterrupted flight as if he knew the road that he was going led to the shore.

The Australian Gannet, Sula bassana serrator (Gray). This is an interesting observation in view of the recent demonstration that many New Zealand-bred gannets migrate to the east Australian shore-line in the autumn, where they feed on the abundant winter shoals of pilchards (Stein and Wodzicki, Notornis, 6, 1955, p. 58).

In the evening a Port Egmont hen was seen. At night it blew strong at WSW.

18. Stiff gales and a heavy sea from the Westward. In the morn a Port Egrnont hen and a Pintado bird were seen, at noon two more of the former. At night the weather became rather more moderate and a shoal of Porpoises were about the Ship which leapd out of the water like Salmons,

The porpoises are unidentifiable.

often throwing their whole bodies several feet high above the surface.

19. With the first day light this morn the Land was seen,

The coast of New South Wales was first sighted at 6 a.m., this day by Hicks. The ship continued to stand to the westward till 8 a.m., at which time Cook altered course to Ne, naming the southernmost point of land then in sight Point Hicks.

at 10 it was pretty plainly to be observd; it made in sloping hills, coverd in Part with trees or bushes, but interspersd with large tracts of sand. At Noon the land much the same. We were now sailing along shore 5 or 6 Leagues from it, with a brisk breeze of wind and cloudy unsettled weather, when we were calld upon deck to see three water spouts, which at the same time made their appearance in different places but all between us and the land. Two which were very distant soon disapeard but the third which was about a League from us lasted full a quarter of an hour. It was a column which appeard to be of about the thickness of a mast or a midling tree, and reachd down from a smoak colourd cloud about two thirds of the way to the surface of the sea; under it the sea appeard to be much troubled for a considerable space and from the whole of that space arose a dark colourd thick mist which reachd to the bottom of the pipe. When it was at its greatest distance from the water the pipe itself was perfectly transparent and much resembled a tube of glass or a Column of water, if such a thing could be supposd to be suspended in the air; it very frequently contracted and dilated, lenghned and shortned itself and that by very quick motions; it very seldom remaind in a perpendicular direction but Generaly inclind either one way or the other in a curve as a light body acted upon by wind is observd to do. During the whole time that it lasted smaler ones seemd to attempt to form in its neighbourhood; at last one did about as thick as a rope close by it and became longer than the old one which at that time was in its shortest state; upon this they Joind together in an instant and gradualy contracting intd the Cloud disapeard.

On the evening of this day the ship was off Cape Howe.

20. The countrey this morn rose in gentle sloping hills which had the appearance of the highest fertility, every hill seemd to be cloth'd with trees of no mean size; at noon a smoak was seen a little way inland and in the Evening several more.

21. In the morn the land appeard much as it did yesterday but rather more hilly; in the even again it became flatter. Several smoaks were seen from whence we concluded it to be rather more populous; at night five fires.

On the morning of this day the ship was off Mount Dromedary and Cape Dromedary, in the afternoon passed Bateman's Bay, and in the evening Point Upright.

22. The Countrey hilly but rising in gentle slopes and well wooded. A hill was in sight which much resembled those dove houses which are built four square with a small dome at the top.

Called by Cook the Pigeon House.

In the morn we stood in with the land near enough to discern 5 people who appeard through our glasses to be enormously black: so far did the prejudices which we had built on Dampiers account influence us that we fancied we could see their Colour when we could scarce distinguish whether or not they were men.

Both in his New Voyage round the World (1697) and his Voyage to New Holland (1703) Dampier writes in exceedingly uncomplimentary terms of the Australian aborigines. In the former (Dampier's Voyages, ed. Masefield, I, p. 453) he says, ‘The colour of their Skins, both of their Faces and the rest of their Body, is coal black, like that of the Negroes of Guinea’; and in the latter (ibid., II, p. 440) he refers to ‘the same black Skins’ as he had noted before. Presumably Banks had the volumes on board with him.

— Since we have been on the coast we have not observd those large fires which we so frequently saw in the Islands and New Zealand made by the Natives in order to clear the ground for cultivation; we thence concluded not much in favour of our future freinds. — It has long been an observation among us that the air in this Southern hemisphere was much clearer than in our northern, these some days at least it has appeard remarkably so. A headland calld Dromedaries Head, not remarkably high,

Presumably he means Cape Dromedary, as Cook refers to Mount Dromedary as ‘a pretty high mountain’.

had been seen at the dist[ance] of 25 L'gs and judgd by nobody to be more than 6 or 8 from us; it was now in sight plain and our distance from it by the ships run was 23 I'gs, yet the Sea men acknowledg'd that tho they knew how far it was from them they could not think that it appeard more than 10 I'gs off. The hill like a pigeon house was also seen at a very great distance; the little dome on the top of it was first thought to be a rock standing up in the sea long before any other part was seen, and when we came up with it we found it to be several miles inland.

23. Calm today, myself in small boat but saw few or no birds. Took with the dipping net Cancer Erythroptamus,

Parkinson's drawing of an unidentified megalopa larva (III, pl. 11) was made this day and is labelled Cancer cyapopthalmus; it is possibly the organism to which Banks refers here.

Medusa radiata,

Aequorea forskalia.

pelagica,

Pelagia sp.

Dagysa gemma,

Thalia democratica.

strumosa,

Thetys vagina.

cornuta,

Thalia democratica.

Holothuria obtusata,

Portuguese Man-of-war. See 7 October 1768, and 3 March 1769. Solander records this ‘variety’ of Physalia physalis on four occasions (p. 395).

Phyllodoce Velella

Veleila velella.

and Mimus voludator.

Glaucus atlanticus.

The ship was too far from the shore to see much of it; a larger fire was however seen than any we have seen before.

The Master today in conversation made a remark on the Variation of the Needle which struck me much, as to me it was new and appeard to throw much light on the Theory of that Phenomenon. The Variation is here very small, he says: he has three times crossd the line of no variation and that at all those times as well as at this he has observd the Needle to be very unsteady, moving very easily and scarce at all fixing: this he shewd me: he also told me that in several places he has been in the land had a very remarkable effect upon the variation, as in the place we were now in: at 1 or 2 Leagues distant from the shore the variation was 2 degrees less than at 8 Lgs distance.

What particular light Molyneux's remark threw on the ‘theory’ of the variation of the needle Banks does not say, apart from noting the facts. The essential thing to be learnt about the variation of the needle on shipboard was that it was affected by the iron on the ship itself, and the discovery of how to counteract that had to wait for Flinders.

24. The wind was unfavourable all day and the ship too far from the land for much to be seen; 2 large fires however were seen and several smaller. At night a little lightning to the Southward.

This day Cook named Cape St George, and two leagues to the north of it noted the appearance of a bay, an appearance ‘not favourable enough to induce me to loose time in beating up to it’. This was Jervis Bay: he named its north point Long Nose.

25. Large fires were lighted this morn about 10 O'Clock, we supposd that the gentlemen ashore had a plentifull breakfast to prepare. The countrey tho in general well enough clothd appeard in some places bare; it resembled in my imagination the back of a lean Cow, coverd in general with long hair, but nevertheless where her scraggy hip bones have stuck out farther than they ought accidental rubbs and knocks have intirely bard them of their share of covering. In the even it was calm. All the fires were put out about 5 O'Clock. Several brown patches were seen in the sea looking much as if dirt had been thrown into it, but upon a nearer examination they provd to be myriads of small dagysas.

26. Land today more barren in appearance that we hade before seen it: it consisted cheifly of Chalky cliffs something resembling those of old England; within these it was flat and might be no doubt as fertile. Fires were seen during the day the same as yesterday but none so large.

27. The Countrey today again made in slopes to the sea coverd with wood of a tolerable growth tho not so large as some we have seen. At noon we were very near it; one fire only was in sight. Some bodies of 3 feet long and half as broad floated very boyant past the ship; they were supposd to be cuttle bones which indeed they a good deal resembled but for their enormous size.

According to Cotton (S. Aust, Nat., 1931) the largest and most common Australian sepia is Amplisepia apama (Gray). He figures a cuttle bone from one of these measuring 280 × 100 mm., but a specimen exists in the British Museum which is no less than 460 × 150 mm.

After dinner the Captn proposd to hoist out boats and attempt to land, which gave me no small satisfaction; it was done accordingly but the Pinnace on being lowerd down into the water was found so leaky that it was impracticable to attempt it. Four men were at this time observd walking briskly along the shore, two of which carried on their shoulders a small canoe; they did not however attempt to put her in the water so we soon lost all hopes of their intending to come off to us, a thought with which we once had flatterd ourselves. To see something of them however we resolvd and the Yawl, a boat just capable of carrying the Captn, Dr Solander, myself and 4 rowers was accordingly prepard. They sat on the rocks expecting us but when we came within about a quarter of a mile they ran away hastily into the countrey; they appeard to us as well as we could judge at that distance exceedingly black. Near the place were four small canoes which they left behind. The surf was too great to permit us with a single, boat and that so small to attempt to land, so we were obligd to content ourselves with gazing from the boat at the productions of nature which we so much wishd to enjoy a nearer acquaintance with. The trees were not very large and stood seperate from each other without the least underwood; among them we could discern many cabbage trees but nothing else which we could call by any name.

This attempt to land seems to have been not far from Bulli, perhaps a mile or two north of it. Cook gives the noon latitude as 34° 21′ and Bulli is just about 34° 20′. The ‘cabbage trees’ were probably Livistona australis.

In the course of the night many fires were seen.

28. The land this morn appeard Cliffy and barren without wood. An opening appearing like a harbour was seen and we stood directly in for it. A small smoak arising from a very barren place directed our glasses that way and we soon saw about 10 people, who on our approach left the fire and retird to a little emminence where they could conveniently see the ship; soon after this two Canoes carrying 2 men each landed on the beach under them, the men hauld up their boats and went to their fellows upon the hill. Our boat which had been sent ahead to sound now aproachd the place and they all retird higher up on the hill; we saw however that at the beach or landing place one man at least was hid among some rocks who never that we could see left that place. Our boat proceeded along shore and the Indians followd her at a distance. When she came back the officer who was in her told me that in a cove a little within the harbour they came down to the beach and invited our people to land by many signs and word[s] which he did not at all understand; all however were armd with long pikes and a wooden weapon made something like a short scymetar.

‘Long pikes’ must be the ordinary native spear. The ‘wooden weapon made something like a short scymetar’ reminds one at once of a boomerang; but the ‘swords’ Banks mentions in his next sentence echoes the same word used by Cook and others, which has generally been taken to indicate throwing-sticks. Probably both articles were seen.

During this time a few of the Indians who had not followd the boat remaind on the rocks opposite the ship, threatning and menacing with their pikes and swords — two in particular who were painted with white,

Pipe clay.

their faces seemingly only dusted over with it, their bodies painted with broad strokes drawn over their breasts and backs resembling much a soldiers cross belts, and their legs and thighs also with such like broad strokes drawn round them which imitated broad garters or bracelets. Each of these held in his hand a wooden weapon about 2 1/2 feet long, in shape much resembling a scymeter; the blades of these loòkd whitish and some though[t] shining insomuch that they were almost of opinion that they were made of some kind of metal, but myself thought they were no more than wood smeard over with the same white pigment with which they paint their bodies.

This was so. Banks seems again to be describing the boomerang.

These two seemd to talk earnestly together, at times brandishing their crooked weapons at us as in token of defiance. By noon we were within the mouth of the inlet which appeard to be very good. Under the South head of it were four small canoes; in each of these was one man who held in his hand a long pole with which he struck fish, venturing with his little imbarkation almost into the surf. These people seemd to be totaly engag'd in what they were about: the ship passd within a quarter of a mile of them and yet they scarce lifted their eyes from their employment; I was almost inclind to think that attentive to their business and deafned by the noise of the surf they neither saw nor heard her go past them. At I we came to an anchor abreast of a small village consisting of about 6 or 8 houses. Soon after this an old woman followd by three children came out of the wood; she carried several peice[s] of stick and the children also had their little burthens; when she came to the houses 3 more younger children came out of one of them to meet her. She often lookd at the ship but expressd neither surprize nor concern. Soon after this she lighted a fire and the four Canoes came in from fishing; the people landed, hauld up their boats and began to dress their dinner to all appearance totaly unmovd at us, tho we were within a little more than ½ a mile of them. Of all these people we had seen so distinctly through our glasses we had not been able to observe the least signs of Cloathing: myself to the best of my judgement plainly discernd that the woman did not copy our mother Eve even in the fig leaf.

After dinner the boats were mann'd and we set out from the ship intending to land at the place where we saw these people, hoping that as they regarded the ships coming in to the bay so little they would as little regard our landing. We were in this however mistaken, for as soon as we aproachd the rocks two of the men came down upon them, each armd with a lance of about 10 feet long and a short stick which he seemd to handle as if it was a machine to throw the lance.

We have now clearly a throwing-stick.

They calld to us very loud in a harsh sounding Language of which neither us or Tupia understood a word, shàking their lances and menacing, in all appearance resolvd to dispute our landing to the utmost tho they were but two and we 30 or 40 at least. In this manner we parleyd with them for about a quarter of an hour, they waving to us to be gone, we again signing that we wanted water and that we meant them no harm. They remaind resolute so a musquet was fird over them, the Effect of which was that the Youngest of the two dropd a bundle of lances on the rock at the instant in which he heard the report; he however snatchd them up again and both renewd their threats and opposition. A Musquet loaded with small shot was now fird at the Eldest of the two who was about 40 yards from the boat; it struck him on the legs but he minded it very little so another was immediately fird at him; on this he ran up to the house about 100 yards distant and soon returnd with a sheild. In the mean time we had landed on the rock. He immediately threw a lance at us and the young man another which fell among the thickest of us but hurt nobody; 2 more musquets with small shot were then fird at them on which the Eldest threw one more lance and then ran away as did the other. We went up to the houses, in one of which we found the children hid behind the sheild and a peice of bark in one of the houses. We were conscious from the distance the people had been from us when we fird that the shot could have done them no material harm; we therefore resolvd to leave the children on the spot without even opening their shelter. We therefore threw into the house to them some beads, ribbands, cloths &c. as presents and went away. We however thought it no improper measure to take away with us all the lances which we could find about the houses, amounting in number to forty or fifty. They were of various lenghs, from 15 to 6 feet

S has the note, ‘Lances from 15 to 6 feet: probably those dimensions were the two extremes: the general size was from 14 to 8 feet. See p. 396’ [i.e. p. 132 below].

in lengh; both those which were thrown at us and all we found except one had 4 prongs headed with very sharp fish bones, which were besmeard with a greenish colourd gum that at first gave me some suspicions of Poison.

This was a fish-spear; the gum that roused Banks's suspicion was merely resin or gum used to attach the fish-bones to the main part of the prongs. The Australians did not poison their spears.

The people were blacker than any we have seen in the Voyage tho by no means negroes; their beards were thick and bushy and they seemd to have a redundancy of hair upon those parts of the body where it commonly grows; the hair of their heads was bushy and thick but by no means wooley like that of a Negro;

This is another reference to Dampier, who, in the passages already cited (p. 50, n. 3 above) remarks, ‘Their Hair is black, short and curl'd, like that of the Negroes; and not long and lank like the common Indians’—i.e. of Central and South America; and ‘Hair frizled’. This was good observation in neither case. There is nothing of the negro in the Australian aborigine, as Banks now begins to realize.

they were of a common size, lean and seemd active and nimble; their voices were coarse and strong. Upon examining the lances we had taken from them we found that the very most of them had been usd in striking fish, at least we concluded so from sea weed which was found stuck in among the four prongs. — Having taken the resolution before mentiond we returnd to the ship in order to get rid of our load of lances, and having done that went to that place at the mouth of the harbour where we had seen the people in the morn; here however we found nobody. — At night many moving lights were seen in different parts of the bay such as we had been usd to see at the Islands; from hence we supposd that the people here strike fish in the same manner.

29. The fires (fishing fires as we supposd) were seen during the greatest part of the night. In the morn we went ashore at the houses, but found not the least good effect from our present yesterday: No signs of people were to be seen; in the house in which the children were yesterday was left every individual thing which we had thrown to them; Dr Solander and myself went a little way into the woods and found many plants, but saw nothing like people. At noon all hands came on board to dinner. The Indians, about 12 in number, as soon as they saw our boat put off Came down to the houses. Close by these was our watering place at which stood our cask: they lookd at them but did not touch them, their business was merely to take away two of four boats which they had left at the houses; this they did, and hauld the other two above high water mark, and then went away as they came. In the Evening 15 of them armd came towards our waterers; they sent two before the rest, our people did the same; they however did not wait for a meeting but gently retird. Our boat was about this time loaded so every body went off in her, and at the same time the Indians went away. Myself with the Captn &c were in a sandy cove on the Northern side of the harbour, where we hauld the seine and caught many very fine fish, more than all hands could Eat.

30. Before day break this morn the Indians were at the houses abreast of the Ship: they were heard to shout much. At su[n]rise they were seen walking away along the beach; we saw them go into the woods where they lighted fires about a mile from us. Our people went ashore as usual, Dr Solander and myself into the woods. The grass cutters were farthest from the body of the people: towards them came 14 or 15 Indians having in their hands sticks that shone (sayd the Sergeant of marines) like a musquet. The officer on seeing them gatherd his people together: the hay cutters coming to the main body appeard like a flight so the Indians pursued them, however but a very short way, for they never came nearer than just to shout to each other, maybe a furlong. At night they came again in the same manner and acted over again the same half pursuit. Myself in the Even landed on a small Island on the Northern side of the bay

Bare islet, off La Pérouse Point.

to search for shells; in going I saw six Indians on the main who shouted to us but ran away into the woods before the boat was within half a mile of them, although she did not even go towards them.

May 1770

1. The Captn Dr Solander, myself and some of the people, making in all 10 musquets, resolvd to make an excursion into the countrey. We accordingly did so and walkd till we compleatly tird ourselves, which was in the evening, seeing by the way only one Indian who ran from us as soon as he saw us. The Soil wherever we saw it consisted of either swamps or light sandy soil on which grew very few species of trees, one which was large yeilding a gum much like sanguis draconis,

‘Dragon's blood’: in earlier English parlance ‘gum-dragon’, the resinous tragacanth which exuded from the tragacanth shrub or its allied species. The likening of the gum to that of ‘sanguis draconis’ was due to the contemporary interest in the exudate of the Dragon Tree, Dracaena draco. Philip Miller says the Dragon Tree was ‘very common in the Madeiras and the Canary Islands, where they grow to be large trees; from the Bodies of which it is supposed the Dragon's Blood doth flow’. This gum was once an article of export from the Canaries. There was another vegetable gum, gum-lac, common in the East Indies, and used there as a scarlet dye; it was the raw material of shellac. Tasman's men reported it at Van Diemen's Land. The suggestion has been made that Banks saw the gum of the Blackboy or Grass-tree, Xanthorrhoea sp., but most likely he had come across a variety of Eucalyptus—which seems to have been Kaikur, Eucalyptus alba Reinw., of which Britten published the drawing (pl. 116, 1905), made on the voyage. One sheet is labelled ‘N[ova] C[ambria] no. 5’. Nova Cambria=New South Wales; the number refers to the ‘drying book’ in which the specimens were brought back to England; in this instance, however, an error for ‘50’. For the eucalyptus cf. p. 66 below.

but every place was coverd with vast quantities of grass. We saw many Indian houses and places where they had slept upon the grass without the least shelter; in these we left beads ribbands &c. We saw one quadruped about the size of a Rabbit,

Cook writes (p. 307), ‘Dr Solander had a bad sight of a small Animal some thing like a rabbit’. An outdoor Australian would probably be inclined to guess here a bandicoot or a kangaroo-rat; but in the absence of much better evidence than ‘a bad sight’ we are not entitled to identify.

My Greyhound just got sight of him and instantly lamd himself against a stump which lay conceald in the long grass; we saw also the dung of a large animal that had fed on grass which much resembled that of a Stag;

No doubt a kangaroo.

also the footsteps of an animal clawd like a dog or wolf and as large as the latter;

Probably a dingo, the native Australian dog.

and of a small animal whose feet were like those of a polecat or weesel.

Probably one of the native cats, Dasyurus sp. See p. 117, n. 2 below.

The trees over our heads abounded very much with Loryquets and Cocatoos

Unidentifiable. There are no descriptions or plates of these; Parkinson says (Journal, p. 136) that they were made into a pie.

of which we shot several; both these sorts flew in flocks of several scores together.

Our second Leutenant went in a boat drudging: after he had done he landed and sent the boat away, keeping with him a midshipman with whoom he set out in order to walk to the Waterers. In his Way he was overtaken by 22 Indians who followd him often within 20 yards, parleying but never daring to attack him tho they were all armd with Lances. After they had joind our people 3 or 4 more curious perhaps than prudent, went again towards these Indians who remaind about ½ a mile from our watering place. When they came pretty near them they pretended to be afraid and ran from them; four of the Indians on this immediately threw their lances which went beyond our people, and by their account were thrown about 40 yards; on this they stoppd and began to collect the lances, on which the Indians retird slowly. At this time the Captn Dr Solander and myself came to the waterers; we went immediately towards the Indians; they went fast away; the Captn Dr Solander and Tupia went towards them and every one else stayd behind; this however did not stop the Indians who walkd leasurely away till our people were tird of following them. The accounts of every one who saw the Indians near today was exactly Consonant with what had been obse[r]vd on the first day of our landing: they were black but not negroes, hairy, naked &c. just as we had seen them.

2. The morn was rainy and we who had got already so many plants were well contented to find an excuse for staying on board to examine them a little at least. In the afternoon however it cleard up and we returnd to our old occupation of collecting, in which we had our usual good success. Tupia who strayd from us in pursuit of Parrots, of which he shot several, told us on his return that he had seen nine Indians who ran from him as soon as they perceivd him.

3. Our collection of Plants was now grown so immensly large

The genus Banksia was among this particularly rich collection; the basis for the medallion marking the books of the Department of Botany, British Museum (Natural History), is the Banksia serrata (Linn. f.), collected here. See Pl. III.

that it was necessary that some extrordinary care should be taken of them least they should spoil in the books. I therefore devoted this day to that business and carried all the drying paper, near 200 Quires of which the larger part was full, ashore and spreading them upon a sail in the sun kept them in this manner exposd the whole day, often turning them and sometimes turning the Quires in which were plants inside out. By this means they came on board at night in very good condition. During the time this was doing 11 Canoes, in each of which was one Indian, came towards us. We soon saw that the people in them were employd in striking fish; they came within about ½ a mile of us intent on their own employments and not at all regarding us. Opposite the place where they were several of our people were shooting; one Indian may be prompted by curiosity landed, hauld up his canoe and went towards them; he stayd about a quarter of an hour and then launchd his boat and went off, probably that time had been spent in watching behind trees to see what our people did. I could not find however that he was seen by any body. — When the damp of the Even made it necessary to send my Plants and books on board I made a small excursion in order to shoot any thing I could meet with and found a large quantity of Quails,

These may have been the Brown Quail, Synoicus australis (Latham), which was abundant in this area in the early days of settlement. There are other Australian species.

much resembling our English ones, of which I might have killd as many almost as I pleasd had I given my time up to it, but my business was to kill variety and not too many individuals of any one species. — The Captn and Dr Solander employd the day in going in the pinnace into various parts of the harbour. They saw fires at several places and people who all ran away at their approach with the greatest precipitation, leaving behind the shell fish which they were cooking; of this our gentlemen took the advantage, eating what they found and leaving beads ribbands &c in return. They found also several trees which bore fruit of the Jambosa kind, much in colour and shape resembling cherries; of these they eat plentifully and brought home also abundance, which we eat with much pleasure tho they had little to recommend them but a light acid.

This must have been Eugenia banksii or some related sp.

4. Myself in the woods botanizing as usual, now quite void of fear as our neighbours have turnd out such rank cowards. One of our midshipmen stragling by himself a long way from any one else met by accident with a very old man and woman and some children: they were setting under a tree and neither party saw the other till they were close together. They shewd signs of fear but did not attempt to run away. He had nothing about him to give to them but some Parrots which he had shot: these they refusd, withdrawing themselves from his hand when he offerd them in token either of extreme fear or disgust. The people were very old and grey headed, the children young. The hair of the man was bushy about his head, his beard long and rough, the womans was crop'd short round her head; they were very dark colourd but not black nor was their hair wooley. He stayd however with them but a very short time, for seing many canoes fishing at a small distance he feard that the people in them might observe him and come ashore to the assistance of the old people, who in all probability belongd to them. 17 Canoes came fishing near our people in the same manner as yesterday only stayd rather longer, emboldend a little I suppose by having yesterday met with no kind of molestation. Myself in the afternoon ashore on the Nw side of the bay, where we went a good way into the countrey which in this place is very sandy and resembles something our Moors in England, as no trees grow upon it but every thing is coverd with a thin brush of plants about as high as the knees. The hills are low and rise one above another a long way into the countrey by a very gradual ascent, appearing in every respect like those we were upon. While we were employd in this walk the people hawld the Seine upon a sandy beach and caught great plenty of small fish. On our return to the ship we found also that our 2nd lieutenant who had gone out striking had met with great success: he had observd that the large sting rays of which there are abundance in the bay followd the flowing tide into very shallow water; he therefore took the opportunity of flood and struck several in not more than 2 or 3 feet water; one that was larger than the rest weigh'd when his gutts were taken out 239 pounds.1 Our surgeon, who had strayd a long way from the people with one man in his company, in coming out of a thicket observd 6 Indians standing about 50 yards from him; one of these gave a signal by a word pronouncd loud, on which a lance was thrown out of the wood at him which however came not very near him. The 6 Indians on seeing that it had not taken effect ran away in an instant, but on turning about towards the place from whence the lance came he saw a young lad, who undoubtedly had thrown it, come down from a tree where he had been Stationd probably for that purpose; he descended however and ran away so quick that it was impossible even to atempt to pursue him.

5. As tomorrow was fixd for our sailing Dr Solander and myself were employd the whole day in collecting specimens of as many things as we possibly could to be examind at sea. The day was calm and the Mosquetos of which we have always had some more than usualy troublesome. No Indians were seen by any body during

The rays taken at Botany Bay included the following species which were drawn by Spöring (Parkinson I, pls. 45–8): the Stingaree, Urolophus testaceus (Müller and Henle)—there is an Ms note by Spöring on the ‘200 pounder’; the Fiddler Ray, Trygonorhina fasciata (Müller and Henle); Banks's Shovelnose Ray, Aptychotrema banksii (Müller and Henle)—the description was based on this drawing which becomes the type; and an Eagle Ray, Myliobatis, probably australis Macleay, the length of which Spöring noted as 4 feet. Curiously enough this last fish was not described with the others by Solander in his Pisces Novae Hollandiae (MS Z 2). One of Spöring's drawings was previously thought to represent Dasyatis brevicaudatus (Hutton) and to be by Parkinson (Cook I, p. 310, n. 3), but further examination proved that both these conclusions were erroneous. That note must be regarded as superseded by the present one. See Pl. 36.

the whole day. The 2nd Lieutenant went out striking and took several large Stingrays the biggest of which weighd without his gutts 336 pounds.

It was for this day that Cook (it was his 6 May) made the entry in his log, draft journal, and finally journal (p. 310), ‘The great quantity/number of these sort of fish found in this place occasioned my giving it the name of Sting Ray's harbour/Bay’, with the substitution in the final journal, ‘The great quantity of New Plants &ca Mr Banks and Dr Solander collected in this place occasioned my giveing it the name of Botany Bay’. Cook came at this famous name not without trial and rejection: we have in his Ms journal at this place the quite clear scries, Sting-Rays Harbour, Botanist Harbour, Botanist Bay, Botany Bay. As we shall see, Banks generally uses the name ‘Stingrays Bay’, altering it only twice—except in his running heads, which he clearly added later, and which are consistently Botany Bay. I have discussed the problem of the date of the change (probably August-September 1770) in my Textual Introduction to Cook (p. ccix). It is impossible to say whether Cook or Banks had the first thought of change, though not improbably it was Cook, by way of delicate compliment to the naturalists; he is also much more painstaking in going through his journal and altering the name to the new one. Of the other journal-keepers, only Parkinson came by the name Botany.

6. Went to sea this morn with a fair breeze of wind. The land we saild past during the whole forenoon appeard broken and likely for harbours; in the afternoon again woody and very pleasant. We dind to day upon the sting-ray and his tripe: the fish itself was not quite so good as a scate nor was it much inferior, the tripe every body thought excellent. We had with it a dish of the leaves of tetragonia cornuta

Tetragonia expansa Murr., introduced into England by Banks on his return from the voyage. Though generally reckoned inferior to spinach, it yields largely, grows where the common spinach fails, and in climates where this produces only late in the year supplies an earlier vegetable.

boild, which eat as well as spinage or very near it.

7. During last night a very large dew fell which wetted all our sails as compleatly as if they had been dippd overboard; for several days past our dews have been uncommonly large. Most part of the day was calm, at night a foul wind.

8. Very light breezes and weather sultry all day. We had lost ground yesterday so the land was what we had seen before; upon it however we observd several fires upon it. At night a foul wind rose up much at the same time and much in the same manner as yesterday.

9. Wind continued foul and we turnd to windward all day to no manner of purpose.

10. Last night a very heavy squall came off from the land which according to the seamens phrase made all sneer again;

‘"To make all sneer again" is to carry canvas to such an extent as to strain the ropes and spars to the utmost’.—Smyth, The Sailor's Word-Book (London 1 1867). Banks seems simply to mean not that Cook carried more canvas, but that the squall put considerable strain on the rigging.

it pay'd however for the trouble it gave by bringing a fair wind. In the morn the land appeard broken and likely for harbours; its face was very various, some parts being well wooded and others coverd with bare sand.

11. Fair wind continued. Land today trended rather more to the Northward than it had lately done, look'd broken and likely for inlets.

On the afternoon of the previous day Cook named one inlet Port Stephens.

At Sunset three remarkable hills were abreast the ship standing near the shore, of nearly equal size and shape;

Called by Cook the Three Brothers.

behind them the countrey rose in gradual slopes carrying a great shew of fertility.

12. Land much as yesterday, fertile but varying its appearance a good deal, generaly however well clothd with good trees. This evening we finishd Drawing the plants got in the last harbour, which had been kept fresh till this time by means of tin chests and wet cloths. In 14 days just, one draughtsman has made 94 sketch drawings, so quick a hand has he acquird by use.

This was Parkinson.

13. Wind offshore today, it let us however come in with the land. Many porpoises were about the ship. At Noon several fires ashore, one very large which I judgd to be at least a league inland. Innumerable shoals offish about the ship in the afternoon and some birds of the Nectris kind.

The common resident shearwater of this coast is Puffinus pacificus (Gm.).

14. For these three nights last much lightning has been seen to the Eastward. Early in the morn it was calm and some few fish were caught; after the weather became squally. The wind however after some time settled at South, the briskest breeze I think that the Endeavour has gone before during the voyage. In the afternoon the land was rather more hilly than it has been. Several fires were seen and one high up on a hill side 6 or 7 miles at least from the beach.

On the afternoon of this day they passed the Solitary Islands.

15. Wind continued fair, a brisk breeze. The land in the Morning was high but before noon it became lower and was in general well wooded. Some people were seen, about 20, each of which carried upon his back a large bundle of something which we conjecturd to be palm leaves for covering their houses; we observd them with glasses for near an hour during which time they walkd upon the beach and then up a path over a gently sloping hill, behind which we lost sight of them. Not one was once observd

Pl. II. Kennedya rubicunda Red Bean Botany Bay. to stop and look towards the ship; they pursued their way in all appearance intirely unmovd by the neighbourhood of so remarkable an object as a ship must necessarily be to people who have never seen one. The Thermometer was at 60 which rather pinchd us. In the evening two small turtle were seen. At sun set a remarkable peakd hill

Mount Warning, so called by Cook as an indication of the position of shoals and breakers: ‘there situation may always be found by the peaked mountain before mentioned which bears SwBW from them… . The point off which these shoals lay I have named Point Danger’.—pp. 317–8. Banks goes on to mention the breakers in his next sentence.

was in sight 5 or 6 Leagues of in the countrey, which about it was well wooded and lookd beautifull as well as fertile. We were fortunate enough just at this time to descry breakers ahead laying in the very direction in which the ship saild; on this we went upon a wind and after making a sufficient offing brought too, but it blowing rather fresh and a great sea running made the night rather uncomfortable.

16. In the morn we were abreast of the hill and saw the breakers which we last night escapd between us and the land. It still blew fresh; at noon we were abreast of some very low land which lookd like an extensive plain in which we supposd there to be a Lagoon,

Cook does not mention this supposition of a lagoon. He merely remarks that to the northward of Point Danger the land ‘is low’, but for the following day he says (p. 319), ‘The land need only to be a[s] low here as it is in a thousand other places upon the coast to have made it impossible for us to have seen it at the distance we were off’ (variously 2 or 3 to 6 or 7 leagues).

in the neighbourhood of which were many fires.

17. Continued to blow tho not so fresh as yesterday. Land trended much to the westward; about 10 we were abreast of a large bay the bottom of which was out of sight.

Cook: ‘… the shore forms a wide open Bay which I have named Morton bay, in the bottom of which the land is so low that I could but just see it from the top mast head’.—p. 318. But this is not the modern Moreton Bay; it was formed by the eastern coast of Moreton and Stradbroke islands, behind which Moreton Bay stretches north and south.

The sea in this place suddenly changd from its usual transparency to a dirty clay colour, appearing much as if chargd with freshes, from whence I was led to conclude that the bottom of the bay might open into a large river.

Cook: ‘… some on board was of opinion that there is a River there because the Sea looked paler than usual, upon sounding we found 34 fathom water a fine white sandy bottom, which a lone is sufficient [to] change the apparant colour of sea water without the assistance of Rivers’.—p. 319. There was a river at the south end of Moreton Bay, but that was unlikely to affect the water outside the islands at sea.

About it were many smoaks especialy on the Northern side near some remarkable conical hills.

The Glass Houses; cf. p. 102, n. 4 below.

At sun set the land made in one bank over which nothing could be seen; it was very sandy and carried with it no signs of fertility.

18. Land this morn very sandy. We could see through our glasses that the sands which lay in great patches of many acres each were moveable: some of them had been lately movd, for trees which stood up in the middle of them were quite green, others of a longer standing had many stumps sticking out of them which had been trees killd by the sand heaping about their roots. Few fires were seen. Two water snakes swam by the ship; they were in all respects like land snakes and beautifully spotted except that they had broad flat tails which probably serve them instead of fins in swimming.

There are many species of water snakes in Australia.

In the evening I went out in the small boat but saw few birds of three sorts, Men of War birds (Pelecanus aquilus)

The Lesser Frigate Bird, Fregata ariel (G. R. Gray) is the common species in these Australian seas; the Great Frigate Bird, Fregata minor (Gm.) is an occasional vagrant after cyclones.

Bobies (Pelicanus Sula)

Probably the Brown Booby, Sula leucogaster Boddaert, which Solander described (p. 23) as Pelecanus sula.

and Nectris munda,

Possibly Audubon's Shearwater, Puffinus l'herminieri. Solander does not record this specimen but notes one which he took to be a variety of his Nectris carbonaria, and was probably Puffinus pacificus, the Wedge-tailed Shearwater.

of which last shot one, and took up 2 cuttle bones differing from the European ones in nothing but the having a small sharp peg or prickle at one end.

All cuttle bones have a spine.

19. Countrey as sandy and barren as ever. Two snakes were seen, a man of war bird, and a small Turtle. At sun set the land appeard in a low bank to the sea over which nothing was seen, so that we imagind it was very narrow and that some deep bay on the other side ran behind it.

This refers to the northern part of Great Sandy or Fraser Island.

20. At day break the land in sight terminated in a sandy cape

Sandy Cape, the north-east point of Great Sandy Island.

behind which a deep bay ran in,

Hervey Bay, forty miles across at its opening.

across which we could not see; our usual good fortune now again assisted us, for we discoverd breakers

The breakers on Breaksea Spit, the name conferred by Cook.

which we had certainly ran upon had the ship in the night saild 2 or 3 leagues farther than she did. This shoal extended a long way out from the land for we ran along it till 2 O'Clock and then passed over the tail of it in seven fathom water; the Sea was so clear that we could distinctly see the bottom and indeed when it was 12 and 14 fathom deep the colour of the sand might be seen from the mast head at a large distance. While we were upon the shoal innumerable large fish, Sharks, Dolphins &c. and one large Turtle were seen; A grampus of the middle size Leapd with his whole body out of water several times making a Splash and foam in the sea as if a mountain had fallen into it.

This grampus is unidentifiable.

At sun set a few Bobies flew past towards the NW.

21. Land seen only from the mast head. Innumerable bobies for near 2 hours before and after Sun rise flew by the ship comeing from Nnw and flying Sse, I suppose from some bird Island in that direction where they roosted last night.

The Bunker group seems likely, not far from Hervey Bay, to which they were probably flying for the day.

At 9 new land was in sight the other side of the bay which we left last night; as we aproachd it the depth of water gradualy decreasd to 9 fathom. At 4 in the evening the land appeard very low but coverd with fine wood; on it were many very large Smoaks several of which were seen before we could see the land itself. At night water still shoal, land low and well wooded, fertile to appearance as any thing we have seen upon this coast. At 8 came to an anchor till morn.

22. In the course of the night the tide rose very considerably. In the morn we got under sail again. The land as last night fertile and well wooded; at noon the land appeard much less fertile, near the beach it was sandy and we plainly saw with our glasses that it was coverd with Palm nut trees, Pandanus Tectorius which we had not seen since we left the Islands within the tropicks. Along shore we saw 2 men walking along who took no kind of notice of us. At night we were working into a bay in which seemd to be good anchorage,

Bustard Bay. It is a little odd that neither in this entry nor in the next does Banks say anything of a matter that raised Cook to a very great height of indignation. On the night of Banks's 22 May Orton, the clerk, went to bed drunk, and ‘some Malicious person or persons in the Ship took the advantage of his being drunk and cut off all the cloaths from off his back, not being satisfied with this they some time after went into his Cabbin and cut off a part of both his Ears as he lay asleep in his bed’. Cook at first suspected the young man James Magra, though he later exonerated him.—Cook I, pp. 323–4, 347 n. 5. The breach of discipline was so outrageous, even in that rough age, that it could not be forgotten, and Cook and the officers (we learn from Parkinson) at Batavia offered a reward for the discovery of the wrongdoer. Suspicion then fell on a midshipman, Patrick Saunders, who deserted at that port.

where we came to an anchor resolvd to go ashore tomorrow and examine a little the produce of the countrey.

23. Wind blew fresh off the land so cold that our cloaks were very necessary in going ashore; as the ship lay a good way from the land we were some time before we got there; when landed however the sun recoverd its influence and made it sufficiently hot, in the afternoon almost intolerably so. We landed near the mouth of a large lagoon which ran a good way into the countrey and sent out a strong tide; here we found a great variety of Plants, several however the same as those we ourselves had before seen in the Islands between the tropicks and others known to be natives of the east Indies, a sure mark that we were upon the point of leaving the Southern temperate Zone and for the future we must expect to meet with plants &c. a part of which at least have been before seen by Europæans. The Soil in general was very sandy and dry: tho it producd a large variety of Plants yet it never was coverd with a thick verdure. Fresh water we saw none, but several swamps and boggs of salt water; in these and upon the sides of the lagoon grew many Mangrove trees

Probably Ceriops candolleana Arnott and Bruguiera gymnorhiza Lam., specimens of both of which are noted as collected a few days later.

in the branches of which were many nests of Ants, one sort of which were quite green.

Oecophylla smaragdina virescens (Fabr.). The type is in the Banksian collection at the British Museum (Natural History).

These when the branches were disturbd came out in large numbers and revengd themselves very sufficiently upon their disturbers, biting sharper than any I have felt in Europe. The Mangroves had also another trap which most of us fell into, a small kind of Caterpiler, green and beset with many hairs:

Almost certainly a species of Doratifera (Limacodidae), a ‘cup moth’.

these sat upon the leaves many together rangd by the side of each other like soldiers drawn up, 20 or 30 perhaps upon one leaf; if these wrathfull militia were touchd but ever so gently they did not fail to make the person offending them sensible of their anger, every hair in them stinging much as nettles do but with a more acute tho less lasting smart. Upon the sides of the hills were many of the trees yeilding a gum like Sanguis draconis: they differd however from those seen in the last harbour in having their leaves longer and hanging down like those of the weeping willow,

Eucalyptus crebra F. v. M. is the principal sp. alluded to. Britten published the drawing made at Thirsty Sound (pl. 117, 1905) labelled ‘Metrosideros salicifolia mscr.’, all the eucalypti being referred to that genus by Solander. See Pl. 22. Britten wrongly identified it as Eucalyptus terminalis F. v. M.

tho notwithstanding that I beleive that they were of the same species. There was however much less gum upon them; only one tree that I saw had any upon it, contrary to all theory, which teaches that the hotter a climate is the more gums exsude. The same observation however held good in the plant yeilding the Yellow gum,

Xanthorrhoea 〈JDH〉; but it is singular that Banks made no comment on the remarkable features of the ‘Grass Tree’, if, indeed, it was this; perhaps it was another sp. of Eucalyptus.

of which tho we saw vast numbers we did not see any that shewd signs of gum.

On the shoals and sand banks near the shore of the bay were many large birds far larger than swans which we judg'd to be Pelicans,

Pelecanus conspicillatus Temminck. This was confirmed by Parkinson (Journal, p. 139) who says that they were nearly five feet high.

but they were so shy that we could not get within gunshot of them. On the shore were many birds, one species of Bustard, of which we shot a single bird as large as a good Turkey.

The Eastern Bustard or Plains Turkey, Eupodotis australis (J. E. Gray). Solander, p. 105.

The sea seemd to abound in fish but unfortunately at the first hawl we tore our seine to peices; on the mud banks under the mangrove trees were innumerable Oysters, Hammer oysters

Malleus albus Linn. See Guy L. Wilkins, A Catalogue and Historical Account of the Banks Shell Collection (Bull. B. M. [N.H.] Hist. Series, I, No. 3, London 1955), pp. 75–6, for a note on a specimen brought back by Cook which went to the Duchess of Portland.

and many more sorts among which were a large proportion of small Pearl oysters.

Pinctada margaritifera.

Whither the sea in deeper water might abound with as great a proportion of full grown ones we had not an opportunity to examine, but if it did a pearl fishery here must turn out to immence advantage.

Those who stayd on board the ship saw about 20 of the natives, who came down abreast of the ship and stood upon the beach for some time looking at her, after which they went into the woods; we on shore saw none. Many large fires were made at a distance from us where probably the people were. One small one was in our neighbourhood, to this we went; it was burning when we came to it, but the people were gone; near it was left several vessels of bark which we conceivd were intended for water buckets, several shells and fish bones, the remainder I suppose of their last meal. Near the fires, for their were 6 or 7 small ones, were as many peices of soft bark of about the lengh and breadth of a man: these we supposd to be their beds: on the windward side of the fires was a small shade about a foot high made of bark likewise. The whole was in a thicket of close trees, defended by them from the wind; whether it was realy or not the place of their abode we can only guess. We saw no signs of a house or any thing like the ruins of an old one, and from the ground being much trod we concluded that they had for some time remaind in that place.

24. At day break we went to sea. The weather was fine; we however were too far from the land to distinguish any thing but that there were some fires upon it tho not many. At Dinner we eat the Bustard we had shot yesterday, it turnd out an excellent bird, far the best we all agreed that we have eat since we left England, and as it weighd 15 pounds our Dinner was not only good but plentyfull. In the evening it drop'd calm and we caught some fish tho not many.

25. Land in the morn rocky, varied here and there with reddish sand, but little wood was to be seen. In the evening it was calm, some few fish were caught. At night perceiving the tide to run very strong we anchord. No fires were seen the whole day.

We examind the orange juice and brandy which had been sent on board as prepard by Dr Hulmes directions: See his letter p. [291]. It had never been movd from the cag in which it came on board. About ½ of it had been usd or leakd out; the remainder was coverd with a whitish mother

Apparently it had been fermenting: mother, ‘A ropy mucilaginous substance produced in vinegar during acetous fermentation by a mould-fungus called Mycoderma aceti’ (O.E.D.).

but otherwise was not at all damagd either to taste or sight when it came out of the cag, but when put into a bottle in 3 or 4 days it became ropey and good for nothing. On this we resolvd to have it evaperated immediately to a strong essence and put up in Bottles immediately.

26. Standing into a channel with land on both sides of us and water very shoal, many rocky Islets, the main land very rocky and barren; at 1 the Water became so shallow that we came to an anchor.

The previous day the ship had passed Cape Capricorn, and was now in the shoal-strewn channel between Great Keppel Island and the mainland.

While the ships boats were employd in sounding round about her myself in my small boat went a shooting and killd several bobies and a kind of white bird calld by the seamen Egg bird, Sterna… .

Sterna bergii Lichtenstein, the Crested Tern. This bird was recorded by Solander (p. 103) as Sterna nasuta; he refers to a vernacular name given to it by the Tahitians, but apparently had no specimen when he was there.

Before I went out we tried in the cabbin to fish with hook and line but the water was too shoal (3 fhm) for any fish. This want was however in some degree [supplied]

This verb is omitted in the Ms and interpolated interlineally in this position by S.

by Crabs of which vast numbers were on the ground who readily took our baits, and sometimes held them so fast with their claws that they sufferd themselves to be hawld into the ship. They were of 2 sorts, Cancer pelagicus Linn.

Now Portunus pelagicus (Linn.).

and another much like the former but not so beautifull. The first was ornamented with the finest ultramarine blew conceivable with which all his claws and every Joint was deeply tingd; the under part of him was a lovely white, shining as if glazd and perfectly resembling the white of old China; the other had a little of the ultramarine on his Joints and toes and on his back 3 very remarkable brown spots.

Portunus sanguinolentus (Herbst). Spöring made fine drawings of both these crabs (Parkinson III, pls. 6, 7); see Pl. 35a and b.

2 fires were seen upon an Island, and those who went to sound in the boats saw people upon an Island also who calld to them and seemd very desirous that they should land. — In examining a fig which we had found at our last going ashore we found in the fruit of it a Cynips, very like if not exactly the same species with the Cynips sycomori Linn.

Both the Cluster Fig, Ficus glomerata, and the Moreton Bay Fig, F. macrophylla, have been suggested: the Moreton Bay Fig is more likely, for it is known to be pollinated by two wasps, Pleistodontes imperialis Saund. and P. frogatti Meyer; none is known to pollinate Ficus glomerata (Tarlton Rayment, the National Museum, Melbourne). Nine species of Australian wasps have been described, all endemic, effective in pollination of Ficus. The insects mentioned belong to the same family of chalcids as Blastophaga psenes Linn., which has now been introduced into some parts of Australia in connection with the cultivation of the Smyrna fig. Cynips sycomori Linn. was a name given to the species now known as Sycophaga sycomori (Linn.) found in Ficus sycamoris. See Pl. VI.

describd by Haselquist in his Iter Palestinum;

Fredrik Hasselquist (1722-52), a Swede, was a pupil of Linnaeus. In 1749–52 he travelled in Palestine and Egypt and, a man of wide interests, not merely collected fishes, reptiles, insects, plants and minerals, but studied Arabic Mss, coins and Egyptian mummies. When he died prematurely at Smyrna, his collections and papers went to Linnaeus, who published his journal under the title Iter Palestinum (1757).

a strong proof of the fact that figgs must be impregnated by means of insects, tho indeed that fact wanted not any additional proofs.

27. The boats who sounded yesterday having brought back word that there was no passage ahead of the Ship we were obligd to return, which we did and soon fell in with the main land again which was barren to appearance; on it were some smoaks. We passd by many Islands.

Probably he refers to the Keppel Isles and Cook's ‘Two Brothers’, Flat and Peaked Islets; and there are other islets in the vicinity.

In the Eve the breeze was stronger than usual with Cloudy weather.

28. This morn at day break the water appeard much discolourd as if we had Passd by some place where a river ran into the sea; the land itself was high and abounded with hills. Soon after we came round a point into a bay in which were a multitude of Islands. We stood into the middle of them, a boat was sent a head to sound and made a signal for a shoal, on which the ship came too but before the anchor went she had less than 3 fathm water;

Cook (p. 330): ‘A little before noon the boat made the Signal for meeting with Shoal water, upon this we hauld close upon a wind to the Eastward but suddenly fell into 3¼ fathom water, upon which we immediately let go an Anchor and brought the Ship up with all sails standing… .’ She was on the Donovan shoal in Broad Sound Channel.

the boats now sounded all round her and found that she was upon the shoalest part, on which the anchor was got up and we stood on. Weather was hazey; at night anchord.

29. Early this morn we got up our anchor and stood in for an opening in which by nine O'Clock we came to an anchor.

The ship was in Thirsty Sound—named ‘by reason we could find no fresh water’.—Cook I, p. 332.

We saw in coming in no signs of People. After breakfast we went ashore and found several Plants which we had not before seen; among them were however still more East Indian plants than in the last harbour. One kind of Grass which we had also seen there was very troublesome to us: its sharp seeds were bearded backwards and whenever they stuck into our cloths were by these beards pushd forward till they got into the flesh:

These were almost certainly ‘sand burrs’ (Cenchrus australis R. Br.) of which a good coll. labelled by Solander but without locality, is preserved.

this grass was so plentifull that it was hardly possible to avoid it and with the Musketos that were likewise innumerable made walking almost intolerable. We were not however to be repulsd but proceeded into the countrey. The gum trees were like those in the last bay both in leaf and producing a very small proportion of Gum; on the branches of them and other trees were large ants nests made of Clay as big as a bushel, something like to those describd in Sr Hans Sloanes Hist of Jamaica Voll. II, p. 221, t. 258,

See I, p. 166, n. 3 above.

but not so smooth: the ants also were small and had whitish abdomens.

Possibly Microcerotermes turneri Froggatt; or Eutermes graveolus Hill or E. walkeri Hill.

In another species of tree Xanthoxiloides mite,

Acronychia laevis Forst., the name inserted later in Banks's Journal by Robert Brown, who likened the plant to Zanthoxylum mite Willd., a synonym for the North American Z. americanum. The practice of adding the suffix ‘oides’ to a familiar name was general in this period, and a favourite of Banks and Solander (cf. I, p. 315 above, and Appendix I).

a small sort of black ants had bord all the twigs and livd in quantities in the hollow part where the pith should be,

There is still a good deal of work to do on the Australian ants, and this black ant—which may even have been a termite—does not at present seem to be identifiable.

the tree nevertheless flourishing, bearing leaves and flowers upon those very branches as freely and well as upon others that were sound. Insects in general were plentifull, Butterflies especialy: of one sort of these much like P. Similis Linn.

Almost certainly Danais melissa hamata Macleay.

the air was for the space of 3 or 4 acres crowded with them to a wonderfull degree: the eye could not be turnd in any direction without seeing milions and yet every branch and twig was almost coverd with those that sat still: of these we took as many as we chose, knocking them down with our caps or any thing that came to hand. On the leaves of the gum tree we found a Pupa or Chrysalis which shone almost all over as bright as if it had been silverd over with the most burnishd silver and perfectly resembled silver; it was brought on board and the next day came out into a butterfly of a velvet black changeable to blue, his wings both upper and under markd near the edges with many light brimstone colourd spots, those of his under wings being indented deeply at each end.

Euploea sylvester Fabr.

We saw no fresh water but several swamps of salt overgrown with mangroves; in these we found some species of shells, Among them the Trochus perspectivus Linn.

Architectonica perspectiva (Linn.).

Here was also a very singular Phænomenon in a small fish of

The Ms has a later pencil addition in this blank, the first word of which seems to be ‘Gobius’. This was a Mud-skipper or Walking Goby (Gobiidae, Periophthalminae), and Banks's accurate observations on its habits seem to be the first to have been made. There are two genera and both occur in Australian waters.

of which there were great abundance. It was about the size of a minnow in England and had two breast finns very strong. We often found him in places quite dry where may be he had been left by the tide: upon seeing us he immediately fled from us leaping as nimbly as a frog by the help of his breast finns: nor did he seem to prefer water to land for if seen in the water he often leapd out and proceeded upon dry land, and where the water was filld with small stones standing above its surface would leap from stone to stone rather than go into the water: in this manner I observd several pass over puddles of water and proceed on the other side leaping as before. In the afternoon we went ashore on the opposite side of the bay: the productions were much like those on the side we were on in the morn, but if any thing the Soil was rather better. In neither morning nor evening were there any traces of inhabitants ever having been where we were, except that here and there trees had been burnt down.

30. Went again ashore in the same place as yesterday. In attempting to penetrate farther into the countrey it was necessary to pass a swamp coverd with mangrove trees; this we attempted chearfully tho the mud under them was midleg deep, yet before we had got half way over we heartily [repented of]

repented of supplied from P; S inserts interlineally and almost illegibly wished ourselves well through.

our undertaking: so entangled were the archd branches of those trees that we were continualy stooping and often slipping off from their slimey roots on which we steppd; we resolvd however not to retreat and in about an hour accomplishd our walk of about ¼ of a mile. Beyond this we found a place where had been 4 small fires; near them were fish bones, shells &c. that had there been roasted, and grass layd together upon which 4 or 5 people had slept as I guessd about a fortnight before. Several of our people were ashore on liberty, one of these saw a small pool of standing water which he judgd to contain about a ton. Our second lieutenant saw also a little laying in the bottom of a gully near which were the tracks of a large animal of the Deer or Guanicoe kind;

Probably a kangaroo.

he who has been in Port Desire on the Coast of South America seemd to incline to think them like the latter. Some Bustards were also seen but none of them shot; Great Plenty however of the Beautifull Loriquets seen in the last but one anchoring place were seen and killd. The 2nd Lieutenant and one more man who were in very different places Declard that they heard the voices of Indians near them, but neither saw the People. The countrey in general appeard barren and very sandy; most of the trees were gum trees but they seemd not inclind to Yeild their gum, I saw only one tree which did. It was most destitute of fresh water, probably that was the reason why so few inhabitants were seen: it seemd to be subject to a severe rainy season, so at least we judgd by the deep gullys which we saw had been plainly washd down from hills of a small hight.

Whether the sea was more fruitfull than the land We had not an opportunity to try. It did not seem to promise much as we with our hooks and lines could catch nothing, nor were there any quantity of Oysters upon the shore.

Cf. Cook (p. 333): ‘We found oysters sticking to most of the rocks upon the Shore which were so small as not to be worth the picking off’.

The tide rose very much, how high was not measurd, but I think I may venture to guess not less at spring tides than 18 or twenty feet, perhaps much more.

The Captn and Dr Solander went today to examine the bottom of the inlet which appeard to go very far inland; they found it to increase in its width the farther they went into it, and concluded from that and some other circumstances that it was a channel which went through to the sea again.

The ‘inlet’ which Cook had at first taken for a river, is a channel thirteen miles long, and 1000 to 3000 yards wide, separating Quail Island, Long Island (named by Cook) and the small Mangrove islands from the mainland. It runs into Broad Sound (also named by Cook), which in his journal (pp. 331–2) he describes as ‘a large lake which commun[i]cates with the sea to the NW; I not only saw the Sea in this direction but found the tide of flood coming strong in from the NW’.

They saw two men who followd the boat along shore a good way but the tide running briskly in their favour they did not chuse to stop for them; at a distance from them far up the inlet they saw a large smoak. At night they returnd and having found neither fresh water nor any other refreshment it was resolvd to leave this place tomorrow morn.

31. Went out this morn, the weather misty and rainy and fresh breeze. As we had found by experience that many sands and shoals lay off the coast a boat was sent ahead; at noon she made a signal for shoal water on which we came to an anchor; the boats sounded and found a Passage on which we proceeded and at night came to an anchor under the shelter of an Island in the midst of Innumerable Islands, rocks and shoals.

They anchored in the lee of the Bedwell Islands; there are numerous islands not far away, the Northumberland Isles, the Percy Isles, and others. The Bedwell group is a south-western section of the Northumberland Isles.

June 1770

1. In the night it raind and at times blew strong not much to our satisfaction who were in a situation not very desirable, as if our anchor should come home or cable break we had nothing to expect but going ashore on some one or other of the shoals which lay round us. The night passd however without the least accident, and at day light in the morn the anchor was got up and we proceeded, in hopes of getting out of our Archipelago. By noon we got in with the main land, which made hilly and barren; on it were some smoaks. In the Evening the weather settled fine and we saild along shore; at night came to an Anchor.

Tupia complaind this evening of swelld Gums; he had it seems had his mouth sore for near a fortnight,

These were signs of scurvy.

but not knowing what cause it proceeded from did not complain. The Surgeon immediately put him upon taking extract of Lemons in all his drink.

2. Sailing along shore with fine weather, the countrey hilly and ill wooded. Some Islands were still in sight ahead of us; at noon the irregularity of the soundings made it necessary to send the boat ahead again. In the evening the countrey was moderately hilly and seemd green and pleasant; one smoak was seen upon it. At night we anchord, several large Islands being without us.

Some of the Cumberland Islands.

3. At day break the anchor was weighd and we stood along shore till we found ourselves in a bay

Repulse Bay.

off the outermost point of which were the Islands seen yesterday; by 8 it was resolvd to stand out again through a passage which was seen between them and the main

Whitsunday Passage, ‘as it was discoverd on the Day the Church commemorates that Festival’ (Cook, p. 337).

which was accordingly done. The countrey within the bay, especialy on the innermost side, was well wooded, lookd fertile and pleasant. After dinner standing among Islands which were very barren, rising high and steep from the sea;

The Cumberland Islands—‘Cumberland Isles in honour of His Roy Highness the Duke of Cumberland’ (Cook, p. 337).

on one of these we saw with our glasses 2 men a woman and a small canoe fitted with an outrigger, which made us hope that the people were something improvd as their boat was far preferable to the bark Canoes of Stingrays bay.

4. Hills in the morn were high and steep but they soon fell into very low land to all appearance barren. The water began now to be discolourd and an appearance of Islands was seen ahead which made us look out for more sholes. At noon one smoak was seen behind some hills inland. At night we passd pretty near a head land which appeard miserably rocky and barren.

Cape Upstart, ‘because being surrounded with low land, it starts or riseth up singley at the first making of it’ (Cook, pp. 337–8). Cf. Banks's next entry.

Much seaweed with very fine leaves

Cystophyllum muricatum (Turner) J. Agardh is common along nearly the whole of the Queensland coast so it is quite possible, and even likely, that this was the weed seen. Banks's description would fit equally well some species of the related genus Sargassum which is also common on the Queensland coast. What is almost certainly the same alga was figured by Dampier (Voyages, ed. Masefield, II, Table 2, fig. 2) under the polynomial ‘Fucus foliis capillaceis brevissimis, vesculis minimis donatis’, teste A. B. Cribb, litt. of 16 February 1956.

passd by the ship all day.

5. Land near the sea very low and flat behind which the hills rose: in the countrey very little appearance of fertility however either on one or the other: at noon one large fire was seen. Several Cuttle bones and 2 Sea Snakes swam past the ship. In the Even the Thermometer was at 74 and the air felt to us hotter than we have felt it on the coast before. Many Clouds of a thin scum lay floating upon the water the same as we have before seen off Rio de Janiero; some few flying fish also.

6. Land made in Barren rocky capes; one in Particular which we were abreast of in the morn appeard much like Cape Roxent;

‘Cape Roxent’, which the reader will not find on any present-day chart, is Cabo da Roca, a little north-west of Lisbon, and is the most westerly point of the European mainland. Dutch sailing directions of the sixteenth century call it Cabo Roxo or Roxsent or Roxent; French forms were Rocque Cintre, Rocque de Sintes, &c. In Mount and Page's English Pilot (1761), Book III, Part I, the ‘Chart of the Sea Coast from England to the Streights [of Gilbraltar]’ names it Cape Roxen. Fielding, Journal of a Voyage to Lisbon, refers to ‘Cape Roxent; or, as it is commonly called, the rock of Lisbon’. It is a low projection of a mountainous clump called on another of these charts Serra de Cintra, at the base of which on the north-east lies the town of Cintra—whence the name. Banks must have become familiar with it on his visit to Portugal in 1766–7. The Australian cape which reminded him of it was Magnetic Island, the ‘Magnetical head or Isle’ which Cook (p. 338, n. 3) at first called ‘Barren Head’.

at noon 3 fires upon it. Many Cuttle bones, Some sea weed and 2 or 3 Sea snakes were seen. In the evening it fell quite calm and I went out in the small Boat and shot nectris nugax

Puffinus l'herminieri Lesson, Dusky or Audubon's Shearwater. See Solander, p. 117. This solitary record for Australian seas has been discussed by W. B. Alexander, Emu, 27, 1928, p. 286.

but saw nothing remarkable on the water; the weather most sultry hot in an open boat.

7. Sailing between the main and Islands,

The Palm Islands.

the main rose steep from the Water rocky and barren. Just about sun rise a shoal of fish about the size of and much like flounders but perfectly white went by the ship.

Unidentifiable, if by flounders is meant flatfish: these are not known to behave like this.

At noon the Islands had mended their appearance and people were seen upon them; the Main as barren as ever with several fires upon it, one vastly large. After dinner an appearance very much like Cocoa nut trees tempted us to hoist out a boat and go ashore, where we found our supposd Cocoanut trees to be no more than bad Cabbage trees.

Cook—‘a small kind of Cabbage Palms’: Livistona australis again.

The Countrey about them was very stoney and barren and it was almost dark when we got ashore; we made a shift however to gather 14 or 15 new plants after which we repaird to our boats, but scarce were they put off from the shore when an Indian came very near it and shouted to us very loud; it was so dark that we could not see him, we however turnd towards the shore by way of seeing what he wanted with us, but he I suppose ran away or hid himself immediately for we could not get a sight of him.

8. Still sailing between the Main and Islands; the former rocky and high lookd rather less barren than usual and by the number of fires seemd to be better peopled. In the morn we passd within 1/4 of a mile-of a small Islet or rock on which we saw with our glasses about 30 men women and children standing all together and looking attentively at us,

This was on one of the Family Islands, off Rockingham Bay.

the first people we have seen shew any signs of curiosity at the sight of the ship.

9. Countrey much the same as it was, hills near the sea high, lookd at a distance not unlike Mores or heaths in England but when you came nearer them were coverd with small trees; some few flatts and valleys lookd tolerably fertile. At noon a fire and some people were seen. After dinner came to an Anchor and went ashore,

Cook showed the bay where they landed on his chart but neglected to name it. It was Mission Bay, three miles west of Cape Grafton. He says (p. 342), ‘My intention was to have stay'd here at least one day to have looked into the Country had we met with fresh water convenient or any other refreshment, but as we did not I thought it would be only spending time and looseing so much of a light moon to little purpose’. There was water, as Banks goes on to mention, but ‘difficult to get at’.

but saw no people. The countrey was hilly and very stony affording nothing but fresh water, at least that we found, except a few Plants that we had not before met with. At night our people caught a few small fish with their hooks and lines.

10. Just without us as we lay at an anchor was a small sandy Island laying upon a large Coral shoal, much resembling the low Islands to the eastward of us but the first of the kind we had met with in this part of the South Sea.

Called by Cook Green Island.

Early in the morn we weighd and saild as usual with a fine breeze along shore, the Countrey hilly and stoney. At night fall rocks and sholes were seen ahead, on which the ship was put upon a wind off shore. While we were at supper she went over a bank of 7 or 8 fathom water which she came upon very suddenly; this we concluded to be the tail of the Sholes we had seen at sunset and therefore went to bed in perfect security, but scarce were we warm in our beds when we were calld up with the alarming news of the ship being fast ashore upon a rock, which she in a few moments convincd us of by beating very violently against the rocks.

She had gone on to the Endeavour Reef. Cook was later accused by Dalrymple, not altogether an armchair critic, of rash navigation: he should, it was argued, in coral waters have anchored for the night. He usually did so, but this night was one of clear moonlight, the ship was sailing gently under double-reefed topsails and there was a man in the chains heaving the lead continually. Admitting the validity of Dalrymple's general principle, one still hesitates to blame Cook; one might as well blame him for the existence of the Great Barrier Reef. Nevertheless he remembered the lesson. The ship struck just before 11 p.m.

Our situation became now greatly alarming: we had stood off shore 3 hours and a half with a pleasant breeze so knew we could not be very near it: we were little less than certain that we were upon sunken coral rocks, the most dreadfull of all others on account of their sharp points and grinding quality which cut through a ships bottom almost immediately. The officers however behavd with inimitable coolness void of all hurry and confusion; a boat was got out in which the master went and after sounding round the ship found that she had ran over a rock and consequently had Shole water all round her. All this time she continued to beat very much so that we could hardly keep our legs upon the Quarter deck; by the light of the moon we could see her sheathing boards &c. floating thick round her; about 12 her false keel came away.

11. In the mean time all kind of Preparations were making for carrying out anchors, but by reason of the time it took to hoist out boats &c. the tide ebbd so much that we found it impossible to attempt to get her off till next high water, if she would hold together so long; and we now found to add to our misfortune that we had got ashore nearly at the top of high water and as night tides generaly rise higher than day ones

This, as a generalization, was a sailor's yarn picked up by Banks, but it happened, luckily, to be true for this place and time of year. The tides within the Great Barrier, as in the western Pacific generally, are subject to ‘diurnal inequality’: that is, there is a lower and a higher tide in each twenty-four hours, and the difference between the two may be great. When the sun is in north declination, between April and November, the higher tide is about midnight (and when in south, about mid-day). Cook had profited from the visibility of the reefs by day since he had entered the dangerous waters, towards the end of May, but this June night illustrated the reverse side of the phenomenon: the danger was invisible, even in broad moonlight. It was a phenomenon that aroused Cook's interest much more than it did that of Banks, who had little leaning towards the physical sciences.

we had little hopes of getting off even then. For our Comfort however the ship as the tide ebbd settled to the rocks and did not beat near so much as she had done; a rock however under her starboard bow kept grating her bottom making a noise very plainly to be heard in the fore store rooms; this we doubted not would make a hole in her bottom, we only hopd that it might not let in more water than we could clear with our pumps.

In this situation day broke upon us and showd us the land about 8 Leagues off as we judgd; nearer than that was no Island or place on which we could set foot. It however brought with it a decrease of wind and soon after that a flat calm, the most fortunate circumstance that could Possibly attend people in our circumstances. The tide we found had falln 2 feet and still continued to fall; Anchors were however got out and laid ready for heaving as soon as the tide should rise but to our great surprize we could not observe it to rise in the least.

Orders were now given for lightning the ship which was began by starting our water and pumping it up; the ballast was then got up and thrown over board, as well as 6 of our guns (all that we had upon deck). All this time the Seamen workd with surprizing chear-fullness and alacrity; no grumbling or growling was to be heard throughout the ship, no not even an oath (tho the ship in general was as well furnishd with them as most in his majesties service). About one the water was faln so low that the Pinnace touchd ground as he lay under the ships bows ready to take in an anchor, after this the tide began to rise and as it rose the ship workd violently upon the rocks so that by 2 she began to make water and increasd very fast. At night the tide almost floated her but she made water so fast that three pumps hard workd could but just keep her clear and the 4th absolutely refusd to deliver a drop of water.

The Endeavour's pumps were suction pumps, and meant desperately hard work. The interior wood of the defective one had rotted away.

Now in my own opinion I intirely gave up the ship and packing up what I thought I might save prepard myself for the worst.

The most critical part of our distress now aproachd: the ship was almost afloat and every thing ready to get her into deep water but she leakd so fast that with all our pumps we could just keep her free: if (as was probable) she should make more water when hauld off she must sink and we well knew that our boats were not capable of carrying us all ashore, so that some, probably the most of us, must be drownd: a better fate maybe than those would have who should get ashore without arms to defend themselves from the Indians or provide themselves with food, on a countrey where we had not the least reason to hope for subsistance had they even every convenence to take it as netts &c, so barren had we always found it; and had they even met with good usage from the natives and food to support them, debarrd from a hope of ever again seing their native countrey or conversing with any but the most uncivilizd savages perhaps in the world.

The dreadfull time now aproachd and the anziety in every bodys countenance was visible enough: the Capstan and Windlace were mannd and they began to heave: fear of Death now stard us in the face; hopes we had none but of being able to keep the ship afloat till we could run her ashore on some part of the main where out of her materials we might build a vessel large enough to carry us to the East Indies. At 10 O'Clock she floated and was in a few minutes hawld into deep water where to our great satisfaction she made no more water than she had done, which was indeed full as much as we could manage tho no one there was in the ship but who willingly exerted his utmost strengh.

12. The people who had been 24 hours at exceeding hard work now began to flag; myself unusd to labour was much fatigued and had laid down to take a little rest, was awakd about 12 with the alarming news of the ships

‘ships’ sic. The word must be a slip; it was the leak that gained upon the pumps.

having gaind so much upon the Pumps that she had four feet water in her hold: add to this that the wind blew off the land a regular land breeze so that all hopes of running her ashore were totaly cut off. This however acted upon every body like a charm: rest was no more thought of but the pumps went with unwearied vigour till the water was all out which was done in a much shorter time than was expected, and upon examination it was found that she never had half so much water in her as was thought, the Carpenter having made a mistake in sounding the pumps.

Cf. Cook (pp. 345–6): ‘A Mistake soon after happened which for the first time caused fear to operate upon every man in the Ship. The man which attend[ed] the well took yc depth of water above the ceiling [i.e. the inside planking over the floor-timbers of the ship], he being relieved by another who did not know in what manner the former had sounded, took the depth of water from the outside plank, the difference being 16 or 18 Inches and made it appear that the leak had gain'd this upon the pumps in a short time, this mistake was no sooner clear'd up than [it] acted upon every man like a charm; they redoubled their Vigour in so much that before 8 oClock in the Morning they gain'd considerably upon the leak’.

We now began again to have some hopes and to talk of getting the ship into some harbour as we could spare hands from the pumps to get up our anchors; one Bower

‘We now hove up the best bower [i.e. the starboard bow anchor] but found it impossible to save the small bower [the port bow anchor, which was however the same size and weight as the best bower] so cut it away at a whole Cable’.—Cook, p. 346.

however we cut away but got the other and three small anchors far more valuable to us than the Bowers, as we were obligd immediately to warp her to windward that we might take advantage of the sea breeze to run in shore.

One of our midshipmen now proposd an expedient

Both Banks and Parkinson attribute the proposal of this expedient, that of ‘fothering’ the ship, to Jonathan Monkhouse, and he may indeed have been the first to suggest it. It was a difficult operation, more described in the text-books than practised. Cook, who was no doubt highly interested, gives a brief account of it, and pays his measured but effective tribute to his officer (p. 347): ‘Mr Munkhouse one of my Midshipmen was once in a Merchant ship which sprung a leak and made 48 inches water per hour but by this means was brought home from Virginia to London with only her proper crew, to him I gave the deriction of this who exicuted it very much to my satisfaction’.

which no one else in the ship had seen practisd, tho all had heard of it by the name of fothering a ship, by the means of which he said he had come home from America in a ship which made more water than we did; nay so sure was the master of that ship of his expedient that he took her out of harbour knowing how much water she made and trusting intirely to it. He was immediately set to work with 4 or 5 assistants to prepare his fother which he did thus. He took a lower studding sail and having mixd together a large quantity of Oakum chopd fine and wool he stickd it down upon the sail as loosely as possible in small bundles each about as big as his fist, these were rangd in rows 3 or 4 inches from each other: this was to be sunk under the ship and the theory of it was this, where ever the leak was must be a great suction which would probably catch hold of one or other of these lumps of Oakum and wool and drawing it in either partly or intirely stop up the hole. While this work was going on the water rather gaind on those who were pumping which made all hands impatient for the tryal. In the afternoon the ship was got under way with a gentle breeze of wind and stood in for the land; soon after the fother was finishd and applyd by fastning ropes to each Corner, then sinking the sail under the ship and with these ropes drawing it as far backwards as we could; in about 1/2 an hour to our great surprize the ship was pumpd dry and upon letting the pumps stand she was found to make very little water, so much beyond our most sanguine Expectations had this singular expedient succeeded. At night came to an anchor, the fother still keeping her almost clear so that we were in an instant raisd from almost despondency to the greatest hopes: we were now almost too sanguine talking of nothing but getting her into some harbour where we might lay her ashore and repair her, or if we could not find such a place we little doubted to the East indies.

During the whole time of this distress I must say for the credit of our people that I beleive every man exerted his utmost for the preservation of the ship, contrary to what I have universaly heard to be the behavior of sea men who have commonly as soon as a ship is in a desperate situation began to plunder and refuse all command. This was no doubt owing intirely to the cool and steady conduct of the officers, who during the whole time never gave an order which did not shew them to be perfectly composd and unmovd by the circumstances howsoever dreadfull they might appear.

13. One Pump and that not half workd kept the ship clear all night. In the morn we weighd with a fine breeze of wind and steerd along ashore among innumerable shoals, the boats keeping ahead and examining every appearance of a harbour which presented itself; nothing however was met with which could possibly suit our situation, bad as it was, so at night we came to an anchor. The Pinnace however which had gone far ahead was not returnd, nor did she till nine O'Clock, when she reported that she had found just the place we wanted, in which the tide rose sufficiently and there was every natural convenience that could be wishd for either laying the ship ashore or heaving her down. This was too much to be beleivd by our most sanguine wishes: we however hopd that the place might do for us if not so much as we had been told yet something to better our situation, as yet but precarious, having nothing but a lock of Wool between us and destruction.

14. Very fresh Sea breeze. A boat was sent ahead to shew us the way into the harbour, but by some mistake of signals we were obligd to come to an anchor again of the mouth of it without going in, where it soon blew too fresh for us to Weigh. We now began to consider our good fortune; had it blown as fresh the day before yesterday or before that we could never have got off but must inevitably have been dashd to peices on the rocks. The Captn and myself went ashore to view the Harbour and found it indeed beyond our most sanguine wishes: it was the mouth of a river the entrance of which was to be sure narrow enough and shallow, but when once in the ship might be moord afloat so near the shore that by a stage from her to it all her Cargo might be got out and in again in a very short time; in this same place she might be hove down with all ease, but the beach gave signs of the tides rising in the springs 6 or 7 feet which was more than enough to do our business without that trouble. The meeting with so many natural advantages in a harbour so near us at the very time of our misfortune appeard almost providential; we had not in the voyage before seen a place so well suited for our purpose as this was, and certainly had no right to expect the tides to rise so high here that did not rise half so much at the place where we struck, only 8 Leagues from this place; we therefore returnd on board in high spirits and raisd the spirits of our freinds on board as much as our own by bringing them the welcome news of aproaching security. It blew however too fresh to night for us to attempt to weigh the anchor, I even think as fresh as it has ever done since we have been upon the Coast.

15. Blew all day as fresh as it did yesterday. We thought much of our good fortune in having fair weather upon the rocks when upon the Brink of such a gale. Our people were now however pretty well recoverd from their fatigues having had plenty of rest, as the ship since she was Fotherd has not made more water than one pump half workd will keep clear. At night we observd a fire ashore near where we were to lay, which made us hope that the necessary lengh of our stay would give us an oportunity of being acquainted with the Indians who made it.

16. In the morn it was a little more moderate and we attempted to weigh but were soon obligd to vere away all that we had got, the wind freshning upon us so much. Fires were made upon the hills and we saw 4 Indians through our glasses who went away along shore, in going along which they made two more fires for what purpose we could not guess.

We may guess in our turn that these fires were made for signalling, and that the aborigines up and down the coast were well apprised of the Endeavour’s arrival.

Tupia whose bad gums were very soon followd by livid spots on his legs and every symptom of inveterate scurvy, notwithstanding acid, bark and every medecine our Surgeon could give him, became now extreemly ill; Mr Green the astronomer was also in a very poor way, which made everybody in the Cabbin very desirous of getting ashore and impatient at our tedious delays.

17. Weather a little less rough than it was. Weighd and brought the ship in but in doing it ran her twice ashore by the narrowness of the channel; the second time she remaind till the tide lifted her off.

‘… but this was of no consequence any farther then giving us a little trouble and was no more than what I expected as we had the wind’.—Cook, p. 349.

In the meantime Dr Solander and myself began our Plant gathering. In the Evening the ship was moord within 20 feet of the shore afloat and before night much lumber was got out of her.

This was within the entrance of the Endeavour River, on the south shore, where Cooktown now stands, on Cook Harbour. There was a strip of deep water, but the ship could be warped ashore.

18. A stage was built from the ship which much facilitated our undertakings. Myself walking in the countrey saw old Frames of Indian houses and places where they had dressd shellfish in the same manner as the Islanders, but no signs that they had been at the place for 6 months at least. The countrey in general was sandy between the hills and barren made walking very easy; Musquetos there were some and but few, a peice of good fortune in a place where we were likely to remain some time.

Mosquitoes are numerous in Australia, being chiefly represented by the genera Aedes and Culex.

Tupia who had employd himself since we were here in angling and had livd intirely on what he caught was surprizingly recoverd. Poor Mr Green still very ill. Weather blowing hard with showers; had we not got in yesterday we certainly could not today.

19. Went over the Water today to spy the land which there was sand hills. On them I saw some Indian houses which seem'd to have been inhabited since those on this side, tho not very lately. There were vast flocks of Pigeons and crows; of the former which were very beautifull we shot several;

Parkinson describes the Topknot Pigeon from here, Lopholaimus antarcticus Shaw (Journal, pp. 144–5); and a number of other birds (see Cook, p. 367, n. 10). Storr records several species of pigeons and doves in this area and notes that the Bar-shouldered Dove, Geopelia humeralis (Temminck) is especially numerous in the coastal area, over mangroves, etc. The Topknot Pigeons are now regular winter visitors to the scrubby hills on the south bank of the mouth of the Endeavour River near Cooktown.—‘Birds of the Cooktown and Laura districts, North Queensland’, Emu, 53, 1953, pp. 224–48.

the latter exactly like those in England were so shy that we could not come near them by any means.

The crow of this region is the Australian Crow Corvus cecilae Mathews. In Cook, p. 367, n. 10, it was erroneously identified as the North Australian Crow, Corvus coronoides bennetti North.

The Inlet or river in which we lay ran very far into the countrey, keeping its course over flat land overgrown with Mangroves;

Probably Ceriops candolleana and Bruguiera gymnorhiza (cf. p. 66, n. 1).

the countrey inland was however sufficiently hilly. Evening hard rain.

20. Weather cleard up so we began to gather and Dry plants of which we had hopes of as many as we could muster during our stay. Observd that in many parts of the inlet were large quantities of Pumice stones which lay a good way above the high water mark, Probably carried there by freshes or extrordinary high tides as they certainly came from the Sea.

They had probably drifted across the twelve hundred miles of Coral Sea from the volcanic New Hebrides.

Before night the ship was lightned and we observd with great pleasure that the springs which were now beginning to lift rose as high as we could wish.

21. Fine clear weather: began today to lay Plants in sand. By night the ship was quite clear and in the nights tide (which we had constantly observd to be much higher than the days) we hauld her ashore.

22. In the morn I saw her leak which was very large: in the middle was a hole large enough to have sunk a ship with twice our pumps but here providence had most visibly workd in our favour, for it was in great measure pluggd up by a stone which was as big as a mans fist: round the Edges of this stone had all the water come in which had so near overcome us, and here we found the wool and oakum or fothering which had releivd us in so unexpected a manner. The effects of the Coral rock upon her bottom is dificult to describe but more to beleive; it had cut through her plank and deep into one of her timbers, smoothing the gashes still before it so that the whole might easily be imagind to be cut with an axe. Myself employd all day in laying in Plants. The People who were sent to the other side of the water in order to shoot Pigeons saw an animal as large as a grey hound, of a mouse coulour and very swift;

Possibly a young Great Grey Kangaroo, Macropus cangaru (Müller).

they also saw many Indian houses and a brook of fresh water.

23. The people who went over the River saw the animal again and describd him much in the same manner as yesterday.

24. Gathering plants and hearing descriptions of the animal which is now seen by every body. A seaman who had been out in the woods brought home the description of an animal he had seen composd in so Seamanlike a stile that I cannot help mentioning it: it was (says he) about as large and much like a one gallon cagg, as black as the Devil and had 2 horns on its head, it went but Slowly but I dard not touch it.

When Banks next mentions this beguiling animal he adds that it had wings; the description points to one of the large fruit-bats or flying-foxes, Pteropus sp.

25. In gathering plants today I myself had the good fortune to see the beast so much talkd of, tho but imperfectly; he was not only like a grey hound in size and running but had a long tail, as long as any grey hounds; what to liken him to I could not tell, nothing certainly that I have seen at all resembles him.

26. Since the ship has been hauld ashore the water that has come into her has of course all gone backwards and my plants which were for safety stowd in the bread room were this day found under water; nobody had warnd me of this danger which had never once enterd into my head; the mischeif was however now done so I set to work to remedy it to the best of my power. The day was scarce long enough to get them all shifted &c: many were savd but some intirely lost and spoild.

27. Some of the Gentlemen who had been out in the woods Yesterday brought home the leaves of a plant which I took to be Arum Esculentum, the same I beleive as is calld Coccos in the West Indies.

Colocasia eseulenta, Taro, of which numerous varieties are recognized.

In consequence of this I went to the place and found plenty; on tryal however the roots were found to be too acrid to be eat,

‘… so Acrid that few besides my self could eat them.’ — Cook, p. 353.

the leaves however when boild were little inferior to spinage. In the same place grew plenty of Cabbage trees

Livistona australis.

a kind of Wild Plantain whose fruit was so full of stones that it was scarce eatable,

Musa banksii F. Muell. ‘Very like M. sapientum in stem and leaf, but totally different in fruit. It yields a fibre of poor quality.’—Kew Bull. 1894: 246. Bentham (Fl. Austral., 6: 262) found no record of Banks's and Solander's having seen Musa in Australia but Banks's ‘wild plantain’ is certainly that genus.

another fruit about as large as a small golden pippin but flatter, of a deep purple colour; these when gatherd off from the tree were very hard and disagreable but after being kept a few days became soft and tasted much like indiferent Damsons.

The Sweet Plum or Burdekin Plum, Pleiogynium cerasiferum (F. Muell.) Domin (Syn. P. solandri). Solander's name was Spondias acida, patently to contrast with S. dulcis.

28. Tupia by Roasting his Coccos very much in his Oven made them lose intirely their acridity; the Roots were so small that we did not think them at all an object for the ship so resolvd to content ourselves with the greens which are calld in the West Indies Indian Kale.

Colocasia esculenta. The whole plant was called Coccos; when the leaves and not the root were eaten they were called Indian Kale, and this name could be transferred to the plant.

I went with the seamen to shew them the Place and they Gatherd a large quantity. Saw one tree and only one notchd in the same manner as those at Botany bay.

This is one of the few places in Banks's text where he deletes ‘Stingrays’ in favour of ‘Botany’. S has the note, ‘Memorandum. In this place and elsewhere, Botany is put in the place of Sting rays Bay; in others Stingrays alone: the meaning (of which different names,) is, that first the Bay was called Sting rays, and afterwards Botany Bay’.

We have ever since we have been here observd the nests of a kind of Ants much like the White ants in the East indies but to us perfectly harmless; they were always pyramidical, from a few inches to 6 feet in hight and very much resembled stones which I have seen in English Druidical monuments. Today we met with a large number of them of all sizes rangd in a small open place which had a very pretty effect; Dr Solander compard them to the Rune Stones on the Plains of Upsal in Sweden, myself to all the smaller Druidical monuments I had seen.

Mounds built by termites are a typical feature of the landscape in northern districts of Australia.

29. One of our Midshipmen an American

James Maria Magra—later Matra.

who was out a shooting today saw a Wolf, perfectly he sayd like those he had seen in America; he shot at it but did not kill it.

The Thylacine Wolf, Thylacinus cynocephalus, now confined to Tasmania, has been suggested; but scientific opinion is against its existence on the mainland in historical times. It is a marsupial, and its resemblance to a wolf is merely superficial. Magra could hardly have made a close examination: perhaps what he saw was a dingo.

The Seine was hauld today for the first time and 150 lb of Fish caught in it.

Solander describes the following species of fish from Endeavour River: Urogymnus asperrimus (Bloch and Schneider), the Rough-skinned Stingaree; Hemiscyllium ocellatum (Bonnaterre), the Epaulette Shark (see Spöring's drawing, pl. 56 in Parkinson I), which is common in shoal water in the vicinity of the Barrier Reef; Drepane punctata (Linn.), the Concertina Fish, widespread in the tropical Indo-Pacific and West African seas (see Parkinson II, pl. 21); Eleutheronema tetradactylum (Shaw), a good food fish and one which was painted at the time (Parkinson II, pl. 111); also a toad fish and one or two others which have not been identified. (Solander Ms Z2, Pisces Novae Hollandiae).

30. The second lieutenant saw 2 animals like dogs but smaller, they ran like hares and were of a straw colour.

Probably Dingoes.

Sein caught 213 lb of Fish.

July 1770

1. Being Sunday all hands were ashore on liberty, many animals were seen by them. The Indians had a fire about a league off up the river. O[u]r second Lieutenant found the husk of a Cocoa nut full of Barnacles cast up on the Beach; probably it had come from some Island to windward, From Terra del Espirito Santo

Espiritu Santo, one of the islands of the New Hebrides. Banks at first writes ‘New Jerusalem’, which was the name given by Quiros to the city he founded, on paper, on Espiritu Santo.

possibly as we are now in its latitude.

The ship was now finishd and tomorrow being the highest spring tide it was intended to haul her off, so we began to think how we should get out of this place, where so lately to get only in was our utmost ambition. We had observ'd in coming in innumerable shoals and sands all round us so we went upon a high hill to see what passage to the sea might be open. When we came there the Prospect was indeed melancholy: the sea every where full of innumerable shoals, some above and some under water, and no prospect of any streight passage out. To return as we came was impossible, the trade wind blew directly in our teeth; most dangerous then our navigation must be among unknown dangers. How soon might we again be reducd to the misfortune we had so lately escapd! Escapd indeed we had not till we were again in an open sea.

2. A great dew, which is the first we have had, and a Land breeze in the morn the first likewise. The Wild Plantain trees,

paepae meia, baskets woven of banana leaves.

tho their fruit does not serve for food, are to us a most material benefit; we made Baskets of their stalks (a thing we learnd of the Islanders) in which our plants which would not otherwise keep home remain fresh for 2 or 3 days; indeed in a hot climate it is hardly Practicable to go on without such baskets which we call by the Island name of Papa Mya. Our Plants dry better in Paper Books than in Sand, with this precaution, that one person is intirely employd in attending them who shifts them all once a day, exposes the Quires in which they are to the greatest heat of the sun and at night covers them most carefully up from any damps, always carefull not to bring them out too soon in a morning or leave them out too late in the evening. Tide rose not so high as was expected so the ship would not come off.

3. The Pinnace which had been sent out yesterday in search of a Passage returnd today, having found a way by which she past most of the shoals that we could see but not all. This Passage was also to windward of us so that we could only hope to get there by the assistance of a land breeze, of which we have had but one since we lay in the Place, so this discovery added little comfort to our situation. He had in his return landed on a dry reef where he found vast plenty of shell fish so that the Boat was compleatly loaded, cheifly with a large kind of Cockles (Chama Gigas)

The Giant Clam, Tridacna gigas, the largest of bivalves.

One of which was more than 2 men could eat. Many indeed were larger; the Cockswain of the Boat a little man declard that he saw on the reef a dead shell of one so large that he got into it and it fairly held him. At night the ship floated and was hauld off; an Allegator

Probably the Estuarine Crocodile, Crocodilus porosus Schneider.

was seen swimming along side of her for some time. As I was crossing the harbour in my small boat we saw many sholes of Gar fish

There are numerous species of garfish in Australia, belonging to the genera Belone and Strongylura.

leaping high out of the water, some of which leap'd into the boat and were taken.

4. The ship has been a good deal straind by laying so long as she has done with her head aground and her stern afloat; so much so that she has sprung a plank between decks abreast the main chains. At night however she was laid ashore again in order if possible to examine if she had got any damage near that place.

5. Went to the other side of the harbour and walkd along a sandy beach open to the trade wind. Here I found innumerable fruits, many of Plants I had not seen in this countrey; among them were some Cocoa nuts that had been open'd (as Tupia told us) by a kind of Crab, calld by the Dutch Beurs Krabbe (Cancer Latro)

The Coconut-opening Crab, Birgus latro.

that feeds upon them. All these fruits were incrusted with sea productions and many of them Coverd with Barnacles, a sure sign that they have come far by sea, and as the trade wind blows almost right on shore they must have come from some other countrey — probably that discoverd by Quiros and calld Terra del Esprito Santo

The New Hebrides. It is interesting that Banks, like Cook (or did Cook simply follow Banks in this?) refers to the distribution of coconut by self-sown drift, not by man (cf. Merrill, pp. 266–7 et passim, 1954.)

as the Latitudes according to his own account agree pretty well.

Tupia, who parted from us and walkd away a shooting, on his return told us that he had seen 2 people who were digging in the ground for some kind of roots; on seeing him they ran away with great precipitation.

6. Set out today with the second lieutenant resolvd to Go a good way up the river and see if the countrey inland differd from that near the shore. We went for about 3 leagues among Mangroves, then we got into the countrey which differd very little from what we had seen. From hence we proceeded up the river which contracted itself much and lost most of its mangroves; Canks were steep and coverd with trees of a Beautifull verdure particularly what is calld in the West Indies Mohoe or Bark tree (Hibiscus tiliaceus);

Mahoe, the West Indian Sterculia caribaea; but the name was also used for more than one sort of Hibiscus.

the land within was generaly low, coverd thick with long grass, and seemd to promise great fertility were these people to plant and improve it. In the course of the Day Tupia saw a Wolf, so at least I guess by his description,

Cf. p. 86, n. 4 above.

and we saw 3 of the animals of the countrey but could not get one; also a kind of Batts as large as a Partridge

Presumably one of the flying-foxes, Pteropus sp.

but these also we were not lucky enough to get. At night we took up our lodgins close to the banks of the river and made a fire, but the Musquetos, whose peacefull dominions it seems we had invaded, spard no pains to molest [us] as much as was in their Power: they followd us into the very smoak, nay almost into the fire, which hot as the Climate was we could better bear the heat of than their intolerable stings.

Between the hardness of our beds, the heat of the fire and the stings of these indefatigable insects the night was not spent so agreably but that day was earnestly wishd for by all of us; at last

7. it came and with its first dawn we set out in search of Game. We walkd many miles over the flats and saw 4 of the animals, 2 of which my greyhound fairly chas'd, but they beat him owing to the lengh and thickness of the grass which prevented him from running while they at every bound leapd over the tops of it. We observd much to our surprize that instead of Going upon all fours this animal went only upon two legs, making vast bounds just as the Jerbua (Mus Jaculus)

Jerboa, Dipus sagitta; it is the size of a rat, but like the kangaroo has short fore legs, very long hind legs, and a long tail, and is a powerful jumper; it inhabits the African deserts. It is a rodent and not a marsupial.

does. We returnd about noon and pursued our course up the river, which soon contracted itself into a fresh water brook where however the tide rose pretty considerably; towards evening it was so shallow being almost low water that we were obligd to get out of the boat and drag her, so finding a convenient place for sleeping in we resolvd to go no farther. Before our things were got up out of the boat we observd a smoak about a furlong from us: we did not doubt at all that the natives, who we had so long had a curiosity to see well, were there so three of us went immediately towards it hoping that the smallness of our numbers would induce them not to be afraid of us; when we came to the place however they were gone, probably upon having discoverd us before we saw them. The fire was in an old tree of touchwood; their houses were there, and branches of trees broken down with which the Children had been playing not yet wither'd; their footsteps also upon the sand below the high tide mark provd that they had very lately been there; near their oven, in which victuals had been dressd since morn, were shells of a kind of Clam and roots of a wild Yam which had been cookd in it. Thus were we disapointed of the only good chance we have had of seing the people since we came here by their unacountable timidity, and Night soon coming on we repaird to our quarters, which was upon a broad sand bank under the shade of a Bush where we hopd the Musquetos would not trouble us. Our beds of plantain leaves spread on the sand as soft as a mattrass, our Cloaks for bedcloths and grass pillows, but above all the intire absence of Musquetos made me and I beleive all of us sleep almost without intermission; had the Indians came they would certainly have caught us all Napping but that was the least in our thoughts.

The land about this place was not so fertile as lower down, the hills rose almost immediately from the river and were barren, stony and sandey much like those near the ship. The river near us abounded much in fish who at sun set leapd about in the water much as trouts do in Europe but we had no kind of tackle to take them with.

8. At day light in the Morn the tide serving we set out for the ship. In our passage down met several flocks of Whistling Ducks

According to Storr (1953) two kinds of ducks with a shrill whistling call occur here: the Whistling Tree Duck, Dendrocygna arcuata Horsfield, and the Plumed Tree Duck, D. eytoni (Eyton).

of which we shot some; we saw also an Allegator of about 7 feet long come out of the Mangroves and crawl into the Water.

Cf. p. 88, n. 1 above.

By 4 O'Clock we arrivd at the ship where we heard that the Indians had been near them but not come to them; Yesterday they had made a fire about a mile and a half of and this morn 2 had appeard on the beach opposite to the ship. At night the Pinnace which had been sent in search of a Passage to leward returnd, she had been unsuccessfull in her main errand. Shoals innumerable she had met with, upon one of them was lucky enough to see a turtle

Presumably a Green Turtle, Chelonia sp. Cf. p. 94, n. 3 below.

which was pursued and many more were seen, so many that three were taken with only the Boat hook. The promise of such plenty of good provisions made our situation appear much less dreadfull; were we obligd to Wait here for another season of the year when the winds might alter we could do it without fear of wanting Provisions: this thought alone put every body in vast spirits.

9. Myself went turtling in hopes to have loaded our long boat, but by a most unacountable conduct of the officer not one turtle was taken. I however went ashore upon the reef, saw the large Cockles and gatherd many shells and sea productions. At night returnd with my small boat leaving the large one upon the reef who I was sure would catch no turtle.

10. Four Indians appeard on the opposite shore; they had with them a Canoe made of wood with an outrigger in which two of them embarkd and came towards the ship but stop'd at the distance of a long Musquet shot, talking much and very loud to us. We hollowd to them and waving made them all the signs we could to come nearer; by degrees they venturd almost insensibly nearer and nearer till they were quite along side, often holding up their Lances as if to shew us that if we usd them ill they had weapons and would return our attack. Cloth, Nails, Paper, &c &c. was given to them all which they took and put into the canoe without shewing the least signs of satisfaction: at last a small fish was by accident thrown to them on which they expressd the greatest joy imaginable, and instantly putting off from the ship made signs that they would bring over their comrades, which they very soon did and all four landed near us, each carrying in his hand 2 Lances and his stick to throw them with. Tupia went towards [them]; they stood all in a row in the attitude of throwing their Lances; he made signs that they should lay them down and come forward without them; this they immediately did and sat down with him upon the ground. We then came up to them and made them presents of Beads, Cloth &c. which they took and soon became very easy, only Jealous if any one attempted to go between them and their arms. At dinner time we made signs to them to come with as and eat but they refusd; we left them and they going into their Canoe padled back to where they came from.

11. Indians came over again today, 2 that were with us yesterday and two new ones who our old acquaintance introduc'd to us by their names, one of which was Yaparico. Tho we did not yesterday Observe it they all had the Septum or inner part of the nose bord through with a very large hole, in which one of them had stuck the bone of a bird as thick as a mans finger and 5 or 6 inches long, an ornament no doubt tho to us it appeard rather an uncouth one. They brought with them a fish which they gave to us in return I suppose for the fish we had given them yesterday. Their stay was but short for some of our gentlemen being rather too curious in examining their canoe they went directly to it and pushing it off went away without saying a word. At night the boat which had been sent to the reef for turtle came home and brought 3.

12. Indians came again today and venturd down to Tupias Tent, where they were so well pleasd with their reception that three staid while the fourth went with the Canoe to fetch two new ones; they introduc'd their strangers (which they always made a point of doing) by name and had some fish given them. They receivd it with indifference, signd to our people to cook it for them, which was done, and they eat part and gave the rest to my Bitch. They staid the most part of the morning but never venturd to go above 20 yards from their canoe. The ribbands by which we had tied medals round their necks the first day we saw them were coverd with smoak; I suppose they lay much in the smoak to keep off the Musquetos. They are a very small people or at least this tribe consisted of very small people, in general about 5 feet 6 in hight and very slender; one we measurd 5 feet 2 and another 5 feet 9, but he was far taller than any of his fellows; I do not know by what deception we were to a man of opinion, when we saw them run on the sand about ¼ of a mile from us, that they were taller and larger than we were. Their colour was nearest to that of chocolate, not that their skins were so dark but the smoak and dirt with which they were all casd over, which I suppose servd them instead of Cloths, made them of that colour. Their hair was strait in some and curld in others; they always wore it croppd close round their heads; it was of the same consistence with our hair, by no means wooly or curld like that of Negroes. Their eyes were in many lively and their teeth even and good; of them they had compleat setts, by no means wanting two of their fore teeth as Dampiers New Hollanders did.

This refers to a passage in Dampier's New Voyage round the World, which gives an unflattering picture of the Australians: ‘The two Fore-teeth of their Upper jaw are wanting in all of them, Men and Women, Old and Young; whether they draw them out, I know not… .’—Dampier's Voyages, ed. Masefield (1906), I, p. 453. Dampier was eagerly consulted by both Banks and Cook, as the only Englishman who had had contact with the aborigines, while Cook of course was interested also in his geography. It was a very common, though not universal, practice among the aborigines to knock out one or two incisors as part of the ritual of ‘initiation’ into adulthood.

They were all of them clean limn'd, active and nimble. Cloaths they had none, not the least rag, those parts which nature willingly conceals being exposd to view compleatly uncoverd; yet when they stood still they would often or almost allways with their hand or something they held in it hide them in some measure at least, seemingly doing that as if by instinct. They Painted themselves with white and red,

i.e. with pipeclay and ochre; the ochre was burnt and mixed with emu-fat.

the first in lines and barrs on different Parts of their bodies, the other in large patches. Their ornaments were few: necklaces prettyly enough made of shells, bracelets wore round the upper part of their arms, consisting of strings lapd round with other strings

The material commonly used in this part of the country for such armlets was pandanus fibre. Elsewhere they were often made of kangaroo sinews.

as what we Call gymp in England, a string no thicker than a packthread tied round their bodies which was sometimes made of human hair, a peice of Bark tied over their forehead, and the preposterous bone in their noses which I have before mentiond were all that we observd. One had indeed one of his Ears bord, the hole being big enough to put a thumb through, but this was peculiar to that one man and him I never saw wear in it any ornament. Their language was totaly different from that of the Islanders; it sounded more like English in its degree of harshness tho it could not be calld harsh neither. They almost continualy made use of the word Chircau,

A rendering, spelt in various ways by the journal-keepers, of the word yir-ké, an expression of surprise.

which we conceivd to be a term of Admiration as they still usd it when ever they saw any thing new; also Cherr, tut tut tut tut tut, which probably have the same signification. Their Canoe was not above 10 feet long and very narrow built, with an outrigger fitted much like those at the Islands only far inferior; they in shallow waters set her on with poles, in deep paddled her with paddles about 4 feet long; she just carried 4 people so that the 6 who visited us today were obligd to make 2 embarkations. Their Lances were much like those we had seen in Botany

‘Stingrays’ deleted.

bay, only they were all of them single pointed, and some pointed with the stings of sting-rays and bearded with two or three beards of the same, which made them indeed a terrible weapon; the board or stick with which they flung them was also made in a neater manner.

After having staid with us the greatest part of the morning they went away as they came. While they staid 2 more and a young woman made their appearance upon the Beach; she was to the utmost that we could see with our glasses as naked as the men.

13. Two Indians came in their Canoe to the ship, staid by her a very short time and then went along shore striking fish. Our Boat returnd from the reef with one turtle and one large Sting ray.

14. Our second lieutenant who was a shooting today had the good fortune to kill the animal that had so long been the subject of our speculations.

This moment of triumph must be annotated: the mysterious animal was of course the kangaroo—‘Kill Kanguru’ is Banks's running head. This animal and the others obtained at the Endeavour River have been discussed with learning by T. C. S. Morrison-Scott and F. C. Sawyer, in The Identity of Captain Cook's Kangaroo (Bull, of B.M. [N.H.], Zoology, I, No. 3, 1950). This one was possibly the young Great Grey Kangaroo, Macropus cangaru (Müller), the skull of which was given by Banks to John Hunter, the eminent surgeon and anatomist; it was preserved in the museum of the Royal College of Surgeons until the destruction of the second World War.—Some Australians still believe that the animal was given its name by mistake: that an aboriginal, asked what it was called, replied in his own tongue, ‘I don't understand’—which expression Banks in turn misunderstood as the name. Such an origin is inherently improbable, whatever the animal was called elsewhere in Australia: no one yet seems to have supplied the Koko-Yimidir form of words which Banks compressed into ‘kanguru’; and see Banks's account of the care taken in collecting his Australian vocabulary, p. 126 below. Ling Roth (cf. p. 127, n. 1) gives ganguru as the local name. See also E. E. Morris, Austral English (London 1898), pp. 230–1.

To compare it to any European animal would be impossible as it has not the least resemblance of any one I have seen. Its fore legs are extreemly short and of no use to it in walking, its hind again as disproportionaly long; with these it hops 7 or 8 feet at each hop in the same manner as the Gerbua, to which animal indeed it bears much resemblance except in Size, this being in weight 38 lb and the Gerbua no larger than a common rat.

15. The Beast which was killd yesterday was today Dressd for our dinners and provd excellent meat. In the evening the Boat returnd from the reef bringing 4 Turtles, so we may now be said to swim in Plenty. Our Turtles are certainly far preferable to any I have eat in England, which must proceed from their being eat fresh from the sea before they have either wasted away their fat, or by unatural food which is given them in the tubs where they are kept given themselves a fat of not so delicious a flavour as it is in their wild state. Most of those we have caught have been green turtle from 2 to 300 lb weight: these when killd were always found to be full of Turtle Grass

Banks's ‘turtle grass’ may have been any one, or more than one, of three possible genera: Cymodocea isoetifolia, or possibly C. serrulata; or Zostera capricorni, known as ‘Dugong grass’; or Thalassia hemprichii, which F. R. Fosberg says is often referred to as ‘turtle grass’ in the Marshall Islands. Thalassia testudinata is the well known neotropical ‘turtle grass’. Thalassia hemprichii is recorded from Low Island in North Queensland, and it seems likely that this was the marine phanerogam that Banks encountered.

(a kind of Conferva I beleive); two only were Loggerheads which were but indifferent meat; in their stomachs were nothing but shells.

Banks's Green Turtles were Chelonia sp. Some herpetologists maintain that there is but a single species of Green Turtle with a world-wide tropical and sub-tropical distribution; on this view the name would be C. mydas (Linn.). There are two drawings by Parkinson of a specimen from Endeavour River (I, pls. 39, 40), which is the turtle described by Solander (p. 125) since he refers to a drawing. Of the two genera of Loggerheads, Lepidochelys and Caretta, the former is usually vegetarian, at least in the Indian Ocean, so that as Banks reports that the stomachs of the Loggerheads examined contained nothing but shells, there is presumptive evidence that they were specimens of Carella. The Caretta of the Indo-Pacific region has been recognized as a subspecies different from that of the Atlantic Ocean, under the name Caretta caretta gigas Deraniyagala.

16. As the ship was now nearly ready for her departure Dr Solander and myself employd ourselves in winding up our Botanical Bottoms,

i.e. in finishing the botanical tasks they had set themselves; cf. I, p. 463, n. 1.

examining what we wanted, and making up our complement of specimens of as many species as possible.The Boat brought 3 Turtle again today, one of which was a male which was easily to be distinguishd from the female by the vast size of his tail, which was four times longer and thicker than hers; in every other respect they were exactly alike. One of our people on board the ship who has been a Turtler in the West Indies told me that they never sent male Turtle home to England from thence because they wasted in keeping much more than the females, which we found to be true.

17. Tupia who was over the water by himself saw 3 Indians, who gave him a kind of longish roots about as thick as a mans finger and of a very good taste.

. Colocasia esculenta, Taro.

On his return the Captn Dr Solander and myself went over in hopes to see them and renew our connections; we met with four in a canoe who soon after came ashore and came to us without any signs of fear. After receiving the beads &c that we had given them they went away; we attempted to follow them hoping that they would lead us to their fellows where we might have an opportunity of seeing their Women; they however by signs made us understand that they did not desire our company.

18. Indians were over with us today and seemd to have lost all fear of us and became quite familiar; one of them at our desire threw his Lance which was about 8 feet in Lengh — it flew with a degree of swiftness and steadyness that realy surprizd me, never being above 4 feet from the ground and stuck deep in at the distance of 50 paces. After this they venturd on board the ship and soon became our very good freinds, so the Captn and me left them to the care of those who staid on board and went to a high hill about Six miles from the ship; here we overlookd a great deal of sea to Leward, which afforded a melancholy prospect of the dificulties we were to encounter when we came out of our present harbour: in which ever direction we turnd our eyes shoals innumerable were to be seen and no such thing as any passage to sea but through the winding channels between them, dangerous to the last degree.

19. Ten Indians visited us today and brought with them a larger quantity of Lances than they had ever done before, these they laid up in a tree leaving a man and a boy to take care of them and came on board the ship. They soon let us know their errand which was by some means or other to get one of our Turtle of which we had 8 or 9 laying upon the decks. They first by signs askd for One and on being refusd shewd great marks of Resentment; one who had askd me on my refusal stamping with his foot pushd me from him with a countenance full of disdain and applyd to some one else; as however they met with no encouragement in this they laid hold of a turtle and hauld him forwards towards the side of the ship where their canoe lay. It however was soon taken from them and replacd. They nevertheless repeated the expiriment 2 or 3 times and after meeting with so many repulses all in an instant leapd into their Canoe and went ashore where I had got before them Just ready to set out plant gathering; they seizd their arms in an instant, and taking fire from under a pitch kettle which was boiling they began to set fire to the grass to windward of the few things we had left ashore with surprizing dexterity and quickness; the grass which was 4 or 5 feet high and as dry as stubble burnt with vast fury. A Tent of mine which had been put up for Tupia when he was sick was the only thing of any consequence in the way of it so I leapd into a boat to fetch some people from the ship in order to save it, and quickly returning hauld it down to the beach Just time enough. The Captn in the meantime followd the Indians to prevent their burning our Linnen and the Seine which lay on the grass just where they were gone. He had no musquet with him so soon returnd to fetch one for no threats or signs would make them desist. Mine was ashore and another loaded with shot, so we ran as fast as possible towards them and came just time enough to save the Seine by firing at an Indian who had already fird the grass in two places just to windward of it; on the shot striking him, tho he was full 40 yards from the Captn who fird, he dropd his fire and ran nimbly to his comrades who all ran off pretty fast. The Captn then loaded his musquet with a ball and fird it into the Mangroves abreast of where they ran to shew them that they were not yet out of our reach, they ran on quickning their pace on hearing the Ball and we soon lost sight of them; we then returnd to the Seine where the people who were ashore had got the fire under. We now thought we were free'd from these troublesome people but we soon heard their voices returning on which, anxious for some people who were washing that way, we ran towards them; on seeing us come with our musquets they again retird leasurely after an old man had venturd quite to us and said something which we could not understand. We followd for near a mile, then meeting with some rocks from whence we might observe their motions we sat down and they did so too about 100 yards from us. The little old man now came forward to us carrying in his hand a lance without a point. He halted several times and as he stood employd himself in collecting the moisture from under his arm pit with his finger which he every time drew through his mouth.

For the salt so gained.

We beckond to him to come: he then spoke to the others who all laid their lances against a tree and leaving them came forwards likewise and soon came quite to us. They had with them it seems 3 strangers who wanted to see the ship but the man who was shot at and the boy were gone, so our troop now consisted of 11. The Strangers were presented to us by name and we gave them such trinkets as we had about us; then we all proceeded towards the ship, they making signs as they came along that they would not set fire to the grass again and we distributing musquet balls among them and by our signs explaining their effect. When they came abreast of the ship they sat down but could not be prevaild upon to come on board, so after a little time we left them to their contemplations; they stayd about two hours and then departed.

We had great reason to thank our good Fortune that this accident happned so late in our stay, not a week before this our powder which was put ashore when first we came in had been taken on board, and that very morning only the store tent and that in which the sick had livd were got on board. I had little Idea of the fury with which the grass burnt in this hot climate, nor of the dificulty of extinguishing it when once lighted: this accident will however be a sufficient warning for us if ever we should again pitch tents in such a climate to burn Every thing round us before we begin.

20. Yesterday evening the ship was hauld off from the shore ready for her departure. In the night by some unlucky accident she taild ashore during the Ebb, and as the tide settled brought such a strain upon her rudder as alarmd us all greatly; the Tiller which was in the most danger beat hard under some strong sheep pens which had been built in a Platform over it; as the tide settled still more it came to the Point whether the tiller or Platform would Break, for one must, which the Platform fortunately did and made us at once easy. No Indians came near us but all the hills about us for many miles were on fire and at night made the most beautifull appearance imaginable. The Pinnace returnd which had been sent to Leeward in search of a Passage: the officer in her had met with nothing but shoals and not the least likelihood of a Passage that way,

i.e. to the northward.

no very comfortable situation. Our ship it is true was now repaird: Leaky she was from the strains she had got but the water she made was trifling. We were ready to sail with the first fair wind but where to go? — to windward was impossible, to leward was a Labyrinth of Shoals, so that how soon we might have the ship to repair again or lose her quite no one could tell. Encounter the dificulty however we must and since our Bargain was a bad one make the Best of it. At night the Yawl returnd with one turtle in her: it had blown so much since she had been out that she with dificulty took even that, for as all our turtle had been taken by chasing moderate weather was absolutely necessary.

21. No signs of the Indians to day nor indeed any thing else worthy note.

22. The Turtle which was killd this morn had an Indian turtle peg in it which seemd to have laid there a long time. It was in the breast across the fore finns, having enterd at the soft part near the finns but the wound it had made in going in was intirely grown up; the peg itself was about 8 inches in lengh and as thick as a mans little finger.

Cook describes it (p. 363) as ‘a wooden harpoon or turtle peg 15 Inches long bearbed [bearded?] at the end such as we have seen among the natives’.

One of our people who had been sent out to gather Indian Kale straying from his party met with three indians, two men and a boy, he came upon them as they sat down among some long grass on a sudden and before he was aware of it. At first he was much afraid and offerd them his knife, the only thing he had which he thought might be acceptable to them; they took it and after handing it from one to another return'd it to him. They kept him about half an hour behaving most civily to him, only satisfying their curiosity in examining his body, which done they made him signs that he might go away which he did very well pleasd. They had hanging on a tree by them, he said, a quarter of the wild animal and a cocatoo; but how they had been clever enough to take these animals is almost beyond my conception, as both of them are most shy especialy the Cocatoos.

23. In Botanizing today on the other side of the river we accidentaly found the greatest part of the clothes which had been given to the Indians left all in a heap together, doubtless as lumber not worth carriage. May be had we lookd farther we should have found our other trinkets, for they seemd to set no value upon any thing we had except our turtle, which of all things we were the least able to spare them.

24. The blowing weather which had hinderd us from getting out several days still lasted, not at all to our satisfaction who had no one wish to remain longer in the place, which we had pretty well exhausted even of its natural history. The Dr and me were obligd to go very far for any thing new; to day we went several miles to a high hill where after sweating and broiling among the woods till night we were obligd to return almost empty. But the most vexatious accident imaginable befel us likewise: traveling in a deep vally, the sides of which were steep almost as a wall but coverd with trees and plenty of Brush wood, we found marking nuts (anacardium orientale)

Marking Nuts are the fruit of the tree Semecarpus sp., in this case S. australiensis Engler; their juice makes an indelible black mark or stain on linen or other cloth.

laying on the ground, and desirous as we were to find the tree on which they had grown, a thing that I beleive no European Botanist has seen, we were not with all our pains able to find it; so after cutting down 4 or 5 trees and spending much time were obligd to give over our hopes.

25. The Captn who was up the river today found the Canoe belonging to our freinds the Indians, which it seems they had left tied to some mangroves within a mile of the ship: themselves we could see by their fires were 5 or 6 miles off from us directly inland.

26. In botanizing to day I had the good fortune to take an animal of the Opossum (Didelphis) tribe: it was a female and with it I took two young ones. It was not unlike that remarkable one which De Bufon

Georges-Louis Leclerc de Buffon (1707-78), the majestic systematizer of natural history, whose Histoire naturelle (1749-1804) is one of the intellectual monuments of the eighteenth century.

has describd by the name of Phalanger as an American animal; it was however not the same for De Buffon is certainly wrong in asserting that this tribe is peculiar to America; and in all probability, as Pallas

Peter Simon Pallas (1741-1811), born at Berlin and an infant prodigy at languages and natural history. His first two great scientific works, the Elenchus Zoophytorum and the Miscellanea Zoologica (to which Banks refers), both produced in 1766, made his name widely known, and set foreign governments competing for his services. He accepted from Catherine the Great a place in her Academy of St Petersburg, and went with the Russian observers of the transit of Venus in 1769 to Siberia to work on natural history. This led to his famous memoir on the bones and fossils of the great quadrupeds found in that country, and to his travels all over it, and from the Caspian Sea to Lake Baikal and Mongolia, an arduous journey from which he returned white-haired only in 1774. Pallas published a large number of writings on his travels, and on geography, ethnography, zoology and other branches of natural history. As a field-scientist he was one of the most pre-eminent men of his day.

has said in his Zoologia, the Phalanger itself is a native of the East Indies, as my animal and that agree in the extrordinary conformation of their feet in which particular they differ from all the others.

Banks's opossum was probably the Grey Queensland Ring Tail, Pseudocheirus peregrinus (Boddaert), which was described from a specimen taken at Endeavour River (Elenchus Animalium, 1785, p. 78). It was true, as Pallas said, that the Phalanger was native to the East Indies; but it was also true (to do justice to Buffon) that the didelphid ‘tribe’ was confined to the Americas. As Banks noticed, the two groups are distinguished partly by a difference in the digits of the hind feet.

27. This day was dedicated to hunting the wild animal. We saw several and had the good fortune to kill a very large one which weighd 84 lb.

This was shot by Gore. It is thought to have been a Wallaroo, Macropus robustus. A drawing of a skull by Nathaniel Dance, bound up with Parkinson's zoological drawings (I, pl. 5) in the Library of the British Museum (Natural History), may possibly be the last remains of this animal. See again Morrison-Scott and Sawyer, The Identity of Captain Cook's Kangaroo. See Pl. 34.

28. Botanizing with no kind of success. The Plants were now intirely compleated and nothing new to be found, so that sailing is all we wish for if the wind would but allow us. Dind today upon the animal, who eat but ill, he was I suppose too old. His fault however was an uncommon one, the total want of flavour, for he was certainly the most insipid meat I eat.

29. Went out again in search of the animals: our success today was not however quite so good as the last time, we saw few and killd one very small one which weighd no more than 8½ lb.

This small kangaroo or wallaby was possibly an immature specimen of a Macropus.

My greyhound took him with ease tho the old ones were much too nimble for him.

30. Ever since the ship was hawld off for sailing we have had Blowing weather till today, when it changd to little wind and rain which gave us some hopes; in the evening however the wind returnd to its old Byas.

31. Morning cloudy and Boisterous enough; even clear with less wind which supplyd hopes at least for tomorrow.

August 1770

1. During the Night it Blew as hard as ever; the Day was rainy with less wind but still not moderate enough for our undertakings.

2. Moderate and very rainy; great hopes that the Rain is a presage of approaching moderate weather.

3. In the morn our people were dubious about trying to get out and I beleive delayd it rather too long. At last however they began and warpd ahead but desisted from their attempts after having ran the ship twice ashore.

This is a passage that reflects Banks's impatience to get away rather than justice to the seamen. Cook's entry (pp. 364–5) reads, ‘Strong breezes and hazy untill 6 oClock in the Am when it Moderated and we unmoord, hove up the anchor and began to warp out, but the Ship tailing up on the sand on the north side of the River, the Tide of Ebb makeing out and a fresh breeze seting in we were obliged to desist and Moor the Ship again just within the barr’.

4. Fine calm morn. Began early and warp'd the ship out, after which we saild right out till we came to the turtle reef where our turtlers took one turtle. Myself got some few shells but saw many Beautifull sea insects &c. At night our people who fishd caught abundance of sharks.

5. The Turtlers were again out upon the shoal and took one turtle. At 2 we weighd, resolvd to stand out as well as we could among the shoals, but before night were stoppd by another shoal which lay directly across our way.

6. Blew so fresh that we could not move but lay still all day, not without anxiety least the anchor should not hold.

7. During last night the gale had freshned much and in the morn we found that we had Drove above a League. Fortunately no shoal had in that distance taken us up but one was in sight astern and the ship drove fast towards it, on this another anchor was let go and much cable verd out but even this would not stop her. Our prospect was now more melancholy than ever: the shoal was plainly to be seen and the ship still driving gently down towards it, a sea running at the same time which would make it impossible ever to get off if we should be unfortunate enough to get on. Yards and Topmasts were therefore got down and every thing done which could be thought of to make the ship snug, without any effect: she still drove and the shoal we dreaded came nearer and nearer to us. The sheet anchor our last resource was now thought of and prepard,

The sheet anchor was the largest of a ship's anchors, generally stowed on the starboard side behind the best bower. Cook says he had both bowers out, a whole cable on the small bower and two cables on the other; even after this the ship kept driving slowly until the yards and topmasts were struck, ‘then she rid fast’.

but fortunately for us before we were drove to the making use of that expedient the ship stoppd and held fast, to our great joy. During the time of its blowing yesterday and today we became certain that between us and the open sea was a ledge of rocks or reef just the same as we had seen at the Islands, no very agreable discovery, for should that at any time join in with the main land we must wait for another season when different winds from the present ones prevaild;

This is Banks's summary of what must have been a considerable discussion amongst the officers about this time. It was plain that the reef had closed in, and that quite independently of the gale the ship was in a very difficult position. Cook is quite frank about his own perplexity: ‘After having well View'd our situation from the mast head I saw that we were surrounded on every side with Shoals and no such thing as a passage to Sea but through the winding channels between them, dangerous to the highest degree in so much that I was quite at a loss which way to steer when the weather would permit us to get under sail; for to beat back to the Se the way we came as the Master would have had me done would be an endless peice of work, as the winds blow now constantly strong from that quarter without hardly any intermission—on the other hand if we do not find a passage to the north[war]d we shall have to come [back] at last’.— pp. 369–70.

in which case we must infallibly be short of provisions or, if the turtle should fail us, Salt provisions without bread was all we had to trust to.

8. The night Dark as pitch passd over not without much anxiety: whether our anchors held or not we could not tell and maybe might when we least thought of it be upon the very brink of destruction. Day light however releivd us shewd us that the anchors had held and also brought us rather more moderate weather, so that towards evening we venturd to get up Yards and top masts.

9. Night and morning still more moderate so that one anchor was got up and we had great hopes of sailing on the next morn.

10. Fine weather so the anchor was got up and we saild down to leward, convincd that we could not get out the way we had tried before and hoping there might be a passage that way: in these hopes we were much encouraged by the sight of some high Islands

The Islands of Direction, now called South Direction, North Direction, and Lizard.

where we hopd the shoals would end. By 12 we were among these and fancied that the grand or outer reef ended on one of them so were all in high spirits, but about dinner time the people at the mast head saw as they thought Land all round us, on which we immediately came to an anchor resolvd to go ashore and from the hills examine whether it was so or not.

The point we went upon

Cape Flattery. Cook (p. 371): ‘We now judged our selves to be clear of all danger having as we thought a clear open sea before us, but this we soon found otherwise and occasiond my calling the headland above mentioned Cape Flattery… .’

was sandy and very Barren so it afforded very few plants or any thing else worth our observation. The Sand itself indeed with which the whole countrey in a manner was coverd was infinitely fine and white, but till a glass house

i.e. a building for the manufacture of glass, not a greenhouse; cf. the names the Glass Houses and Glass House Bay conferred further south.

was built here that would turn to no account. We had the satisfaction however to see that what was taken for land round us provd only a number of Islands: to one very high one about 5 leagues from the Land the Captain resolvd to go in the Boat tomorrow in order to see whether the grand reef had realy left us or not.

11. As propos'd yesterday the Captn went today to the Island,

Lizard Island.

which provd 5 leagues off from the ship, I went with him. In going out we passd over 2 very large shoals on which we saw great plenty of Turtle but we had too much wind to strike any. The Island itself was high; we ascended the hill and when we were at the top saw plainly the Grand Reef still extending itself Paralel with the shore at about the distance of 3 leagues from us or 8 from the main; through it were several channels exactly similar to those we had seen in the Islands. Through one of these we determind to [go] which seemd most easy: to ascertain however the Practicability of it We resolvd to stay upon the Island all night and at day break in the morn send the boat to sound one of them, which was acordingly done. We slept under the shade of a Bush that grew on the Beach very comfortably.

12. Great Part of yesterday and all this morn till the Boat returnd I employd in searching the Island. On it I found some few plants which I had not before seen;

One of these was Blepharocarya involucrigera F. Muell., collected on Lizard Island, named and renamed by Solander, unaccounted for by Bentbam, but not published until 1878.

the Island itself was small and Barren; on it was however one small tract of woodland which abounded very much with large Lizzards some of which I took.

No specimens of these lizards have been traced, nor has any description been found. No subsequent visitor to the island appears to have mentioned them and a collection made there in 1901 by A. E. Finckh (Johnston, Proc. Linn. Soc. N.S.W., 26, p. 214) contained only three very small lizards, three skinks and one gecko. It has been suggested that the island may have been inhabited by the monitor Varanus semirex Kinghorn, at present restricted to Coquet Island.

Distant as this Isle was from the main, the Indians had been here in their poor embarkations, sure sign that some part of the year must have very setled fine weather; we saw 7 or 8 frames of their huts and vast piles of shells the fish of which had I suppose been their food. All the houses were built upon the tops of Eminences exposd intirely to the Se, contrary to those of the main which are commonly placd under the shelter of some bushes or hill side to break off the wind. The officer who went in the Boat returnd with an account that the sea broke vastly high upon the reef and the swell was so great in the opening that he could not go into it to sound. This was sufficient to assure us of a safe passage out, so we got into the boat to return to the ship in high spirits, thinking our danger now at an end as we had a passage open for us to the main Sea. In our return we went ashore upon a low Island where we shot many birds; on it was an Eagles nest

There are three species of Sea-eagles in Australia.

the young ones of which we killd, and another built on the ground by I know not what bird, of a most enormous magnitude — it was in circumference 26 feet and in hight 2 feet 8 built of sticks; the only Bird I have seen in this countrey capable of building such a nest seems to be the Pelecan.

This was probably the nest of an osprey, Pandion haliaetus; see Mathews, Birds of Australia, V (1915-16), pp. 296–7.

The Indians have been here likewise and livd upon turtle, as we could plainly see by the heaps of Callipashes

Calipash, the upper shell or carapace of the turtle.

which were pild up in several parts of the Island. Our Master who had been sent to leward to examine that Passage went ashore upon a low Island where he slept. Here he saw vast plenty of turtle shells, and so great plenty had the Indians had when there that they had hung up the finns with the meat left on them in trees, where the sun had dryd them so well that our seamen eat them heartily. He saw also two spots clear of grass which had lately been dug up; they were about 7 feet long and shapd like a grave, for which indeed he took them.

13. Ship stood out for the opening we had seen in the reef and about 2 O'Clock passd it.

This opening through the reef is now called Cook's Passage. It is in latitude 14° 31′ S.

It was about ½ a mile wide. As soon as the ship was well without it we had no ground with 100 fathm of Line so became in an instant quite easy, being once more in the main Ocean and consequently freed from all our fears of shoals &c.

14. For the first time these three months we were this day out of sight of Land to our no small satisfaction: that very Ocean which had formerly been look'd upon with terror by (maybe) all of us was now the Assylum we had long wishd for and at last found. Satisfaction was clearly painted in every mans face: the day was fine and the trade wind brisk before which we steerd to the Northward; the well grown waves which followd the ship, sure sign of no land being in our neighbourhood, were contemplated with the greatest satisfaction, notwithstanding we plainly felt the effect of the blows they gave to our crazy ship, increasing her leaks considerably so that she made now 9 inches water every hour. This however was lookd upon as a light evil in comparison to those we had so lately made our escape from.

15. Fine weather and moderate trade. The Captn fearfull of going too far from the Land, least he should miss an opportunity of examining whether or not the passage which is layd down in some charts between New Holland and New Guinea realy existed or not,

The charts referred to here are probably those in de Brosses's Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes, to which Cook refers more than once, and Dalrymple's ‘Chart of the South Pacifick Ocean’. I have discussed these maps, and the question as it presented itself to Cook, at some length in my Introduction to Cook I, pp. clvii-xiv.

steerd the ship west right in for the land; about 12, O'Clock it was seen from the Mast head and about one the Reef laying without it in just the same manner as when we left it. He stood on however resolving to stand off at night after having taken a nearer view, but just at night fall found himself in a manner embayd in the reef so that it was a moot Point whether or not he could weather it on either tack; we stood however to the Northward and at dark it was concluded that she would go clear of every thing we could see. The night however was not the most agreable: all the dangers we had escapd were little in comparison of being thrown upon this reef if that should be our lot. A Reef such a one as I now speak of is a thing scarcely known in Europe or indeed any where but in these seas: it is a wall of Coral rock rising almost perpendicularly out of the unfathomable ocean, always overflown at high water commonly 7 or 8 feet, and generaly bare at low water; the large waves of the vast ocean meeting with so sudden a resistance make here a most terrible surf Breaking mountain high, especialy when as in our case the general trade wind blows directly upon it.

16. At three O'Clock this morn it dropd calm on a sudden which did not at all better our situation: we judgd ourselves not more than 4 or 5 1’gs from the reef, maybe much less, and the swell of the sea which drove right in upon it carried the ship towards it fast. We tried the lead often in hopes to find ground that we might anchor but in vain; before 5 the roaring of the Surf was plainly heard and as day broke the vast foaming billows were plainly enough to be seen scarce a mile from us and towards which we found the ship carried by the waves surprizingly fast, so that by 6 o'Clock we were within a Cables lengh of them, driving on as fast as ever and still no ground with 100 fathm of line. Every method had been taken since we first saw our danger to get the boats out in hopes that they might tow us off but it was not yet acomplishd; the Pinnace had had a Plank strippd off her for repair and the longboat under the Booms was lashd and fastned so well from our supposd security that she was not yet got out.

We get the impression from this and the next reference to the long boat that the sailors were unconscionably slow, and perhaps inefficient, about their business. No sailor seems to have thought so; indeed Cook, in one of the versions of his journal, says the boat was ‘hoisted out very expeditiously’. The carpenter also was making a quick job of repairing the pinnace. The psychological point is that we are now reading a layman's journal: Banks had nothing to do on board the ship at this juncture but to wait and look on, and he may be excused for feeling that time passed very fast and that the actions of men were very slow. It was just when the ship was nearest the reef that Green the astronomer, assisted by Forwood the gunner, was taking observations; Green's remark on the situation (having remarked first that the observations were good) was merely that ‘We were about a 100 Yards from a Reef where we expected the Ship to strike every minute it being Calm and no soundings the swell heaving us right on’. —Cook, p. 378 n. So does professional habit conduce to fortitude.

Two large Oars or sweeps were got out at the stern ports to pull the ships head round the other way in hopes that might delay till the boats were out. All this while we were approaching and came I beleive before this could be effected within 40 yards of the breaker; the same sea that washd the side of the ship rose in a breaker enormously high the very next time it did rise, so between us and it was only a dismal valley the breadth of one wave; even now the lead was hove 3 or 4 lines fastned together but no ground could be felt with above 150 fathm. Now was our case truly desperate, no man I beleive but who gave himself intirely over, a speedy death was all we had to hope for and that from the vastness of the Breakers which must quickly dash the ship all to peices was scarce to be doubted. Other hopes we had none: the boats were in the ship and must be dashd in peices with her and the nearest dry land was 8 or 10 Leagues distant. We did not however cease our endeavours to get out the long boat which was by this time almost accomplishd. At this critical juncture, at this I must say terrible moment, when all asistance seemd too little to save even our miserable lives, a small air of wind sprang up, so small that at any other time in a calm we should not have observd it. We however plainly saw that it instantly checkd our progress; every sail was therefore put in a proper direction to catch it and we just obse[r]vd the ship to move in a slaunting direction off from the breakers. This at least gave us time and redoubling our efforts we at last got out the long boat and manning her sent her a head. The ship still movd a little off but in less than 10 minutes our little Breeze died away into as flat a calm as ever. Now was our anziety again renewd: innumerable small peices of paper &c were thrown over the ships side to find whither the bo& agrave;ts realy movd her ahead or not and so little did she move that it remaind almost every other time a matter of dispute. Our little freindly Breeze now visited us again and lasted about as long as before, thrusting us possibly 100 yards farther from the breakers: we were still however in the very jaws of destruction. A small opening had been seen in the reef about a furlong from us, its breadth was scarce the lengh of the ship, into this however it was resolvd to push her if posible. Within was no surf, therefore we might save our lives: the doubt was only whether we could get the ship so far: our little breeze however a third time visited us and pushd us almost there. The fear of Death is Bitter: the prospect we now had before us of saving our lives tho at the expence of every thing we had made my heart set much lighter on its throne, and I suppose there were none but what felt the same sensations. At lengh we arrivd off the mouth of the wishd for opening and found to our surprize what had with the little breeze been the real cause of our Escape, a thing that we had not before dreamt of. The tide of flood it was that had hurried us so unacountably fast towards the reef, in the near neighbourhood of which we arrivd just at high water, consequently its ceasing to drive us any farther gave us the opportunity we had of getting off. Now however the tide of Ebb made strong and gushd out of our little opening like a mill stream, so that it was impossible to get in; of this stream however we took the advantage as much as possible and it Carried us out near a quarter of a mile from the reef. We well knew that we were to take all the advantage possible of the Ebb so continued towing with all our. might and with all our boats, the Pinnace being now repaird, till we had gott an offing of 1½ or 2 miles. By this time the tide began to turn and our suspence began again: as we had gaind so little while the ebb was in our favour we had some reason to imagine that the flood would hurry us back upon the reef in spite of our utmost endeavours. It was still as calm as ever so no likely hood of any wind today; indeed had wind sprung up we could only have searchd for another opening, for we were so embayd by the reef that with the general trade wind it was impossible to get out. Another opning was however seen ahead and the Ist Lieutenant went away in the small boat to examine it. In the mean time we strugled hard with the flood, sometimes gaining a little then holding only our own and at others loosing a little, so that our situation was almost as bad as ever, as the flood had not yet come to its strengh. At 2 however the Lieutenant arrivd with news that the opening was very narrow: in it was good anchorage and a passage quite in free from shoals. The ships head was immediately put towards it and with the tide she towd fast so that by three we enterd and were hurried in by a stream almost like a mill race, which kept us from even a fear of the sides tho it was not above 1/4 of mile in breadth.

Cook called this passage Providential Channel.

By 4 we came to an anchor happy once more to encounter those shoals which but two days before we thought ourselves supreamly happy to have escap'd from. How little do men know what is for their real advantage: two days [ago?] our utmost wishes were crownd by getting without the reef and today we were made again happy by getting within it.

17. As we were now safe at an anchor it was resolvd to send the boats upon the nearest shoal to search for shell fish, turtle or whatever else they could get. They accordingly went and Dr Solander and myself accompanied them in my small boat. In our way we met with two water snakes, one 5 the other 6 feet long; we took them both; they much resembled Land snakes only their tails were flatted sideways, I suppose for the convenience of swimming, and were not venomous.

There can be no doubt that these two snakes are the same two that Solander called Boa pelagica (p. 129); This name was subsequently used by Hermann, who received details of the specimens from the British Museum. Hermann ascribes the name to Gray, but so far as can be ascertained Gray's use of it must have been in manuscript only, and presumably borrowed from Solander. Hermann's publication in 1804 fulfils the requirements of the Rules of Zoological Nomenclature, but the name Boa pelagica was not used subsequently and has hitherto not been associated with any recognized species of sea-snake. Although the type specimens are lost, the details of them recorded by Solander in his Ms make it seem likely that they belonged to some species of Aipysurus, perhaps the one named A. duboisi by Bavay in 1869.

The shoal we went upon was the very reef we had so near been lost upon yesterday,

Cook refers to this shoal (p. 381) as a ‘low small Sandy Isle’, and implies that it was different from the reef, to which he sent the boats; he adds that ‘Mr Banks landed upon it and shott several small birds, call'd Nodies’. It is impossible to identify, and (to reconcile Banks with Cook) must have been part of the whole reef system.

now no longer terrible to us; it afforded little provision for the ship, no turtle, only 300 lb of Great cockles, some were however of an immense size. We had in the way of curiosity much better success, meeting with many curious fish and mollusca besides Corals of many species, all alive, among which was the Tubipora musica.

This name still remains the same.

I have often lamented that we had not time to make proper observations upon this curious tribe of animals but we were so intirely taken up with the more conspicuous links of the chain of creation as fish, Plants, Birds &c &c. that it was impossible.

Cf. p. 20, n. 1 above.

18. Weighd and stood along shore with a gentle breeze, the main still 7 or 8 Leagues-from us. In the even many shoals were ahead; we were however fortunate enough to find our way through them and at night anchord under an Island.

One of those Cook called Forbes's Isles, after the Hon. John Forbes, one of the commissioners of longitude. The only geographical names Banks mentions in his running heads between coming within the reef again and his general ‘Account of … New Holland’ (p. 111 below) are Temple Bay, Cape Grenvile, Newcastle Bay, Endeavour's Streights, and Booby Isle. Cook, however, as we see from his journal and chart, bestowed them freely and conscientiously, and his journal at this stage is much fuller than Banks's.

The tide here ran immensely strong which we lookd upon as a good omen: so strong a stream must in all probability have an outlet by which we could get out either on the South or North side of New Guinea. The smoothness of the water however plainly indicated that the reef continued between us and the Ocean.

19. Weighd anchor and steerd as yesterday with a fresh trade wind. All morn were much entangled with Shoals, but so much do great dangers swallow up lesser ones that these once so much dreaded shoals were now look[ed] at with much less concern than formerly. At noon we passd along a large shoal on which the boats which were ahead saw many turtle but it blew to[o] fresh to catch them. We were now tolerably near the main, which appeard low and barren and often interspersd with large patches of the very white sand spoke of before. On a small Island which we passd very near to were 5 natives, 2 of whoom carried their Lances in their hands; they came down upon a point and lookd at the ship for a little while and then retird.

Cook (p. 384) mentions seeing ‘many hutts or habitations of the Natives’ upon this island, ‘only a small spot of sand with some trees on it’ but no natives themselves. It was the southernmost of the Boydong Cays. The low barren shore Banks notes was that of Shelburne Bay.

20. Steering along shore as usual among many shoals, Luffing up for some and bearing away for others. We are now pretty well experiencd in their appearances so as seldom to be deceivd and easily to know asunder a bottom colourd by white sand from a coral rock, the former of which, tho generaly in 12 or 14 fathom water, some time ago gave us much trouble. The reef was still supposd to be without us from the smoothness of our water. The mainland appeard very low and sandy and had many fires upon it, more than we had usualy observd. We passd during the day many low sandy Islands every one of which stood upon a large shoal;

The Cairncross and other islets, off Newcastle Bay.

we have constantly found the best passage to lie near the main, and the farther from that you go near the reef the more numerous are the shoals. In the evening we observd the shoals to decrease in number but we still were in smooth water.

21. Running along shore with charming moderate weather, as indeed we have had ever since our second entering the reef. We observd both last night and this morn that the main lookd very narrow, so we began to look out for the Passage we expected to find between new Holland and New Guinea. At noon one was seen very narrow but appearing to widen: we resolv'd to try it so stood in. In passing through, for it was not more than a mile in lengh before it widned very much, we saw 10 Indians standing on a hill; 9 were armd with lances as we had been usd to see them, the tenth had a bow and arrows; 2 had also large ornaments of mother of Pearl shell hung round their necks.

From the description given it seems unlikely that these ‘Indians’ were Australian aborigines, who did not use the bow and arrow or have mother of pearl shell ornaments of this kind. They must have been Melancsians.

After the ship had passd by 3 followd her, one of whoom was the bow man. We soon came abreast, from whence we concluded we might have a much better view than from our mast head, so the anchor was dropd and we prepard ourselves to go ashore to examine whether the place we stood into was a bay or a passage; for as we saild right before the trade wind we might find dificulty in getting out should it prove to be the former. The 3 Indians plac'd themselves upon the beach opposite to us as if resolvd either to oppose or assist our landing; when however we came about Musquet shot from them they all walkd leisurely away. The hill we were upon was by much the most barren we had been upon; it however gave us the satisfaction of seeing a streight, at least as far as we could see, without any obstruction.

Cook says (p. 387), ‘I did not doubt but what there was a passage’. They were on Possession Island, and it is curious how casually Banks records what was one of the great moments of the voyage. Cook again (pp. 387–8): ‘I now once more hoisted English Coulers and in the Name of His Majesty King George the Third took posession of the whole Eastern Coast [of New Holland] … by the name of New South Wales, together with all the Bays, Harbours Rivers and Islands situate upon the said coast, after which we fired three Volleys of small Arms which were Answerd by the like number from the Ship’—and, we learn from other journals, there was suitable cheering. But the significant thing is not so much the incorporation of New South Wales within the possessions of King George III as the safe completion of the most hazardous piece of navigation of the voyage, and the discovery of Endeavour Strait, a double achievement which might well be cheered.

In the Even a strong tide made us almost certain.

22. In the morn 3 or 4 women appeard upon the beach gathering shellfish: we lookd with our glasses and to us they appeard as they always did more naked than our mother Eve. The Ebb ran out so strong that we could not weigh till near noon. We had the Wind variable from N to W, the first time since we got the trade. Before we had proceeded far we met with a shoal which made us come to an anchor.

The ship seems to have been upon the Rothsay Banks, the edge of which is the northern limit of Endeavour Strait.

23. In the morn calm: at nine however a small breeze sprang up on which we weighd and saild through a channel which had been found during the calm. At noon we were abreast of an Island which was white with the Dung of Birds; as we had little wind the

Pl. III. Banksia serrata Red Honeysuckle Botany Bay ship was brought too we went ashore upon it and shot bobies

Hence the name Cook gave, Booby Island. It is likely that this was the Brown Booby (cf. 18 May 1770) since this is the only species Solander records (p. 23) from Australia, and it is the commonest species found here; two others do, however, occur in the area. The island now carries a light, as the landmark for the western entrance to Endeavour Strait, difficult to make from that direction.

till our ammunition was quite expended. I myself Botanizd and found some plants which I had not before seen. After we came on board the winds were variable and soon after calm and very hot. Water still continued very Shoal but the swell, which ran larger than any we had met with within the reef, gave us great hopes.

24. Swell continued and in the morn the Best bower cable was broke in weighing by it. The whole day was spent in fruitless attempts to recover the anchor tho there was no more than 8 fathm water.

25. This morn by the first sweep the anchor was recoverd and we soon got under sail and lost sight of land with only 9 fathm water. At dinner met shoals which made us anchor again;

The Cook Shoal.

in the eve however found a passage out and saild clear enough of them.

26. Fine weather and clear fresh trade. Stood to the W and deepned our water from 13 to 27. At night many Egg birds coming from the W.

Some account of that part of New Holland now called New South Wales

Having now I beleive fairly Passd through between New Holland and New Guinea and having an open sea to the Westward, so that we tomorrow intend to steer more to the Northward in order to make the South Coast of New Guinea, it seems high time to take leave of New Holland, which I shall do by summing up together the few observations I have been able to make on the countrey and people. I much wishd indeed to have had better opportunities of seeing and observing the people, as they differ so much from the account that Dampier (the only man I know of who has seen them besides us) has given of them. He indeed saw them on a part of the coast very distant from where we were and consequently the people might be different; but I should rather conclude them to be the same, chiefly from having observd an universal conformity in such of their customs as came under my observation in the several places we landed upon during the run of oo

Banks's ‘oo’ is a token figure. They had run about 2000 miles along the Australian coast.

leagues along the coast. Dampier in general seems to be a faithfull relater, but in the voyage in which he touchd on the coast of New Holland he was in a ship of Pyrates, possibly himself not a little tainted by their idle examples: he might have kept no written Journal of any thing more than the navigation of the ship and when upon coming home he was sollicited to publish an account of his voyage have referrd to his memory for many particulars relating to people &c. These Indians when coverd with their filth which I beleive they never wash of are, if not coal black, very near it: as negroes then he might well esteem them and add the wooly hair and want of two fore teeth in consequence of the similitude in complexion between these and the natives of Africa; but from whatever cause it might arise, certain it is that Dampier either was mistaken very much in his account or else that he saw a very different race of people from those we have seen.

Dampier was mistaken in reporting the aborigines to have woolly hair—or, to use his own words, ‘short and curl'd, like that of the Negroes’, and to be ‘coal black, like … the Negroes of Guinea’. He seems to have been ‘a faithfull relater’ of what he himself saw; but what did he in fact see? According to his printed accounts, he touched on the coast of Australia at four places on two separate voyages. The first occasion was in the Cygnet, from 5 January to 12 March 1688, in Cygnet Bay on the north coast; see his New Voyage round the World, Chap. XVI (Voyages, ed. Masefield, I, pp. 451–8). The second was in the Roebuck at Shark Bay on the west coast, 6–14 August 1699; the third at Rosemary Island in Dampier's Archipelago, 22 August; the fourth at Roebuck Bay, 31 August —5 September 1699.—Voyage to New Holland, Chap. III (ibid., II, pp. 424. ff.). It was from the first and last visits, both on the north coast, that he describes his natives, and two visits should have kept an accurate observer from so elementary a mistake. Apart from passages already quoted, he says (New Voyage), ‘The Inhabitants of this Country are the miserablest People in the world. The Hodmadods of Monomatapa, though a nasty People, yet for Wealth are Gentlemen to these… . They are tall, straitbodied, and thin, with small long Limbs. They have great Heads, round Foreheads, and great Brows. Their Eye-lids are always half closed, to keep the Flies out of their Eyes… . They have great Bottle noses, pretty full Lips, and Wide Mouths… .’ In the Voyage to New Holland he remarks, ‘we had not the opportunity to see whether these, as the former, wanted two of their Fore-teeth’; a passage which Banks evidently ignored. Banks anyhow took the New Voyage at its face-value, and he was not in a position to do less. It is probable, however, that the time has now come for a really critical scrutiny of Dampier.

For the whole lengh of coast which we saild along there was a sameness to be observd in the face of the countrey very uncommon; Barren it may justly be calld and in a very high degree, that at least that we saw. The Soil in general is sandy and very light: on it grows grass tall enough but thin sett, and trees of a tolerable size, never however near together, in general 40, 50, or 60 feet assunder. This and spots sometimes very large of loose sand constitutes the general face of the countrey as you sail along it, and indeed of the greatest part even after you have penetrated inland as far as our situation would allow us to do. The Banks of the Bays indeed are generaly clothd with thick mangroves sometimes for a mile or more in breadth; the soil under these is rank mud always overflowd every spring tide. Inland you sometimes meet with a bog upon which the grass grows rank and thick so that no doubt the soil is sufficiently fertile. The Valleys also between the hills where runs of water come down are thick clothd with underwood, but they are generaly very steep and narrow, so that upon the Whole the fertile soil Bears no kind of Proportion to that which seems by nature doomd to everlasting Barrenness.

Water is here a scarce article or at least was so while we were there, which I beleive to have been in the very hight of the Dry season; some places we were in where we saw not a drop, and at the two places where we filld for the ships use it was done from pools not brooks.

This is not altogether just to Australia. Cook mentions ample running water (though not immediately found) at Botany Bay, including ‘a very fine stream of fresh water on the north shore’.—p. 311. Of the stay at Endeavour River he remarks (p. 368), ‘The Country in general is not badly water'd there being several fine Rivulets at no very great distance from one another, but none near to the place where we lay, at least not in the Dry season which is at this time, however we were very well supply'd with water by Springs which were not far off’.

This drought is probably owing to the dryness of a soil almost inrirely composd of sand in which high hills are scarce. That there is plenty however in the rainy season is sufficiently evincd by the channels we saw cut even in rocks down the sides of inconsiderable hills; these were in general dry, or if any of them containd water it was such as ran in the woody valleys, and these seldom carried water above half way down the hill. Some indeed we saw that formd brooks and ran quite down to the sea but these were scarce and in general brackish a good way up from the beach.

A Soil so barren and at the same time intirely void of the helps derivd from cultivation could not be supposd to yeild much towards the support of man.

We are rather hard put to it then to account for Banks's enthusiastic recommendation, in 1799, of Botany Bay as a site for a convict settlement. Giving evidence before a committee of the House of Commons, he remarked, ‘the Proportion of rich Soil was small in Comparison to the barren, but sufficient to support a very large Number of People … there were no Beasts of Prey, and he did not doubt but our Oxen or Sheep, if carried there, would thrive and increase; there was great Plenty of Fish… . The Grass was long and luxuriant, and there were some eatable Vegetables, particularly a Sort of Wild Spinage; the Country was well supplied with Water; there was abundance of Timber and Fuel, sufficient for any Number of Buildings, which might be found necessary’.—H. C. Journal, xxxvii, p. 311. He did make the proviso that any body of settlers going to the country must take a full year's allowance of victuals, raiment and drink, tools, seeds, stock &c.

We had been so long at sea with but a scanty supply of fresh provisions that we had long usd to eat every thing we could lay our hands upon, fish, flesh, or vegetable which only was not poisonous;

‘which only was not poisonous’—i.e., as long as it was not poisonous.

yet we could but now and then procure a dish of bad greens for our own table and never but in the place where the ship was careend met with a sufficient quantity to supply the ship. There indeed Palm cabbage and what is calld in the West Indies Indian Kale were in tolerable plenty, as was also a sort of Purslane. The other plants we eat were a kind of Beans, very bad, a kind of Parsley and a plant something resembling spinage, which two last grew only to the Southward. I shall give their botanical names as I beleive some of them were never eat by Europeans before: first Indian Kale (Arum Esculentum),

Colocasia esculenta.

Red flowerd purslane (Sesuvium Portulacastrum),

Banks's distinction of ‘red-flowered purslane’ was to contrast the plant with the yellow-flowered Portulaca oleracea.

Beans (Glycine speciosa),

Canavalia maritima Thouars.

Parsley (Apium),

Apium prostratum.

Spinage (Tetragonia cornuta).

Tetragonia expansa.

Fruits we had still fewer; to the South was one something resembling a heart cherry only the stone was soft (Eugenia)

Eugenia banksii Britten and Moore. Though no mention of Banks's brief note was made at the publication of this species 132 years after its collection, this is very likely the fruit in question.

which had nothing but a light acid to recommend it; to the Northward again a kind of Figs growing from the stalk of a tree, very indifferent (Ficus caudiciflora),

Cluster Fig, Ficus glomerata, according to F. M. Bailey. See Pl. VI.

a fruit we calld Plumbs like them in Colour but flat like a little cheese (),

Sweet plum or Burdekin plum, Pleiogynium cerasiferum, syn. P. solandri. Cf. p. 590, n. 5 above.

and another much like a damson both in appearance and taste;

Most likely Planchonella obovata (R.Br.) Pierre, the type of which was collected by Banks and Solander at the Endeavour River. We are indebted to Messrs L. S. Smith and S. T. Blake of the Queensland Herbarium for this identification.

both these last however were so full of a large stone that eating them was but an unprofitable business. Wild Plantanes we had also but so full of seeds that they had little or no pulp.

Musa banksii. See p. 85, n. 4 above.

For the article of timber, there is certainly no want of trees of more than the midling size and some in the valleys very large, but all of a very hard nature; our carpenters who cut them down for fire wood complaind much that their tools were damagd by them. Some trees there were also to the Northward whose soft bark, which easily peels off, is in the East Indies applyd to the use of calking ships in Lieu of Oakum.

It seems likely that Banks here refers to the tree called in Queensland Tea-tree, and in New Caledonia, where it is very common, Niaouli (Melaleuca leucadendron). Like the eucalypts, it belongs to the family of Myrtaceae. It is very like a eucalypt in appearance, but underneath the outer ‘skin’ are layers of a thin soft brownish inner bark, which could quite well be used for caulking. It is found in both Australia and the East Indies; and possibly Banks read of its use in Rumphius. Cook on his second voyage, describing New Caledonia (II, p. 543), refers to the tree as identical with one in New Holland, and to its East Indian use—perhaps a reminiscence of Banks? See Britten, pl. 112, 1905.

Palms here were of three different sorts. The first which grew plentifully to the Southward had leaves pleated like a fan; the Cabbage of these was small but exquisitely sweet and the nuts which it bore in great abundance a very good food for hogs.

Livistona australis.

The second was very much like the real cabbage tree of the West Indies, bearing large pinnated leaves like those of a Cocoa nut; these too yeilded cabbage if not so sweet as the other sort yet the quantity made ample amends.

Areca monostachya Mart.

The third which as well as the second was found only in the Northern parts was low, seldom ten feet in hight, with small pennated leaves resembling those of some kinds of fern; Cabbage it had none but generaly bore a plentifull Crop of nutts about the size of a large chestnut and rounder.

Cycas media R. Br. 〈JDH〉; but judging from J. H. Maiden's remarks in his ‘Australian indigenous plants providing human foods and food adjuncts’, 525: 1889, this might as well be Macrozamia spiralis Miq., whose nuts were relished by the natives.

By the hulls of these which we found plentifully near the Indian fires we were assurd that these people eat them, and some of our gentlemen tried to do the same, but were deterrd from a second experiment by a hearty fit of vomiting and purging which was the consequence of the first. The hogs however who were still shorter of provision than we were eat them heartily and we concluded their constitutions stronger than ours, till after about a week they were all taken extreemly ill of indigestions; two died and the rest were savd with dificulty.

Other usefull plants we saw none, except perhaps two might be found so which yeild resin in abundance: the one a tree tolerably large with narrow leaves not unlike a willow which was very plenty-full in every place into which we went;

One of the Eucalypts, of which there are a large number of species: probably Eucalyptus crebra (cf. p. 66, n. 4 above). See Pl. 22.

this yeilded a blood red resin or rather gum-resin very nearly resembling Sanguis draconis, indeed as Sanguis draconis is the produce of several different plants this may perhaps be one of the sorts. This I should suppose to be the gum mentiond by Dampier in his voyage round the world p.,

New Voyage (1697, p. 463; ed. Masefield, I, p. 452): ‘Most of the Trees that we saw are Dragon-trees, as we supposed; and these too are the largest Trees of any there. They are about the bigness of our large Apple-trees, and about the same heigth; and the Rind is blackish, and somewhat rough. The Leaves are of a dark colour; the Gum distils out of the Knots or Cracks that are in the Bodies of the Trees. We compared it with some Gum Dragon, or Dragon's Blood, that was aboard, and it was of the same colour and taste’. This was at Cygnet Bay. Cf. p. 57, n. 1 above. Dampier's gum seems to have been that of Dracaena draco; Banks's clearly that of a eucalypt.

and by him compard with sanguis draconis, as possibly also that which Tasman saw upon Diemens Land, where he says he saw gum of the trees and gum Lac of the ground; See his voyage in a collection publishd at London in 1694

An abbreviated version in English, under the title An Account of several late Voyages and Discoveries …, of Dirk Rembrantszoon van Nierop's Eenige Oefeningen (1674), in which an abstract of Tasman's voyage appeared. The relevant sentence is, ‘They saw the footing of wild Beasts having Claws like a Tiger, and of other Beasts: They found also Gum of the Trees, and Gum-Lac of the Ground’. ‘Gum-Lac of the Ground’ would simply be gum that had fallen to the ground.

p. 133. The other was a small plant with long narrow grassy leaves and a spike of flowers resembling much that kind of Bulrush which is calld in England Cats tail;

Xanthorrhoca 〈JDH〉;, the Blackboy or Grass tree.

this yeilded a resin of a bright yellow colour perfectly resembling Gambouge only that it did not stain; it had a sweet smell but what its properties are the chymists may be able to determine.

Of Plants in general the countrey afforded a far larger variety than its barren appearance seemd to promise. Many of these have no doubt properties which might be usefull, but for Physical and œconomical purposes which we were not able to investigate, could we have understood the Indians or made them by any means our freinds we might perchance have learnt some of these; for tho their manner of life, but one degree removd from Brutes, does not seem to promise much yet they had a knowledge of plants as we plainly could percieve by their having names for them.

Thus much for plants: I have been rather particular in mentioning those which we eat hoping that such a remembrance might be of use to some or other into whose hands these papers may fall. For quadrupedes, Birds, fish &c. I shall say no more than that we had some time ago learnd to eat every identical species which came in our way: a hawk or a crow was to us as delicate and perhaps a better relishd meal than a partridge or Pheasant to those who have plenty of dainties: we wanted nothing to reccomend any food but its not being salt, that alone was sufficient to make it a delicacy. Shaggs, Sea gulls and all that tribe of sea fowl which are reccond bad from their trainy

‘trainy’: like train-oil, i.e. whale- or fish-oil.

or fishy taste were to us an agreable food, we did not at all taste the rankness, which no doubt has been and possibly will again be highly nauseous to us whenever we have plenty of Beef and mutton &c.

Quadrupeds we saw but few and were able to catch few of them that we did see. The largest was calld by the natives Kangooroo. It is different from any European and indeed any animal I have heard or read of except the Gerbua of Egypt, which is not larger than a rat when this is as large as a midling Lamb; the largest we shot weighd 84 lb. It may however be easily known from all other animals by the singular property of running or rather hopping upon only its hinder legs carrying its fore bent close to its breast; in this manner however it hops so fast that in the rocky bad ground where it is commonly found it easily beat my grey hound, who tho he was fairly started at several killd only one and that quite a young one.

pp. 89, 100 above.

Another was calld by the natives Je-Quoll: it is about the size and something like a polecat, of a light brown spotted with white on the back and white under the belly.

A Dasyure or Native Cat, Dasyurus quoll (Zimmermann) 1777. There is a pencil sketch of this animal by Parkinson (I, pl. 2). Zimmermann described it from Hawkes-worth's edition of Cook (Specimen Zoologiae Geographicae, 1777, p. 489). The native name is Dekol.

The third was of the Opossum kind and much resembling that calld by De Buffon Phalanger.

See p. 100, n. 1 above.

Of these two last I took only one individual of each. Batts here were many. One small we took which was much like if not identicaly the same as that describd by de Buffon under the name of Fer de cheval;

One of the Horse-shoe bats.

Another sort was as large or larger than a partrige but of this Species we were not fortunate enough to take one; we supposd it however to be either the Roupette or Rougette of the same author.

Probably a Flying Fox. Roupette or Rougette were names given to a bat from Madagascar and Bourbon or Reunion island.

Besides these Wolves were I beleive seen by several of our people

Possibly the reference is here to the Dingo, improbably to the Thylacine Wolf; cf. p. 86, n. 4 above.

and some other animals describd, but from the unintelligible stile of the describers I could not even determine whether they were such as I myself had seen or of different kinds. Of these describtions I shall insert one as it is not unentertaining. A Seaman who had been out on duty on his return declard that he had seen an animal about the size of and much like a one gallon cagg; it was, says he, as black as the Devil and had wings, indeed I took it for the Devil or I might easily have catchd it for it crauld very slowly through the grass. After taking some pains I found out that the animal he had seen was no other than the Large Bat.

See p. 84, n. 3 above.

Birds there were Several Species of — sea fowl, Gulls, Shaggs,

There are several species of Australian shags; Parkinson described one of these in his list of Australian birds (loc. cit.) but says that it came from Tasmano (sic) Bay with a pigeon; it seems clear that the compiler of his Journal confused his notes and included two New Zealand birds with these Australian ones. See Lysaght and Sowerby, Emu, 56, p. 129.

Soland geese or Gannets of 2 sorts,

In Northern Queensland one would expect these to have been the Red-footed Gannet, Sula sula (Linn.), and the Masked Gannet, Sula dactylatra Lesson.

Bobies, &c. and Pelicans of an enormous size,

Pclecanus conspicillatus.

but these last tho we saw many thousands of them were so shy that we never got one of them; as were the Cranes also of which we saw several very Large and some beautifull species.

Probably the Australian Crane, Grus rubicunda (Perry), which used to occur in the swampy area four miles south of Cooktown.

In the Rivers were ducks who flew in large flocks

Four species now occur there, including the widely distributed Anas superciliosa to which reference has already been made.

but were very hard to come at, and on the Beach were curlews of several sorts,

In the absence of more detailed description identifications of the birds listed by Banks are almost impossible. Two species of Stone Curlew are found here: Orthorhamphus magnirostis (Vieillot), and Burhinus magnirostris (Latham). The Eastern Curlew, Numenius madagascariensis is often seen at Cooktown from September to May, so that Banks may have seen stragglers; but the Whimbrel, Numenius phaeopus, which occurs at the same time, is a more common visitor.

some very like our English ones, and Many small Beach Birds. The Land Birds were crows, very like if not quite the same as our English ones,

The Australian Crow, Corvus cecilae.

Parrots and Paraquets

There are many Australian parrots and parakeets.

most Beautifull, White and black Cocatoes,

The White Cockatoo, Kakatoë galerita (Latham) is widespread and abundant, and large noisy flocks of the Red-tailed Black Cockatoo, Calyptorhynchus magnificus (Shaw) are common in the open forest of the upper Endeavour. The latter species is the only Australian land bird depicted by Parkinson (I, pl. 10); Latham says (Supplement to the General Synopsis of Birds, 1787, p. 63) that Banks brought one of these birds back to England, but whether it was alive or dead is not clear—one presumes dead. See Pl. 33.

Pidgeons, beautifull Doves, Bustards, and many others which did not at all resemble those of Europe.

Parkinson listed some other birds, but his list has to be treated with caution owing to the confusion of localities noted above. For further particulars of the birds of Cooktown and the Endeavour River see the paper by Storr to which reference has already been made, p. 83, n. 4 above.

Most of these were extremely shy so that it was with dificulty that we shot any of them; a Crow in England tho in general sufficiently wary is I must say a fool to a New Holland crow and the same may be said of almost if not all the Birds in the countrey. The only ones we ever got in any plenty was Pidgeons of which we met Large flocks, of which the men who were sent out on purpose would sometimes kill 10 or 12 a day; they were a Beautifull Bird crested differently from any other Pidgeon I have seen.

The Topknot Pigeon, Lopholaimus antarcticus, referred to in his entry of 19 June above, at Endeavour River.

What can be the reason of this extrordinary shyness in the Birds is dificult to say, unless perhaps the Indians are very clever in deceiving them which we have very little reason to suppose, as we never saw any instrument with them but their Lances with which a Bird could be killd or taken, and these must be very improper tools for the Purpose;

The ‘Indians’ were indeed cunning hunters, ‘very clever in deceiving’ birds, in spite of Banks's scepticism. See Herbert Basedow, The Australian Aboriginal (Adelaide 1925), pp. 137–9. Basedow says (p. 137), ‘It is astounding how adroitly an aboriginal can project the light reed spears; to fell a dove at a distance of from forty to fifty paces is child's play for an experienced thrower’.

yet one of our people saw a white Cocatoe in their Possession which very bird we lookd upon to be one of the waryest of them all.

Of insects here were but few sorts and among them only the Ants were troublesome to us. Musquetos indeed were in some places tolerably plentyfull but it was our good fortune never to stay any time in such places, and where we did to meet with very few. The ants however made ample amends for the want of them, 2 sorts in particular: one green as a leaf and living upon trees where he built his nest, in size between that of a mans head and his fist, by bending the leaves together and glueing them with a whiteish papery substance which held them firmly together. In doing this their man[a]gement was most curious: they bend down leaves broader than a mans hand and place them in such a direction as they chose, in doing of which a much larger force is necessary than these animals seem capable of. Many thousands indeed are employd in the joint work; I have seen them holding down such a leaf, as many as could stand by one another each drawing down with all his might while others within were employd to fasten the glue. How they had bent it down I had not an opportunity of seeing, but that it was held down by main strengh I easily provd by disturbing a part of them, on which the leaf bursting from the rest returnd to its natural situation and I had an opportunity to try with my finger the strengh that these little animals must have usd to get it down. But industrious as they are their courage if possible excells their industry; if we accidentaly shook the branches on which such nest[s] were hung thousands would immediately throw themselves down, many of which falling upon us made us sensible of their stings and revengefull dispositions, especialy if as was often the case they got posession of our necks and hair. Their stings were by some esteemd not much less painfull than those of a bee, the pain however lasted only a few seconds.

Oecophylla smaragdina virescens; see p. 66, n. 2 above.

Another sort there were quite black

Cf. p. 71, n. 5.

whose manner of living was most extrordinary. They inhabited the inside of the Branches of one sort of tree,

Banks did not fill in this blank; perhaps Acronychia laevis. Cf. p. 71, n. 4 above.

the pith of which they hollowd out almost quite to the ends of the Branches; nevertheless the tree flourishd as well to all appearance as if no such accident had happned to it. When first we found the tree we of course gatherd the branches and were surprizd to find our hands instantly coverd with legions of these small animals who stung most intolerably; experience however taught us to be more carefull for the future. Rumphius mentions a similar instance to this in his Herbarium Amboinense Vol. II. p. 257; his tree however does not at all resemble ours. A third sort nested in the inside of the root of a Plant which grew on the Bark of trees in the same manner as Miseltoe;

Myrmecodia beccarii Hook. f. According to ‘Britten no specimen was sent home, but the artist J. F. Miller made the drawing in 1773, Pl. 27 in the present volume.

the root was as large as a large turnip and often much larger; when cut the inside shewd innumerable winding passages in which these animals livd; the plant itself throve to all appearance not a bit the worse for its numerous inhabitants. Several hundreds have I seen and never one but what was inhabited, tho some were so young as not to be much larger than a hasel nut. The ants themselves were very small, not above half as large as our red ants in England. They stung indeed but so little that it was scarce to be felt: the cheif inconvenience in handling the roots came from the infinite number, myriads would come in an instant out of many holes and running over the hand tickle so as to be scarce endurable. Rumphius has an account of this very bulb and its ants in the 6th Vol. p. 120, where he describes also another sort the ants of which are black. The fourth sort were perfectly harmless, at least they provd so to us tho they resembled almost minutely the white ants of the East Indies, the most mischevous Insect I beleive known in the world.

To be accurate as a natural historian, he should have denounced not ants but termites, of which there were many East Indian species.

Their architecture was however far superior to that of any other species. They had two kinds of Houses, one suspended on the Branches of trees, the other standing upright on the ground.

Microcerotermes turneri has both types of nest. See p. 71, n. 3 above.

The first sort were generaly 3 or 4 times as large as a mans head; they were built of a brittle substance seemingly made of small parts of vegetables kneaded together with some glutinous matter, probably afforded by themselves; on breaking this outer crust innumerable cells appeard full of inhabitants in winding directions, communicating with each other as well as with divers doors which led from the nest. From each of these went a passage archd over leading to different parts of the tree and generaly one large one to the ground; this I am inclind to beleive communicated with the other kind of house, for as the animals inhabiting both were precisely the same I see no reason why they should be supposd, contrary to Every instance that I know in nature, to build two different kinds of houses unless according to the conveniences of season, prey &c, they inhabited both equaly. This other kind of house which I now speak of was very often built near the foot of a tree, the Bark of which tree always had upon it their coverd ways tho but seldom the first kind of house; it was formd like an irregularly sided Cone and sometimes was more than 6 feet high and near as much in diameter; the smaller ones were generaly flat sided and resembled very much the old stones which are seen in many parts of England and supposd to be remains of Druidical worship. The outside Coat of these was 2 inches thick at least, of hard well temperd clay, under which were their cells; to these no doors were to be seen. All their passages were underground, where probably they were carried on till the root of some tree presented itself, up which they ascended and so up the trunk and branches by the coverd way before mentiond. These I should suppose to be the houses to which they retire in the winter season as they are undoubtedly able to defend them from any rain that can fall, while the others, tho generaly built under the shelter of some overhanging branch, must be but ill proof to a heavy rain from the thinness of their covering. Thus much for the ants, an industrious race who in all countries have for that reason been admird by man, tho probably in no countrey more admirable than in this. The few observations I have wrote down of them are cheifly from conjecture and therefore are not at all to be depended upon; was any man however to be setled here who had time and inclination to observe their œconomy I am convincd it would far exceed that of any insects we know, not excepting our much admird bees.

The sea however made some amends for the Barreness of the Land. Fish tho not so plentyfull as they generaly are in higher latitudes were far from scarce; where we had an opportunity of haling the Seine we generaly caught from 50 to 200 lb of fish in a tide. There sorts were various, none I think but Mullets

Mugil sp.

known in Europe; in general however they were sufficiently palatable and some very delicate food; the Sting rays indeed which were caught on the Southern part of the coast

See p. 60, n. 1 above.

were very coarse, but there little else was caught so we were obligd to comfort ourselves with the comforts of Plenty and enjoy more pleasure in Satiety than in eating. To the Northward again when we came to be entangled within the great Reef (within which we saild to our knowledge o

This is merely a token figure.

Leages and we knew not how many more, perplexd every moment with shoals) was a plenty of Turtle hardly to be credited, every shoal swarmd with them.

See p. 94, n. 3 above.

The weather indeed was generaly so boisterous that our boats could not row after them so fast as they could swim, so that we got but few, but they were excellent and so large that a single Turtle always servd the ship. Had we been there either at the time of Laying or the more moderate season we doubtless might have taken any quantity. Besides this all the shoals that were dry at half Ebb afforded plenty of fish that were left dry in small hollows of the rocks, and a profusion of Large shell fish (Chama Gigas) such as Dampier describes Vol III, p. 191.

Tridacna gigas; see pp. 87–8 above. The reference to Dampier is to the four volume 1729 edition. At Cockle Island (the name given by Dampier himself) off the north-west coast of New Guinea, his boats went to fish and cut wood: they came on board bringing ‘a few small Cockles, none of them exceeding 10 Pound weight, whereas the Shell of the great one [found earlier in the day] weighed 78 Pound; but it was now high water, and therefore they could get no bigger… . In the Afternoon I went ashore on a small woody Island, about 2 Leagues from us. Here I found … small Cockles in the Sea round the Island, in such Quantities that we might have laden the Boat in an Hour's Time: These were not above 10 or 12 Pound Weight’. A little later his men found a shell weighing 258 lb.

The large ones of this kind had 10 or 15 lb of meat in them; it was indeed rather strong but I beleive a very wholesome food and well relishd by the people in general. On different parts of the Coast were also found oysters which were said to be very well tasted; the shells also of well sizd Lobsters and crabs were seen but these it was never our fortune to catch.

Upon the whole New Holland, tho in every respect the most barren countrey I have seen, is not so bad but that between the productions of sea and Land a company of People who should have the misfortune of being shipwreckd upon it might support themselves, even by the resources that we have seen. Undoubtedly a longer stay and visiting different parts would discover many more.

This immense tract of Land, the largest known which does not bear the name of a continent, as it is considerably larger than all Europe, is thinly inhabited even to admiration, at least that part of it that we saw: we never but once saw so many as thirty Indians together and that was a family, Men women and children, assembled upon a rock to see the ship pass by. At Sting-Rays bay where they evidently came down to fight us several times they never could muster above 14 or 15 fighting men, indeed in other places they generaly ran away from us, from whence it might be concluded that there were greater numbers than we saw, but their houses and sheds in the woods which we never faild to find convincd us of the smallness of their parties. We saw indeed only the sea coast: what the immense tract of inland countrey may produce is to us totaly unknown: we may have liberty to conjecture however that they are totaly uninhabited. The Sea has I beleive been universaly found to be the cheif source of supplys to Indians ignorant of the arts of cultivation: the wild produce of the Land alone seems scarce able to support them at all seasons, at least I do not remember to have read of any inland nation who did not cultivate the ground more or less, even the North Americans who were so well versd in hunting sowd their Maize. But should a people live inland who supported themselves by cultivation these inhabitants of the sea coast must certainly have learn'd to imitate them in some degree at least, otherwise their reason must be supposd to hold a rank little superior to that of monkies.

Whatever may be the reason of this want of People is dificult to guess, unless perhaps the Barreness of the Soil and scarcity of fresh water; but why mankind should not increase here as fast as in other places unless their small tribes have frequent wars in which many are destroyd; they were indeed generaly furnishd with plenty of weapons whose points of the stings of Sting-Rays seemd intended against nothing but their own species, from whence such an inference might easily be drawn.

That their customs were nearly the same throughout the whole lengh of the coast along which we saild I should think very probable. Tho we had Connections with them only at one place yet we saw them either with our eyes or glasses many times, and at Sting Rays bay had some experience of their manners; their Colour, arms, method of using them, were the same as we afterwards had a nearer view of; they likewise in the same manner went naked, and painted themselves, their houses were the same, they notchd large trees in the same manner and even the bags they carried their furniture in were of exactly the same manufacture, something between netting and Knitting which I have no where else seen in the intermediate places. Our glasses might deceive us in many things but their colour and want of cloths we certainly did see and wherever we came ashore the houses and sheds, places where they had dressd victuals with heated stones, and trees notchd for the convenience of climbing them sufficiently evincd them to be the same people.

The tribe with which we had connections consisted of 21 people, 12 men 7 women a boy and a girl, so many at least we saw and there might be more, especialy women, who we did not see. The men were remarkably short and slender built in proportion; the tallest we measurd was 5 feet 9, the shortest 5–2; their medium hight seemd to be about five feet six, as the tall man appeard more disproportioned in size from his fellows than the short one. What their absolute colour is is difficult to say, they were so compleatly coverd with dirt, which seemd to have stuck to their hides from the day of their birth without their once having attemptd to remove it; I tryd indeed by spitting upon my finger and rubbing but alterd the colour very little, which as nearly as might be resembled that of Chocolate. The beards of several were bushy and thick; their hair which as well as their beards was black they wore croppd close round their ears; in some it was lank as a Europeans, in others a little crispd as is common in the South sea Islands but in none of them at all resembling the wool of Negroes. They had also all their fore teeth; in which two things they differ cheifly from those seen by Dampier, supposing him not to be mistaken. As for colour they would undoubtedly be calld blacks by any one not usd to consider attentively the colours of different Nations; myself should never have thought of such distinctions had I not seen the effect of Sun and wind upon the natives of the South sea Islands, where many of the Better sort of people who keep themselves close at home are nearly as white as Europeans, while the poorer sort, obligd in their business of fishing &c. to expose their naked bodies to all the inclemencies of the Climate, have some among them but little lighter than the New Hollanders.

‘The aboriginal is no more black than the average modern European is white… . Under normal conditions, the colour of the Australian is a velvety chocolate-brown, somewhat lighter or more coppery in the female than in the male.’—Basedow, p. 40. A ‘chocolate-brown skin which appears black when sun-burnt or unwashed; wavy to curly hair’.—A. P. Elkin, The Australian Aboriginals (Sydney 1938), p. 4. Banks has added to his passage on the South Sea islanders a later marginal note, ‘Bourgainvile 2 species’, a reference to Bougainville's observation that there seemed to be two races in Tahiti, one tall and impressive who, ‘if they lived less in the sun, would be as white as we are’; and the other shorter and as dark as mulattos—though they had the same language, the same customs, and mixed without distinction. The taller men, Bougainville thought, were in the majority. His Ahutoru belonged to the darker, shorter people.—Voyage, p. 214.

They were all to a man lean and clean limnd and seemd to be very light and active; their countenances were not without some expression tho I cannot charge them with much, their voices in general shrill and effeminate.

Of Cloths they had not the least part but naked as ever our general father was before his fall, they seemd no more conscious of their nakedness than if they had not been the children of Parents who eat the fruit of the tree of knowledge. Whether this want of what most nations look upon as absolutely necessary proceeds from idleness or want of invention is difficult to say; in the article of ornaments however, useless as they are, neither has the one hinderd them from contriving nor the other from making them. Of these the cheif and that on which they seem to set the greatest value is a bone about 5 or 6 inches in lengh and as thick as a mans finger, which they thrust into a hole bord through that part which divides the nostrils so that it sticks across their face, making in the eyes of Europeans a most ludicrous appearance, tho no doubt they esteem even this as an addition to their beauty which they purchasd with hourly inconvenience; for when this bone was in its place, or as our seamen termd it their spritsail yard was riggd across, it compleatly stop'd up both nostrils so that they spoke in the nose in a manner one should think scarce intelligible. Besides these extrordinary bones they had necklaces made of shells neatly enough cut and strung together, bracelets also if one may call by that name 4 or 5 ring[s] of small cord wore round the upper part of the arm, also a belt or string tied round the waist about as thick as worsted yarn, which last was frequently made of either human hair or that of the Beast calld by them Kangooroo. Besides these they paint themselves with the colours of red and white: the red they commonly lay on in broad patches on their shoulders or breasts; the white in stripes some of which were narrow and confind to small parts of their body, others were broad and carried with some degree of taste across their bodies, round their legs and arms &c; they also lay it on in circles round their eyes and in patches in different parts of their faces. The red they usd seemd to be red ocre but what the white was we could not find out; it was heavy and close graind almost as white lead and had a saponaceos feel, possibly it might be a kind of Steatites.

It was Kaolin or pipe-clay. Cf. pp. 53, 92–3 above.

We lamented not being able to procure a bit to examine. These people seemd to have no Idea of traffick nor could we teach them; indeed it seemd that we had no one thing on which they set a value equal to induce them to part with the smallest trifle; except one fish which weighd about ½ a pound that they brought as a kind of token of peace no one in the ship I beleive procurd from them the smallest article. They readily receivd the things we gave them but never would understand our signs when we askd for returns. This however must not be forgot, that whatever opportunities they had they never once attempted to take any thing in a clandestine manner; whatever they wanted they openly askd for and in almost all cases bore the refusal if they met with one with much indifference, except Turtles.

Dirty as these people are they seem to be intirely free from Lice, a circumstance rarely observd among the most cleanly Indians, and which here is the more remarkable as their hair was generaly Matted and filthy enough. In all of them indeed it was very thin and seemd as if seldom disturbd with the Combing even of their fingers, much less to have any oil or grease put into it; nor did the custom of oiling their bodies, so common among most uncivilizd nations, seem to have the least footing here.

On their bodies we observd very few marks of cutaneous disorders as scurf, scars of sores &c. Their spare thin bodies indicate a temperance in eating, the consequence either of necessity or inclination, equaly productive of health particularly in this respect. On the fleshy parts of their arms and thighs and some of their sides were large scars in regular lines, which by their breadth and the convexity with which they had heald shewd plainly that they had been made by deep cuts of some blunt instrument, a shell perhaps or the edge of a broken stone. These as far as we could understand by the Signs they made use of were the marks of their Lamentations for the deceasd, in honour to whose memory or to shew the excess of their greif they had in this manner wept for in blood.

This deduction from ‘large scars in regular lines’ was wrong, and seems, we may guess, to have been determined more by what had been seen in Tahiti and New Zealand than by any information gathered from the Australians. Like the gap in the upper teeth described by Dampier, they were marks of initiation into adulthood. The scars, made by a stone ‘knife’ or strip of flint, often extremely sharp, were sometimes enlarged by rubbing with ashes or clay while the cuts were still fresh; hence the ‘breadth and the convexity’ which Banks noticed. The ‘Spartan’ aspect of initiation seems to have been mingled with cosmetic and tribal reasons—i.e. the scars served also for personal adornment and for tribal identification, they were both ‘beauty-scars’ and totemistic. Quite savage scarification was also used in mourning, but with less regularity; the favourite places for this being the head and the back.

For Food they seem to depend very much tho not intirely upon the Sea. Fish of all kinds, Turtle and even crabs they strike with their Lances very dextrously. These are generaly bearded with broad beards and their points smeard over with a kind of hard resin which makes them peirce a hard body far easier than they would do without it. In the southern parts these fish spears had 4 prongs and besides the resin were pointed with the sharp bone of a fish; to the Northward again their spears had only one point; yet both I beleive struck fish with equal dexterity. For the Northern ones I can witness who several times saw them through a glass throw their Spear from 10 to 20 yards and generaly succeed; to the Southward again the plenty of Fish bones we saw near their fires provd them to be no indifferent artists.

For striking of Turtle they use a peg of wood well bearded and about a foot long: this fastens into a socket of a staff of light wood as thick as a mans wrist and 8 or 9 feet long, besides which they are tied together by a loose line of 3 or 4 fathoms in lengh. The use of this must undoubtedly be that when the Turtle is struck the staff flies off from the peg and serves for a float to shew them where the

Pl. IV. Hibiscus radiatus Cape Grafton Turtle is, as well as assists to tire him till they can with their canoes overtake and haul him in. That they throw this Dart with great force we had occasion to observe while we lay in Endeavours river, where a turtle which we killd had one of them intirely buried in its body just across its breast; it seemd to have enterd at the soft place where the fore fins work but not the least outward mark of the wound remaind.

Besides these things we saw near their fire places plentifull remains of lobsters, shell fish of all kinds, and to the Southward the skins of those Sea animals which from their property of spouting out water when touchd are commonly calld sea squirts. These last, howsoever disgustfull they may seem to an European palate, we found to contain under a coat as tough as leather a substance like the guts of a shell fish, in taste tho not equal to an oyster yet by no means to be despisd by a man who is hungrey.

Of Land animals they probably eat every kind that they can kill which probably does not amount to any large number, every species being here shy and cautious in a high degree. The only vegetables we saw them use were Yams of 2 sorts, the one long and like a finger the other round and coverd with stringy roots, both sorts very small but sweet;

Probably the cush-cush yam, Dioscorea triphylla, the size of the ordinary potato; ‘of two sorts’: white and red, the tubers of the latter purplish within. Or possibly D. transversa R. Br., long yam, the small young tubers of which according to Maiden are eaten by the aborigines without any preparation.

they were so scarce where we were that we never could find the plants that producd them, tho we often saw the places where they had been dug up by the Indians very newly. It is very probable that the Dry season which was at its hight when we were there had destroyd the leaves of the plants so that we had no guides, while the Indians knowing well the stalks might find them easily. Whether they knew or ever made use of the Coccos I cannot tell; the immence sharpness

i.e. bitterness, cf. p. 85 above.

of every part of this vegetable before it is dressd makes it probable that any people who have not learnd the uses of it from others may remain for ever ignorant of them. Near their fires were great abundance of the shells of a kind of fruit resembling a Pine apple very much in appearance, tho in taste disagreable enough; it is common to all the East Indies and calld by the Dutch there Pyn appel Boomen (Pandanus);

Probably Pandanus pedunculatus R. Br., though the taxonomy of the pandans is not at present well understood.

as also those of the fruits of a low Palm calld by the Dutch Moeskruidige Calappus (Cycas circinalis)

Cycas media 〈JDH〉;.

which they certainly eat, tho they are so unwholesome that some of our people who tho forewarnd depending upon their example eat one or 2 of were violently affected by them both upwards and downwards, and our hogs whose constitutions we thought might be as strong as those of the Indians literaly dyed after having eat them. It is probable however that these people have some method of Preparing them by which their poisonous quality is destroyd, as the inhabitants of the East Indian Isles are said to do by boiling them and steeping them 24 hours in water, then drying them and using them to thicken broth; from whence it should seem that the poisonous quality lays intirely in the Juices, as it does in the roots of the Mandihocca or Cassada of the West Indies and that when thouroughly cleard of them the pulp remain[in]g may be a wholesome and nutritious food.

Their victuals they generaly dress by broiling or toasting them upon the coals, so we judg'd by the remains we saw; they knew however the method of baking or stewing with hot stones and sometimes practis'd it, as we now and then saw the pits and burnd stones which had been made use of for that purpose.

We observd that some tho but few held constantly in their mouths the leaves of an herb which they chewd as a European does tobacca or an East Indian Betele. What sort of plant it was we had not an opportunity of learning as we never saw any thing but the chaws which they took from their mouths to shew us; it might be of the Betele kind and so far as we could judge from the fragments was so, but whatever it was it was usd without any addition and seemd to have no kind of effect upon either the teeth or lips of those who usd it.

It was the leaf of Duboisia hopwoodi, a tobacco-like plant with different aboriginal names in different tribes, but now commonly known as Pitjuri. It had narcotic properties, and was chewed by both men and women; and as it was greatly valued, it was obtained by barter when it did not grow in a tribal area. We may add, however, that four leaves of Piper bctle, noted as coming from Cape Grafton, were preserved; J. F. Miller made a drawing in 1773 of a leafy shoot from material collected on the voyage, which figure was published by Britten (pl. 250, 1905).

Naked as these people are when abroad they are scarce at all better defended from the injuries of the weather when at home, if that name can with propriety be given to their houses—as I beleive they never make any stay in them but wandering like the Arabs from place to place set them up whenever they meet with one where sufficient supplys of food are to be met with, and as soon as these are exhausted remove to another leaving the houses behind, which are framd with less art or rather less industry than any habitations of human beings probably that the world can shew.

At Sting-Ray's Bay, where they were the best, each was capable of containing within it 4 or 5 people but not one of all these could in any direction extend himself his whole lengh; for hight he might just set upright, but if inclind to sleep must coil himself in some crooked position as the dimensions were in no direction long enough to hold him otherwise. They were built in the form of an oven of pliable rods about as thick as a mans finger, the Ends of which were stuck into the ground and the whole coverd with Palm leaves and broad peices of Bark; the door was a pretty large hole at one end, opposite to which by the ashes there seemd to be a fire kept pretty constantly to the Northward. Again where the warmth of the climate made houses less necessary they were in proportion still more slight; a house there was nothing but a hollow shelter about 3 or 4 feet deep built like the former and like them coverd with bark; one side of this was intirely open which was always that which was shelterd from the course of the prevailing wind, and opposite to this door 1 was always a heap of ashes, the remains of a fire probably more necessary to defend them from Mosquetos than cold. In these it is probable that they only sought to defend their heads and the upper part of their bodies from the Draught of air, trusting their feet to the care of the fire, and so small they were that even in this manner not above 3 or 4 people could possibly croud into one of them. But small as the trouble of erecting such houses must be they did not always do it; we saw many places in the woods where they had slept with no other shelter than a few bushes and grass a foot or two high to shade them from the wind; this probably is their custom while they travel from place to place and sleep upon the road in situations where they do not mean to make any stay.

The only Furniture belonging to these houses, that we saw at least, was oblong vessels of Bark made by the simple contrivance of tying up the two ends of a longish peice with a withe which not being cut off serves for a handle, these we imagind serv'd for the purpose of Water Buckets to fetch water from the springs which may sometimes be distant.

This was so. More than one sort of ‘bucket’ or water-trough was made of bark; the ‘bucket’ might also be used as a basket for carrying any sort of belongings. There is an interesting account in Basedow, op. cit., pp. 91–4.

We have reason to suppose that when they travel these are carried by the women from place to place; indeed the few opportunities we had of seeing the women they were generaly employd in some laborious occupation as fetching wood, gathering shell fish &c.

The men again maybe constantly carry their arms in their hands, 3 or 4 lances in one and the machine with which they throw them in the other; these serve them in the double capacity of defending them from their enemies and striking any animal or fish that they may meet with. Besides these each has a small bag about the size of a moderate Cabbage net which hangs loose upon his back fas[t]ned to a small string which passes over the crown of his head; this seems to contain all their worldly treasures, each man hardly more than might be containd in the crown of a hat—a lump or two of Paint, some fish hooks and lines, shells to make them of, Points of Darts and resin and their usual ornaments were the general contents.

Thus live these I had almost said happy people, content with little nay almost nothing, Far enough removd from the anxieties attending upon riches, or even the possession of what we Europeans call common necessaries: anxieties intended maybe by Providence to counterbalance the pleasure arising from the Posession of wishd for attainments, consequently increasing with increasing wealth, and in some measure keeping up the balance of hapiness between the rich and the poor. From them appear how small are the real wants of human nature, which we Europeans have increasd to an excess which would certainly appear incredible to these people could they be told it. Nor shall we cease to increase them as long as Luxuries can be invented and riches found for the purchase of them; and how soon these Luxuries degenerate into necessaries may be sufficiently evincd by the universal use of strong liquors, Tobacco, spices, Tea &c. &c. In this instance again providence seems to act the part of a leveler, doing much towards putting all ranks into an equal state of wants and consequently of real poverty: the Great and Magnificent want as much and may be more than the midling: they again in proportion more than the inferior: each rank still looking higher than his station but confining itself to a certain point above which it knows not how to wish, not knowing at least perfectly what is there enjoyd.

Tools among them we saw almost none, indeed having no arts which require any it is not to be expected that they should have many. A stone made sharp at the edge and a wooden mallet were the only ones we saw that had been formd by art;

Stone hatchets were common enough with the aboriginals, but ‘wooden mallets’ do not seem to have survived, as a class of tool, for ethnographers to study. Stones were generally used for purposes of pounding. Banks may have seen some isolated example, if he did see a real artifact.

the use of these we supposd to be in making the notches in the bark of high trees by which they climb them for purposes unknown to us, and for cutting and perhaps driving wedges to take of the bark which they must have in large peices for making Canoes, Sheilds and water buckets and also for covering their houses. Besides these they use shells and corals to scrape the points of their darts, and polish them with the leaves of a kind of wild Fig tree (Ficus Radulo) which bites upon wood almost as keenly as our European shave grass usd by the Joiners.

Ficus opposita, a tall shrub or small tree, or perhaps F. aspera Forst. The leaves were used like emery paper. Ficus spp. were favourite abrasives with various aboriginal peoples. Banks's radulo should be radula.

Their fish hooks are made of shell very neatly and some exceedingly small; their lines are also well twisted and they have them from the size of a half inch rope to almost the fineness of a hair made of some vegetable.

W. E. Roth, in his North Queensland Ethnographic Bulletin No. 3, Food: its Search, Capture & amp; Preparation (Brisbane 1901), says these fishing-lines were made of the fibre of the cabbage-tree, Livistona australis. The aboriginal had recourse to a large number of different vegetable fibres for his twine—e.g. the bark of the tree called Currajong, Sterculia spp., pandanus, hibiscus, the reed Juncus spp. as well as Livistona. Human hair, kangaroo hair, opossum hair were also used. There is a full and interesting discussion in Roth's Bull. No. 1, String and other forms of strand… . (Brisbane 1901).

Of Netting they seem to be quite ignorant but make their bags, the only thing of the kind we saw among them, by laying the threads loop within loop something in the way of knitting only very coarse and open, in the very same manner as I have seen ladies make purses in England.

The so-called ‘dilly-bags’. See Roth, String … again.

That they had no sharp instruments among them we venturd to guess

Flints, as used for cicatrization, could be exceedingly sharp.

from the circumstance of an old man who came to us one day with a beard rather larger than his fellows: the next day he came again, his beard was then almost croppd close to his chin and upon examination we found the ends of the hairs all burnd so that he had certainly singd it off. Their manner of Hunting and taking wild animals we had no opportunity of seeing: we only guessd that the notches which they had every where cut in the Bark of large trees, which certainly servd to make climbing more easy to them, might be intended for the ascending these trees in order either to watch for any animal who unwarily passing under them they might peirce with their darts, or for the taking birds who at night might Roost in them.

The guess was good, though not as it touched on unwary animals passing beneath the trees. The aboriginal climbed after opossums and other small animals, honey, birds’ nests, tree grubs, and also to seize birds as they came in to roost. Basedow, pl. xix, opp. p. 144, has an illustration of a man climbing by notches, and making them as he goes.

We guessd also that the fires which we saw so frequently as we passd along shore, extending over a large tract of countrey and by which we could constantly trace the passage of the Indians who went from us in Endeavours river up into the countrey, were intended in some way or other for the taking of the animal calld by them Kanguru, which we found to be so much afraid of fire that we could hardly force it with our dogs to go over places newly burnt. They get fire very expeditiously with two peices of stick very readily and nimbly: the one must be round and 8 or nine inches long and both it and the other should be dry and soft; the round one they sharpen a little at one end and pressing it upon the other turn it round with the palms of their hands just as Europeans do a chocolate mill, often shifting their hands up and running them down quick to make the pressure as hard as possible; in this manner they will get fire in less than 2 minutes and when once posessd of the smallest spark increase [it] in a manner truely wonderfull. We often admird to see a man run along shore who seemd to carry no one thing in his hand and yet as he ran along, just stooping down every 50 or 100 yards, smoak and fire were seen among the drift wood and dirt at that place almost the instant he had left it. This we afterwards found was done cheifly by the infinite readyness with which every kind of rubbish, sticks, witherd leaves or dry grass already almost dryd to tinder by the heat of the sun and dryness of the season would take fire: he took for instance when he set off a small bit of fire and wrapping it up in dry grass ran on, this soon blazd, he then layd it down on the most convenient place for his purpose that he could find and taking up a small part of it wrappd that in part of the dry rubbish in which he had layd it, in this manner proceeding as long as he thought proper.

Their Weapons, offensive at least, were precisely the same where ever we saw them except that at the very last view we had of the countrey we saw through our glasses a man who carried a Bow and arrows; in this we might but I beleive we were not mistaken.

cf. p. 110, n. 1 above.

They consisted of one only species, a Pike or Lance from 8 to 14 feet in lengh: this they threw short distances with their hands and for longer, 40 or more yards, with an instrument made for the purpose. The upper part of these Lances were made either of Cane or the stalk of a plant something resembling a Bullrush () which was very streight and light: the point again was made of very heavy and hard wood, the whole artfully balancd for throwing tho very clumsily made in two, three or four joints, at each of which the parts were let into each other and besides being tied round the Joint was smeard over very thick with their Resin which made it larger and more clumsey than any other part.

A bulrush, Typha angustifolia, does grow in Australia, with stalks up to eight feet long; but the aboriginal lance was ordinarily made from the stem of the reed Phragmites communis, with sharp wooden points of the pea-bush, Sesbania aegyptica.

The points were of several sorts: those which we concluded to be intended against men were indeed most cruel weapons: they were all single pointed either with the stings of sting-rays, a large one of which servd for the point, and three or 4 smaller tied the contrary way made barbs: or simply of wood made very sharp and smeard thick over with resin into which was stuck many broken bits of sharp shells, so that if such a weapon pierced a man it was many to one that it could not be drawn out without leaving several of those unwelcome guests in his flesh, certain to make the wound ten times more dificult to cure than it otherwise would be. The others which we supposd to be usd merely for striking fish, birds &c had generaly simple points of wood or if they were barbd it was with only one splinter of wood. The instrument with which they threw them was a plain stick or peice of wood 2 and 1/2 or 3 feet in lengh, at one end of which was a small knob or hook and near the other a kind of cross peice to hinder it from slipping out of their hands. With this contrivance,

simple as it is and ill fitted for the purpose, they threw the lances 40 or more yards with a swiftness and steadyness truley surprizing; the knob being hookd into a small dent made in the top of the lance they held it over their shoulder and shaking it an instant as balancing threw it with the greatest ease imaginable. The neatest of these throwing sticks that we saw were made of a hard reddish wood polish[d] and shining; their sides were flat and about 2 inches in breadth and the handle or part to keep it from dropping out of the hand coverd with thin layers of polished bone very white; these I beleive to be the things which many of our people were deceivd by imagining them to be wooden swords, Clubs &c. according to the direction in which they happned to see them. Defensive weapons we saw only in Sting-Rays bay and there only a single instance — a man who attempted to oppose our Landing came down to the Beach with a sheild of an oblong shape about 3 feet long and 1½ broad made of the bark of a tree; this he left behind when he ran away and we found upon taking it up that it plainly had been piercd through with a single pointed lance near the center. That such sheilds were frequently usd in that neighbourhood we had however sufficient proof, often seeing upon trees the places from whence they had been cut and sometimes the sheilds themselves cut out but not yet taken off from the tree; the edges of the bark only being a little raisd with wedges; which shews that these people certainly know how much thicker and stronger bark becomes by being sufferd to remain upon the tree some time after it is cut round.

That they are a very pusilanimous people we had reason to suppose from every part of their conduct in every place where we were except Sting Rays bay, and there only the instance of the two people who opposd the Landing of our two boats full of men for near a quarter of an hour and were not to be drove away till several times wounded with small shot, which we were obligd to do as at that time we suspected their Lances to be poisned from the quantity of gum which was about their points; but upon every other occasion both there and every where else they behavd alike, shunning us and giving up any part of the countrey which we landed upon at once: and that they use stratagems in war we learnt by the instance in Sting-rays bay where our Surgeon with another man walking in the woods met 8 Indians; they stood still but directed another who was up in a tree how and when he should throw a Lance at them, which he did and on its not taking effect they all ran away as fast as possible.

Their Canoes were the only things in which we saw a manifest difference between the Southern and the Northern people. Those to the Southward were little better contrivd or executed than their Houses: a peice of Bark tied together in Pleats at the ends and kept extended in the middle by small bows of wood was the whole embarkation, which carried one or two, nay we once saw three people, who movd it along in shallow water by setting

i.e., punting.

with long poles; and in deeper by padling with padles about 18 inches long, one of which they held in each hand. In the middle of these Canoes was generaly a small fire upon a heap of sea weed, for what purpose intended we did not learn except perhaps to give the fisherman an opportunity of Eating fish in perfection by broiling it the moment it is taken.

To the Northward again their canoes tho exceeding bad were far superior to these. They were small but regularly hollowd out of the trunk of a tree and fitted with an outrigger to prevent them from oversetting; in these they had paddles large enough to require both hands to work them. Of this sort we saw only and had an opportunity of examining only one of them which might be about 10 or 11 feet long but was immensely narrow; the sides of the tree were left in their natural state untouch'd by tools but at each [end?] they had cut off from the under part and left part of the upper side overhanging; the inside also was not ill hollowd and the sides tolerably thin. What burthen it was capable of carrying we had many times an opportunity to see: 3 people or at most 4 were as many as dare venture in it and if any more wanted to come over the river, which in that place was about a half a mile broad, one of these would carry back the Canoe and fetch them.

This was the only peice of workmanship which I saw among the New Hollanders that seemd to require tools. How they had hollowd her out or cut the ends I cannot guess

These canoes were burned and gouged out, and the shaping done with stone tools; but it is a moot question whether the workmanship was Australian aboriginal or Melanesian, from the northern islands—probably the latter. Some of the Queensland tribes were certainly acquainted with the outrigger.

but upon the whole the work was not ill done; Indian patience might do a great deal with shells &c. without the use of stone axes, which if they had had they would probably have used to form her outside as well as inside. That such a canoe takes them up much time and trouble in the making may be concluded from our seeing so few, and still more from the moral certainty which we have that the Tribe which visited [us] and consisted to our knowledge of 21 people and may be of several more had only one such belonging to them. How tedious must it be for these people to be ferried over a river a mile or two wide by threes and fours at a time: how well therefore worth the pains for them to stock themselves better with boats if they could do it!

I am inclind to beleive that besides these Canoes the Northern People know and make use of the Bark one of the South, and that from having seen one of the small paddles left by them upon a small Island where they had been fishing for Turtle; it lay upon a heap of Turtle shells and bones, Trophies of the good living they had had when there, and with it lay a broken staff of a Turtle pegg and a rotten line, tools which had been worn out I suppose in the service of Catching them. We had great reason to beleive that at some season of the year the weather is much more moderate than we found it, otherwise the Indians never could have venturd in any canoes that we saw half so far from the main Land as Islands were on which we saw evident marks of their having been, such as decayd houses, fires, the before mentiond Turtle bones &c. May be at this more moderate time they may make and use such Canoes, and when the Blustering season comes on may convert the bark of which they were made to the purposes of covering houses, making Water buckets &c. &c. well knowing that when the next season returns they will not want a supply of bark to rebuild their vessels. Another reason we have to imagine that such a moderate season exists, and that the Winds are then upon the Eastern board as we found them,

S. has here the note, ‘It is probable they have very blustering West Winds at some time of the Year: and at another Season (may be) very mild East Winds; tho’ they were rather blustering (in the East) when they* [*The Crew of the Endeavour] were there’. This is followed by another note explaining that such passages were not in the original, ‘But are only occasional memorandums and conjectures: consequently not to be depended on for Facts’.

is that whatever Indian houses or sleeping places we saw on these Islands were built upon the summits of small hills if there were any, or if not, in places where no bushes or wood could intercept the course of the wind, and their shelter was always turnd to the Eastward. On the main again, their houses were universaly built in valleys, or under the shelter of trees which might defend them from the very winds which in the Islands they exposd themselves to.

Of their Language I can say very little. Our acquaintance with them was of so short a duration that none of us attempted to use a single word of it to them, consequently the list of words I have given could be got no other manner than by signs enquiring of them what in their Language signified such a thing, a method obnoxious to many mistakes: for instance a man holds in his hand a stone and asks the name of [it]: the Indian may return him for answer either the real name of a stone, one of the properties of it as hardness, roughness, smoothness &c, one of its uses or the name peculiar to some particular species of stone, which name the enquirer immediately sets down as that of a stone. To avoid however as much as Possible this inconvenience Myself and 2 or 3 more got from them as many words as we could, and having noted down those which we though[t] from circumstances we were not mistaken in we compard our lists; those in which all the lists agreed, or rather were contradicted by none, we thought our selves moraly certain not to be mistaken in. Of these my list cheefly consists, some only being added that were in only one list such as from the ease with which signs might be contrivd to ask them were thought little less certain than the others.

Wageegee the head Meanang Fire Morye the hair Walba a stone Melcea the ears Yowall Sand Yembe the Lips Gurka a Rope Bonjoo the Nose Bama a Man Unjar the tongue Poinja a male Turtle Wallar the Beard Mameingo a female Doomboo the Neck Maragan a Canoe Cayo the Nipples Pelenyo to Paddle Toolpoor the Navel Takai Set down Mangal the Hands Mierbarrar smooth Coman the thighs Garmbe Blood Pongo the Knees Yocou Wood Edamal the Feet Tapool bone in nose Kniorror the Heel Charngala a Bag Chumal the Sole Cherr expressions maybe of admiration which they continualy usd while in company with us Chongarn the ancle Cherco expressions maybe of admiration which they continualy usd while in company with us Kulke the Nails Yarcaw expressions maybe of admiration which they continualy usd while in company with us Gallan the Sun Tut tut tut tut expressions maybe of admiration which they continualy usd while in company with us

They very often use the article Ge which seems to answer to our English ‘a’ as Ge Gurka a rope.

Banks's caution in collecting this vocabulary was well-repaid. His list was printed, with the addition of some words from Cook's list, by Hawkesworth, III, pp. 242–3, where it was studied by Ling Roth for his monograph The Structure of the Koko-Yimidir Language (North Queensland Ethnography Bull. No. 2, Brisbane 1901), pp. 6–7. If we take Ling Roth as the standard, we have Banks in many cases exact, and in most cases pretty accurate: as for instance, beard, Ling Roth walar, Banks wallar; hands, mangal, mangal; rope, gurka, gurka; man, bama, bama; nails, gulgi, kulke; thighs, kuman, coman; knees, bunggo, pongo; ears, milka, melcea; sun, ngalan, gallan. In some words there is a slight remove—e.g. a female, mami-ngu, mameingo; hair, moari, morye; sit down, dakaya, takai. Some show a slight misunderstanding—e.g. Banks's neck, doomboo represents dumu, the chest; nipples, cayo represents guyu, the breast, milk; sole (of the foot) chumal represents jammal, the foot and smaller toes; sand, yowall represents yual, a beach; a bag, charngala represents dan-gara, a parcel rolled up in tea-tree bark. In wageegee for head (properly kambago) we have a more complicated misunderstanding: it is probably derived, thinks Ling Roth, from bai-tchir-tchir, to cover—the action of laying the hand on the head, and not the head itself, being rendered. Of yarcaw and tut, tut, tut as ‘expressions of admiration’ he says, ‘the former is the modern yir-ké, a note of exclamation indicative of surprise, while the latter is still used as exclamatory of swift motion, e.g. a fish shooting along in the water’.

The Endeavour's Track from Cape York to Batavia

[August 1770]

27. Lay too all last night. In the morn fresh trade and fine clear weather made us hope that our dificulties were drawing to a period: it was now resolvd to hawl up to the Northward in order to make the coast of New Guinea in order to assure ourselves that we had realy got clear of the South Sea which was accordingly done. At dinner time we were alarmd afresh by the usual report of a shoal just ahead: it provd however to be no more than a bank or regular layer of a Brownish colour extending itself upon the sea, which indeed had very much the appearance of a shoal while at a distance. It was formd by innumerable small atoms each scarce ½ a line in lengh yet when lookd at in a microscope consisting of 30 or 40 tubes, each hollow and divided throughout the whole lengh into many cells by small partitions like the tubes of Confervas; to which of the three kingdoms of Nature they belong I am totaly Ignorant, I only guess that they are of a vegetable nature because on burning them I could perceive no animal smell. We have before this during this voyage seen them several times on the coast of Brazil and that of New Holland but never that I recollect at any considerable distance from the Land.

Probably Trichodesmium scoboideum Lucas, described in 1919 by A. R. McCulloch, who collected it at the Hope Islands, off Cooktown, as follows: ‘it covered the sea like sawdust everywhere, and formed long streaks or waves across the wind. It was so abundant as to cause smooth patches unbroken by wavelets where it occurred, and was of a light brown colour, the tint apparently varying according to its stage of development. On the Hope Islands it had blown up on the wave-line, and formed felt-like flakes which could be picked up in pieces a foot square and 3–5 mm. thick; the flakes were very dark in colour, and stained the sand-grains settling on them a rich violet. The alga is very buoyant, and causes a muddy appearance in the water as the boat disturbs it. An old hand up that way assured me that its presence was a sign of good weather, and it certainly seems to disappear at the approach of wind and clouds’. McGulloch suggested that this was the alga met with by the Endeavour. I owe this reference to Mr A. B. Cribb.

In the Evening a small bird of the Noddy (sterna) kind hoverd much about the ship and at night settled on the rigging where he was taken, and provd exactly the same bird as Dampier has describd and given a rude figure of under the Name of a Noddy From New Holland; See his voyages Vol III, p. 98, tab. of Birds fig. 5.

Sterna anaethetus Scopoli, the Brown-winged or Bridled Tern.

28. Still Standing to the Northward the water shoaling regularly. Vast quantities of the little substances mentiond yesterday floating upon the water in large lines a mile or more long and 50 or 100 yards wide, all swimming either immediately upon the surface of the water or not many inches under it. The seamen who are now convinc'd that it was not as they had thought the spawn of fish began to call it Sea sawdust, a name certainly not ill adapted to its appearance. One of them, a Portugese who came on board the ship at Rio de Janeiro,

Emanuel Pereira.

told me that at St Salvador on the Coast of Brasil where the Portugese have a whale fishery he had often seen vast quantities of it taken out of the stomachs of whales or Grampus's there taken. In the afternoon the Soundings became most irregular starting sometimes at once from 18 to 7 fathoms. At 4 the Land was seen from the Mast head but at Sun set was not seen from the deck. During the night we stood off and on far from satisfied with our soundings.

29. During the whole night our soundings were as irregular as they had been in the even, but never less than 7 and never so shoal for any time. In the morn the land was seen from the Deck which was uncommonly low but coverd very thick with wood.

The island ‘laid down in the Charts’, says Cook, ‘by the name of St Bartholomeo or Wleermoysen’—Habeeke or Habe Island, about thirty miles cast of Prines Marianne Strait. The New Guinea coast here is still very much unvisited, and is guarded by a wide mud-bank.

At 8 it was not more than two Lgs from us but the water had gradualy [shoald] since morn to 5 fathm and was at this time as muddy as the River Thames, so it was thought not Prudent to go any nearer at present and accordingly we stood along shore, seeing fires and here and there large Groves of Cocoa nut trees in the neighbourhood of which we supposd the Indian villages to be situated. In the Eve tho we kept the same distance from the Land we got into less than 4 fathm and we got upon a wind, we were very long before we could deepen it; the Bank however which was soft mud provd inimitably regular.

30. In the morn tho the ship was in less than 7 fathom water the land was but just seen from the Deck; we saild along shore however in and about that depth, the Bank as regular as usual. In the Even a large Fire was seen ashore. At Night of a sudden went away to the Northward; we now judgd ourselves to be about the place calld in the Draughts Valche Caep and supposd this to be it.

False Cape, the south-western point of Frederik Hendrik Island, which is separated from the main of New Guinea by Prinses Marianne Strait.

Both yesterday and today vast quantities of the sea Sawdust was seen; some of our people observd that on passing through a bed of it much larger than common they smelt an uncommon stink which they supposd to proceed from it.

31. 5½ fathm and the Land not seen even from the mast head: the regularity of the bank which was soft mud made us very little regard the shoalness of the water which was still as muddy as the Thames at Gravesend. At night we anchord in 4½ fathm the Land being then but just seen from the deck.

September 1770

1. Distant as the land was a very Fragrant smell came of from it realy in the morn with the little breeze which blew right off shore, it resembled much the smell of gum Benjamin;

The corrupt form of gum benzoin, the odoriferous gum of the ‘Benjamin tree’, Styrax benzoin, a native of Malacca, Sumatra and Java.

as the sun gatherd power it dyed away and was no longer smelt. All the latter part of the day we had calms or light winds all round the compass, the weather at the same time being most intolerably hot.

2. Fresh breeze again at E. In the morn the sweet smell of yesterday was observd tho in a much smaller degree. In the even it was almost calm and again intensely hot.

3. After having saild all night along shore with a brisk breeze we found ourselves in the morn not far from it: It appeard as it had done whenever we had seen it before, uncommonly flat and low, not having so much as a slope in any part, the whole one grove of trees very thick and pleasant to all appearance. This was the sixth day we had now coasted along still upon the same bank of mud, which by its shoalness prevented our approaches near enough to make going ashore convenient. This delay and the loss of so many days fair wind when we well knew the Se Monsoon was nearly at an end was irksome to us all: it was therefore resolvd to run the ship in as near the shore as possible and then send off the pinnace, which might go ashore while the ship ply'd off and on and learn whether the produce of the countrey or the usage she might meet with from the inhabitants would be such as might induce us to search farther. We accordingly stood right in shore and at ½ past 8 had less than 3 fathm water 5 or 6 miles from the shore. The Captn Dr Solander and myself with the Boats crew and my servants, consisting in all of 12 men well armd, went in her and rowd directly towards the shore but could not get nearer than about 200 yards on account of the shallowness of the water; we quickly however got out of the boat and waded ashore leaving two in her to take care of her.

The ship, having turned False Cape, was now in the large bight on the western coast of New Guinea, very sketchily laid down in eighteenth century charts, and not at all well-known, though mapped, even today. The landing appears to have been made at a bay which appears on some maps as Cook's Bay, with the Cook River running into it (about latitude 6° 20′ S), names no doubt based on this visit of 1770; but the identification made may be rather conjectural. It is really impossible to reconcile the maps to which Cook refers, those in de Brosses's Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes, with the present-day chart, though Banks and Cook describe the nature of the country and its seaward approaches accurately enough.

We had no sooner landed than we saw the prints of naked feet upon the mud below High water mark, which convincd us that the Indians were not far off tho we had seen yet no signs of any. The nature of the countrey made it necessary for us to be very much upon our guard: the close thick wood came down to within less than 100 yards of the water, and therefore so near might the Indians come without our seeing them, and should they by numbers overpower us a retreat to the boat was impossible as she was so far from the shore. We proceeded therefore with much caution, looking carefully about us, myself and the Dr looking for plants at the edge of the wood and the rest walking along the Beach. In about 200 yards from our landing we came to a grove of Cocoa nut trees of a very small growth but well hung with fruit standing upon the banks of a small brook of brackish water. Near them was a small shed hardly half coverd with cocoa nut leaves, in and about which were infinite Cocoa nut shells, some quite fresh. We stayd under these trees some time admiring and wishing for the fruit, but as none of us could climb it was impossible to get even one

Cook refused to have the trees cut down—‘nothing but the utmost necessity would have oblige'd me to have taken this Method to come at refreshments’—in spite of later suggestions from his officers.—p. 410.

so we even left them and proceeded in search of any thing else which might occur. We soon found Plantains and a single Bread fruit tree but neither of these had any fruit on them, so we proceeded and had got about a quarter of a mile from the boat when on a sudden 3 Indians rushd out of the woods with a hideous shout, about 100 yards beyond us and running towards us. The formost threw something out of his hand which flew on one side of him and burnd exactly like gunpowder,

On the ship this activity was at first taken for the discharge of fire-arms, as Banks later notes; ‘by what means this was done or what purpose it answer'd we were not able to guess’, says Cook (p. 409). ‘I thought the Combustible matter was containd in a Reed or peice of small Bamboo which they gave a swing round in the hand and caused it to go off.’ This was accurate observation: the natives carried smouldering tinder in hollow canes for their fire-making, utilization of which was no doubt part of their demonstration of force. The technique of carrying fire was a sort of refinement on the live firebrands carried about by other New Guinea people.

the other two immediately threw two darts at us on which we fird. The most of our guns were loaded with small shot which at the distance they were from us I suppose they hardly felt, for they movd not at all but immediately threw a third dart on which we loaded and fird again. Our Balls I suppose this time fell near them but none of them were materialy hurt as they ran away with great alacrity. From this specimen of the people we immediately concluded that nothing was to be got here but by force, which would of course be attended with the destruction of many of these poor people, whose territories we had certainly no right to invade either as discoverers or people in real want of provisions; we therefore resolvd to go into our boat and leave intirely this coast to some aftercomer who might have either more time or better opportunities to gain the freindship of its inhabitants. Before we had got abreast of her however we saw the two people in her make signals to us that more Indians were coming along shore, and before we had got into the water we saw them come round a point about 500 yards from us. They had met probably the three who first attackd us for on seeing us they halted and seemd to wait till the main body should come up, nor did they come nearer us all the while we waded to her; they continued however with their fire to defy us and shouted very loud. When we were embarkd and afloat we rowd towards them and fird some musquets over their heads into the trees, on which they walkd gradualy off continuing to throw abundance of their fires (whatever they migh[t] be designd for). We guessd their numbers to be about 100. After we had lookd at them and their behaviour as long as we chose we returnd to the ship, where our freinds had sufferd much anziety for our sakes imagining that the fires thrown by the Indians were real musquets, so much did they resemble the fire and smoak made by the firing of one.

The place where we landed we judgd to be near Cabo de la Colta de Santa Bonaventura, as it is calld in the French charts,

These charts were those drawn by the well-known cartographer, Robert de Vaugondy, for de Brosses. It is impossible to identify this cape with real confidence, but I think it was De Jong's Point, to the north-eastward of the opening of Prinses Marianne Strait. ‘Colta’ is a corruption of ‘Costa’, found on older charts. I have discussed these maps in my introduction to Cook I, pp. clvii-xi, and in the notes to pp. 409–11; but the subject still needs some clarification.

about 9 or 10 lgs to the Southward of Keer Weer.

This was a name conferred on an indentation in the coast—I think probably Flamingo Bay—and dates from Carstenz's expedition of 1623 with the yachts Arnhem and Pera, the main result of which was the discovery of the Australian Arnhem Land. See Wieder, Monumenta Cartographica, pl. 126. Keer Weer: ‘blind alley’ or ‘turn about’.

We were not ashore upon the whole more than two hours so can not be expected to have made many observations.

The Soil had all the appearance of the highest fertil[it]y but was coverd with a prodigious quantity of trees which seemd to thrive luxuriantly. Notwithstanding this the cocoa nut trees bore very small Fruit and the Plantains did not seem very thriving; the only breadfruit tree that we saw however was very large and healthy. There was very little variety of plants: we saw only 23 species every one of which was known to us, except perhaps the Ist and 2nd may prove upon comparison to be different from any of the many Species of Cyperus we have still undetermind from New Holland. Had we had axes to cut down the trees or could we have venturd into the woods we should doubtless have found more, but we had only an opportunity of examining the beach and edge of the wood. I am of opinion however that the countrey does not abound in variety of species, as I have been in no one before where I could not on a good soil have gatherd more by far with the same time and opportunity. Here follows the list:

The only New Guinea specimen from this list detected in B.M.[N.H.] Herbarium by Mr Eric Groves is Coix lacrymi-jobi, which coll. was also noticed by Britten, who pencilled the fact in the Banks Catalogue (p. 20, Ms). Perhaps such well known strand spp. were not preserved by Banks since they had been observed and collected earlier on the voyage.

Cyperus …. Eugenia Butonica Mscr. Commelina communis Linn. Vitex trifolia Linn. Convolvulus Brasiliensis Linn. Hibiscus tiliaceus Linn. Solanum nigrum Linn. Glycine speciosa Mscr. Morinda citrifolia Linn. Dolichos giganteus Mscr. Chaitea Tacca Mscr. Abrus precatorius Linn. Lobelia Plumierii Linn. Hedysarum umbellatum Linn. Arum macrorizum Linn. Sitodium altile Mscr. Coix Lacryma Jobi Linn. Casuarina equisetifolia Mscr. Guilandina Bonduccela Linn. Musa Paradisaica Linn. Cocos nucifera Linn.

The people as well as we could judge were nearly of the same colour as the New Hollanders, some thought rather lighter, they were certainly stark naked. Their arms that they made use of against us were very light ill made darts of Bamboo cane pinted with hard wood in which were many barbs; they may be shot them with bows but I am of opinion that they threw them with a stick something in the manner of the New Hollanders;

This opinion is probably correct: these Papuans have now the bow and arrow, but it seems to have been a comparatively late acquisition, and some variety of throwing stick to have been used earlier.

they came beyond us about 60 yards, but not in a point blanc direction. Besides these many among them, may be a fifth part of the whole, had in their hands a short peice of stick may be hollow cane, which they swung sideways from them and immediately fire flew from it perfectly resembling the flash and smoak of a musquet and of no longer duration; for what purpose this was done is far above my guessing. They had with them several dogs who ran after them in the same manner as ours do in Europe.

The house or shed that we saw was very mean and poor. It consisted of 4 stakes drove into the ground, 2 being longer than the other two: over these were layd cocoa nut leaves loose and not half enough to cover it. By the cutting of these stakes as well as of the arrows or darts which they threw at us we concluded that they had no Iron among them.

As soon as ever the boat was hoisted in we made sail and steerd away from this land to the No small satisfaction of I beleive thre[e] fourths of our company, the sick became well and the melancholy lookd gay. The greatest part of them were now pretty far gone with the longing for home which the Physicians have gone so far as to esteem a disease under the name of Nostalgia;

This is an early use of the word in non-technical writing. The O.E.D. gives it the date 1678 as a modern Latin translation of the German heimweh, and 1780 as its entrance into literature (‘Homesickness’ is dated 1756). It is of course precisely the sort of word that Banks, with his ranging scientific mind, would pick up, though he was by no means a good Latinist. The 1780 example is from James Thacker's Military Journal during the American war, 1775–83 (London 1823): ‘many perplexing instances of indisposition, … called by Dr. Cullen nostalgia’. The Scotsman William Cullen (1710-90) was for many years the greatest teacher of medicine in Britain. The doctors may have caught on to the word generally, and some of them passed it on to Banks, or he may have got it from Solander. A minor problem is why Hawkesworth ignored this picturesque bit.

indeed I can find hardly any body in the ship clear of its effects but the Captn Dr Solander and myself, indeed we three have pretty constant employment for our minds which I beleive to be the best if not the only remedy for it.

4. Brisk trade and fine weather. The alterd Countenances of our common people were still more perceivable than they were yesterday. Two thirds allowance had I beleive made the cheif difference with them, for our provisions were now so much wasted by keeping that that allowance was little more than was necessary to keep life and soul together.

5. During last night a low Island was seen and in the morn another, of a flat appearance but tolerably high. We supposd that these might be the Arow Isles as the latitude agreed very well, but if they were these Isles must be far nearer the Coast of New Guinea than any of our draughts place them.

Probably Karang and Enu, the most southerly of the Aru Islands.

Many very large Blubbers (medusas) were seen, also Egg Birds, Bonitos and one Turtle. In the Eve we deepned our water to 50 fathm and saw then some small Mother Careys chickens (Proc. Fregata)

Probably Wilson's Petrel, Oceanites oceanicus, which occurs commonly here (see D. L. Serventy, Emu, 52, 1952, p. 105).

about us which we always have lookd upon as a mark of being at a good distance from the Land. We saw also a man of war Bird,

Fregata sp. The commonest here is F. ariel.

many Nectris's

This is a puzzling record, as shearwaters are apparently completely absent from this area nowadays (D. L. Serventy, personal communication).

and Gannets; towards night a Booby (Pel) settled on our rigging and was caught, the first we have met with in the voyage.

There appears to be no note or description that tallies with this specimen.

6. Pleasant trade: our water deepned to 180 fathm. A tropick bird

Probably the Red-tailed Tropic Bird.

and 2 black and white Gannets

Both the Blue-faced and the Red-footed Booby occur in this region. Banks distinguished Sula species with brown upper parts as boobies, and the mainly white birds as gannets.

seen about the ship. At Noon a large high Island was in sight, possibly Timor Land, tho if so the charts have laid it down much too far to the Southward.

Timorlaut, now called the Tanimbar islands, east of Timor.

The supposition of its being so made us think of Timor, which had been visited by our countrey man Dampier;

Dampier visited Timor in September 1699 and May 1700, on his voyage in the Roebuck.

this thought made home recur to my mind stronger than it had done throughout the whole voyage: the distance I now conceivd to be nothing very great.

7. Trade as brisk and pleasant as ever. Infinite flying fish about the ship, some nectris's and Man of War Birds, many Gannets also seen; at Night 2 Bobies were caught.

8. Much less wind today; many Gannets and Bobies were seen. At Night 2 of the latter were taken.

9. Light breezes and almost calm. Myself in my small boat a shooting killd 3 dozn. of Bobies and gannets; the last provd to be the Pelicanus Piscator of Linnæus.

Sula piscator was a valid name for the Red-footed Booby (Townsend and Wetmore, Bull. Mus. Comp. Zool. Harvard, 63, No. 4, p. 167, 1919); Solander's brief description (p. 21), although undated, clearly refers to this species, as he gives the page and date of the revision of the species by Linnaeus himself, which is discussed by the above authors.

At night a strong appearance of very high Land was observd to the Westward which causd many different opinions; the Seamen however in general insisted on its being clouds, an opinion which its unusual hight above the horizon considerd with respect to the faintness with which it appeard seemd much to favour.

10. Quite calm. The appearance of Land to the West was again seen and most of the seamen by it Convincd that it realy was such; some however still held to their former opinion. Many Dolphins were about the ship and one shark was caught at Sunset. The Land appeard again in exactly the same place which at last convinc'd our most sturdy unbeleivers.

11. By day Break in the morn another shark was caught: the two together weighing 126 lb were servd to the ships company and every man in her, I may venture to affirm, from the Captn to the Swabber dind heartily upon it. Many smoaks ashore.

12. As soon as the light was pretty clear the Land again appeard 5 or 6 Lgs off; by 7 the Wind came to west so we stood in for it. It was very high rising in gradual slopes from the hills which were in great measure coverd with thick woods; among them however we could distinguish bare spots of a large extent which at least look's as if cleard by art; many fires were also seen on all parts of the hills, some very high up. At night fall we were within 1 and ½ miles of the Beach just abreast of a little inlet. The countrey seemd to answer very well the description which Dampier has given of Timor,

In his Continuation of a Voyage to New Holland, Chap. I (Voyages, ed. Masefield, II, pp. 464–5). Banks goes close to quoting him. He writes, ‘the low land bounds the sea hath nothing but red Mangroves [Bruguiera], even from the Foot of the Mountains till you come within a hundred and fifty or two hundred paces of the Sea: and then you have Sandbanks, cloath'd with a sort of Pine; so that there is no getting Water on this side, because of the Mangroves’. His illustration of Casuarina, 1729 ed. III (Masefield, II at p. 448), pl. 4, fig. 1, is unmistakable. Mrs H. N. Clokie has kindly examined the Dampier specimen (labelled as from Australia, not Timor) in the Sherardian Herbarium, at Oxford, and writes: ‘A note in Professor Osborn's hand says "this is probably the actual specimen used in drawing the figure referred to". The specimen is identified as C. equisetifolia by C. A. Gardner. There can therefore be no doubt about it’. Cf. T. G. B. Osborn and C. A. Gardner, ‘Dampier's Australian plants’, Proc. Linn. Soc., Session 151: 44–50. 1939.

the land close to the beach being coverd with high spiring trees which he likens to Pines (Casuarina) behind which was great appearance of Salt water creeks and many mangroves; in Parts however were many Cocoa nut trees close down to the Beach. The flat land seemd to reach in some places 2 or 3 miles before the rise of the first hill. We saw no appearance of Plantations or houses near the sea but the land lookd most fertile, and from the many fires we had seen in different parts we could not help having a good opinion of its population.

13. With the wind as foul as ever we continued to ply along shore, not gaining much and being too far off to see any thing but large fires of which were several ashore. Our Croakers began now to talk of the westerly monsoon, and say that they had sometime thought that the unusual Briskness of the Trade wind for some days before we fell in with this Island was a sure prognostick of it.

i.e., the ship having had a favourable wind over a long period, the professional grumblers were now sure it had betrayed them before they could reach a port for refreshment. Cook's great fear at the Endeavour River had been that the delay to the voyage there might mean his being caught by the change of monsoon and prevented for a whole season from getting to Batavia.

14. Our Westerly wind still continued and we plyd with our usual success. Infinite albecores and bonetos

The most plentiful shoaling tunnies in this area are Kishinoella tonggol (Bleeker) and Euthynnus alletteratus (Rafinesque) which are commonly attended by terns; other species include Nethunnus macropterus and Katsuwonus pelamis (D. L. Serventy, personal communication).

were about the ship attended (as they always are when near land) by some species of Sterna; these were Dampiers New Holland Noddies

Dampier describes this noddy at length in his Voyage to New Holland (Masefield ed., II, p. 437), and gives a cut of it. Possibly these were not Brown-winged or Bridled Terns (cf. p. 660, n. 2 above) but the Wide-awake or Sooty Tern, Sterna fuscata, which breeds in Java and New Guinea. The two species are easily confused on the wing.

which flew in large flocks hovering over the shoals of fish. Many Man of War birds also attended and Entertaind us by very frequently stooping at albecores so large that 20 times their strengh could not have lifted them, had they been dextrous enough to seize them which they never once effected.

15. Wind came fair today and left our melancholy ones to search for some new occasion of sorrow. There was much less of it than we could have wishd and yet enough to alter the appearance of the countrey very sensibly. The Island was now Hilly tho not near so high as it had been; the Hills in general came quite down to the sea and where they did not, instead of flats and mangrovy land, were immense groves of Cocoa nut trees; about a mile up from the Beach began the plantations and houses almost innumerable standing under the shade of large grovesof Palms appearing like the Fan Palm (Borassus);

Lontar, Borassus flabellifer, the widely distributed Palmyra or Fan palm.

the Plantations which were in general enclosd with some kind of Fence reach'd almost to the tops of the Hills, but near the Beach were no certain marks of habitations seen. But what surpr[i]zd us most was that notwithstanding all these indisputable marks of a Populous countrey we saw neither people nor any kind of cattle stirring all the day, tho our glasses were almost continualy employ'd.

16. Trade rather fresher than yesterday. Soon after breakfast the small Island of Rotte

Roti is a small island off the south-west end of Timor.

was in sight and soon after the opening appeard plain which at last convincd our old unbeleivers that the Island we had so [long?] been off was realy Timor. Soon after dinner we passd the Streights.

i.e., between Roti and Timor—Roti Strait.

The Island of Rotte was not mountanous or high like Timor but consisted of Hills and vales: on the East End of it some of our people saw Houses but I did not: the North side had frequent sandy beaches near which grew some few of the Fan Palm, but the greatest part was coverd with a kind of brushy trees which had few or no leaves upon them.

According to Professor C. G. G. J. van Steenis, these ‘brushy trees’ were Schleichera oleosa Merr.

The opening between Timor and the Island calld by Dampeir Anabao

Semau or Samau, north of Roti and lying off Kupang, the old Concordia, Dutch capital of Timor; it is separated from Timor by the narrow Semau Strait.

we plainly saw which appeard narrow. Anabao itself lookd much like Timor, only was rather less high: we saw on it no signs of cultivation, but as it was misty and we were well on the other side of the streights, which we judgd to be 5 Lgs over, we saw it but very indifferently. Off the Western end of it was a small low sandy Island

Tebui.

coverd with trees; before night however we had left all behind us.

About 10 O'Clock a Phænomenon appeard in the heavens in many things resembling the Aurora Borealis but differing materialy in others: it consisted of a dull reddish light reaching in hight about 20 degrees above the Horizon: its extent was very different at different times but never less than 8 or 10 points of the compass. Through and out of this passd rays of a brighter colourd light tending directly upwards; these appeard and vanishd nearly in the same time as those of the Aurora Borealis, but were entirely without that trembling or vibratory motion observd in that Phænomenon. The body of it bore from the ship Sse: it lasted as bright as ever till near 12 when I went down to sleep but how much longer I cannot tell.

The description here given can fit nothing but a display of the Aurora Australis. Auroral displays are seldom observed in low latitudes, and as the latitude of Timor is only about 10° S, this particular display must have been tremendous indeed. There can be no doubt about it, because Parkinson (p. 161) also gives a short description, and the possibility is attested by the record of the display seen from Samoa in 1921. The cause of the aurora seems to be some form of electrical discharge, attested otherwise by rapid and sometimes (when the display is not brilliant) violent variation of the magnetic needle, and linked with the appearance of sun-spots. There was light solar activity in 1770 and in September of that year. It is perhaps odd that nothing of the sort was seen earlier in the year by the Endeavour’s company, or in 1769, a year of sun-spot maximum, when the ship was in much higher latitudes.

17. In the morn an Island in sight

The island of Savu.

very imperfectly if at all laid down in the Charts. By 10 we were very near the East end of it; it was not high, but composd of gently sloping hills and vales almost intirely cleard

S has here the note, ‘cleared of wild Woods. The Palms being what they encouraged much as possible’.

and coverd with innumerable Palm trees; near the Beach were many Houses, but no people were seen stirring. Soon after we passd the Ne point, and saw on the beach a large flock of sheep, but still no people: the North side of the Isle appeard scarce at all cultivated, but like that of Rotte coverd with thick brush wood almost or quite destitute of Leaves: among these as we pass'd along we saw numerous flocks of sheep, but no houses or plantations. At last however one was discoverd in a grove of Cocoa nut trees, and it was resolvd to send a boat in order to attempt a commerce with people who seemd so well able to supply our many Necessities. The ship ply'd off and on and a Lieutenant went:

It was Gore that Cook sent on this reconnaissance.

before he returnd we saw on the Hills 2 men on horseback, who seemd to ride as for their amusement, looking often at the ship — a circumstance which made us at once conclude that their were Europeans among the Islanders by whoom we should be receivd at least more politely

Banks has had some difficulty with his adverb here: he first writes a word now indecipherable, superimposes on it ‘humanely’, and then crosses that out heavily in favour of the conventional ‘politely’.

than we were us'd to be by uncivilizd Indians.

After a very short stay he returnd bringing word that he had seen Indians in all respects as colour, dress &c. much resembling the Malays; that they very civily invited him ashore and conversd with him by signs but neither party could understand the other; they were totaly unarmd except the knives which they wore in their girdles and had with them a Jackass, a sure sign that Europeans had been among them.

In Plying off and on we had had no ground tho very near a Coral shoal which ran off from the Island, so had no hopes of anchorage here; it was therefore resolvd that we should go to the lee side of the Isle in hopes there to find a Bank;

Presumably a sand-bank or shelf giving good anchorage.

in the mean time however the boat with some truck should go ashore at the Cocoa nut grove in hopes to purchase some trifling refreshments for the sick in case we should be disapointed. It accordingly put off and Dr Solander went in it; before it reachd the shore we saw two new Horsemen, one of whoom had on a compleat European dress, Blue coat, white waiscoat and lac'd hat: these as the Boat lay ashore seemd to take little notice of her but only Saunterd about looking much at the ship. Many more horse-men however and still more footmen gatherd round our people who were ashore, and we had the satisfaction of seeing several cocoa nuts brought into the boat, a sure sign that peace and plenty reignd ashore.

After a stay of about an hour and a half the boat made a signal of having had intelligence of a harbour to Leeward and we in consequence bore away for it. The boat following soon came on board and told us that the people had behavd in an uncommaly civil manner; that they had seen some of their principal people who were dressd in fine linnen and had chains of gold round their necks; that they had not been able to trade, the owner of the Cocoa nut trees not being there, but had got about 2 dozn of Cocoa nuts given as a present by these principal people, who accepted of Linnen in return and made them plainly understand by drawing a map upon the sand that on the Lee side of the Island was a bay in which we might anchor near a town and buy Sheep, hogs, fruits, fowls &c; they talkd much of the Portugese and of Larntuca on the Island of Ende,

This is very confused. Both Larantuka and Ende are on the large island of Flores, midway in the chain of islands (the Lesser Sunda Islands) between Timor and Java. Ende was a bay and village on the south coast, and Larantuka on the easternmost point. Savu is due south of Flores, about halfway between Roti and Sumba. The phrase ‘somewhere on the Island’ seems to refer to Savu, where the ship now was, and not to the ‘Island of Ende’.

from which circumstance it was probable that the Portugese were somewhere on the Island tho none of the natives could speak more than a word or two of the Language, and the more so as one of the Indians in speaking of the Town made a sign of something we should see there which would shew us that we were right, by crossing his fingers, which a Portugese who was in the boat immediately interpreted into a cross, a supposition that appeard very probable;

This was a bad guess on Emanuel Pereira's part—cf. p. 153 below.

that just before they put off the man in a European dress Came towards them, but the officer in the boat not having his commission about him thoug[h]t proper to put off immediately without staying to speak to him or know what countrey man he was.

We saild along shore and after having passd a point of Land found a bay shelterd from the trade wind in which we soon discoverd a large Indian town or village, on which we stood in hoisting a Jack on the foretopmast head.

This seems to have been the roadstead of Seba, inland a little distance from which, at Seba village, the rajah of Savu still has his residence.

Soon after to our no small surprize Duch Colours were hoisted in the town and 3 guns fird. We however proceeded and just at dark got soundings and anchord about 1½ miles from the shore.

18. In the morn the Boat with the 2nd Lieutenant went ashore and was receivd by a guard of 20 or 30 Indians armd with musquets, who conducted him to the town about a mile in the countrey, marching without any order or regularity and carrying away with them Duch Colours which had been hoisted upon the beach opposite to where the ship lay. Here he was introduc'd to the Radja or Indian King who he told by a Portugese interpreter that we were an English man of war who had been long at sea and had many sick on board, for whoom we wanted to purchase such refreshments as the Island afforded. He answerd that he was willing to supply us with every thing we should want, but being in alliance with the Duch East Indian Company he was not allowd to trade with any other people without their consent, which however he would immediately apply for to a Duchman belonging to that Company who was the only white man residing upon the Island. A letter was accordingly dispatchd immediately and after some hours waiting answerd by the man in Person, who assurd him with many Civilities that we were at liberty to buy of the natives whatever we pleasd. He express'd a desire of coming on board, as well as the King and several of his attendants, provided however that some of our people might stay on shore, on which two were left and about 2 they arrivd. Our dinners were ready and they readily agreed to dine with us. At setting down however the King excusd himself, saying that he did not imagine that we who were white men would suffer him who was black to set down in our company. A complement however removd his scruples and he and his prime minister sat down and eat sparingly. During all dinner time we receivd many professions of freindship from both the King and the European who was a native of Saxony by name Johan Christopr Lange. Mutton was our fare: the King expressd a desire of having an English sheep; we had one left which was presented to him. An English dog was then askd for and my greyhound presented to him. Mynheer Lange then hinted that a spying glass would be acceptable and was immediately presented with one. We were told that the Island abounded in Buffaloes, sheep, hogs, and fowls, all which should the next day be drove down to the Beach and we might buy any quantity of them. This agreable intelligence put us all into high spirits and the liquor went about full as much as either Mynheer Lange or the Indians could bear, who however expressd a desire of going away before they were quite drunk. They were receivd upon deck as they had been when they came on board, by the marines under arms: the King expressd a desire of Seeing them excersise, which accordingly they did and fird 3 rounds, much to his majesties satisfaction, who expressd great surprize particularly at their so speedily cocking their guns, which he expressd by striking a stick upon the side of the ship saying that all the locks made but one click. Dr Solander and myself went ashore in the Boat with them; as soon as we put off they saluted the ship with three chears which the ship answerd with five guns.

We landed and walkd up to the town which consisted of a good many houses, some tolerably large, each being a roof of thach covering a boarded floor supported by Pillars 3 or 4 feet from the ground. Before we had been long there it began to grow dark and we returnd on board, having only just tasted their Palm wine which had a very sweet taste and suited all our palates very well, giving us at the same time hopes that it might be servicable to our sick, as being the fresh and unfermented juice of the tree it promisd antescorbutick virtues.

19. In the morn we went ashore and proceeded immediately to the house of assembly, a large house which we had yesterday mistaken for the Kings Palace. This as well as 2 or 3 more in the Town or Negree

Malay negeri, country but used loosely of any settlement, town or land. Below, pp. 158–9, Banks calls them ‘principalities’. Presumably if the island were divided into several independent rajahdoms, each would be a negeri.

as the Indians call it have been built by the Duch East Indian Company; they are distinguishd from the rest by 2 peices of wood, one at each end of the ridge of the house, resembling cows horns — undoubtedly the thing designd by the Indian who on the 17th made a sign of the mark by which we were to know the town by crossing his fingers, which our Catholick Portugese interpreted into a cross, from whence cheifly we were assur'd that the settlement was originaly Portugese. In this house of Assembly we met My[n]heer Lange and the Radja A Madocho Lomi Djara attended by many of the Principal people: we told them that we had in the boat an assortment of what few goods we had to truck with and desird leave to bring them ashore which was immediately granted and orders given accordingly. We then attempted to settle the Price of Buffaloes, sheep, hogs, &c. which were to be payd in money, but here Mynheer Lange left us and told us that we must settle that with the natives who would bring down large quantities to the Beach. By this time the morning was pretty far advanc'd and we, resolving not to go on board and eat salt meat when such a profusion of fresh was continualy talkd of, petitiond his majesty that we might have liberty to purchase a small Hog, some rice &c. and employ his subjects to cook them for our dinner. He answerd that if we could eat victuals dressd by his subjects, which he could hardly suppose, he would do himself the honour of entertaining us; we expressd our gratitude and sent immediately on board for liquors. About 5 O'Clock dinner was ready, consisting of 36 dishes or rather baskets containing alternately Rice and Boild Pork, and 3 earthen ware bowls of Soup or rather the Broth in which the Pork had been boild; these were rangd on the floor and matts laid round them for us to set upon. We were now conducted by turns to a hole in the floor near which stood a man with a basket of water

S has the note, ‘A Basket made of Palm leaves.’

in his hand; here we wash'd our hands and then rang'd ourselves in order round the victuals waiting for the King to set down. We were told however that the custom of the countrey was that the entertainer never sets down to meat with his guests, however if we suspected the victuals to be poisoned he would willingly do it; we suspected nothing and therefore desire'd that all things might go as usual; all then sitting down we eat with good appetites, the Prime Minister and My[n]heer Lange partaking with us. Our wine passd briskly about, the Radja alone refusing to drink with us saying that it was wrong for the master of the feast to be in liquor. The pork was excellent, the Rice as good, the broth not bad, the spoons only which were made of leaves were so small that few of us had patience to eat it: every one however made a hearty dinner and as soon as we had done removd, as the custom it seems was to let the Servants and seamen take our Places. These could not dispach all, but when the women came to take away they forcd them to take away with them all the Pork that was left.

Before dinner Mynheer Lange had mentiond to us a letter which he had in the morn receivd from the Governor of Timor: the particulars of it were now discussd. It acquainted him that a ship had been seen off that Island and had Steerd from thence towards that which we were now upon: in case such ship was to touch there in any distress she was to be supplied with what she wanted but was not to be allowd to make any stay more than was necessary, and was particularly requird not to make any large presents to the inferior People, or to leave any with the Principal ones to be distributed among them after he was gone. This we were told did not at all extend to the Beads or small peices of cloth which we gave the Natives in return for their small civilities, as bringing us palm wine &c. Some of our Gentlemen were of opinion that the whole of this Letter was an imposition but whether it was or not I shall not take upon myself to determine.

In the Evening we had intelligence from our trading place that No Buffelloes or hogs had been brought down, a few sheep only, which were taken away before our people who had sent for money could procure it; some few fouls however were bought and a large quantity of a kind of Syrup made from the Juice of the palm tree,

A number of different palms were used to produce palm-wine or toddy and the syrup derived from it—the Sugar-palm, the Coconut, and what is probably meant here, to judge from Banks's later description, p. 162 below, the Fan palm, Borassus flabellifer.

which tho infinitely superior to melasses or treacle sold at a very small price. We complaind to Mynheer Lange. He said that as we had not ourselves been down upon the Beach the Natives were afraid to take money of any one else least it should be false. On this the Captn went immediately down but could see no cattle. While he was gone Mr Lange complaind that our people had yet offerd no gold for any thing; this he said the Islanders were dis-pleasd at who had expected to have gold for their stock.

20. In the morning early the Captn went ashore himself to purchase Buffeloes. He was shewn two, one of which they valued at five guineas the other a musquet; he offerd 3 guineas for the one and sent for a musquet to give for the other. The money was flatly refus'd and before the Musquet could be brought off Dr Solander, who had been up at the town in order to speak to Mr Lange, returnd followd by 86 Spearmen and 20 musqueteers sent by the King to tell us that this day and no more would be allowd us to trade, after which we must be gone. This was the message that Dr Solander had from the Radja by Mr Lange's interpretation, but a Portugese Indian who came from Timor, probably Next in command to Mr Lange, carried it much farther, telling us that we might stay ashore till night if we pleasd but none of the natives would any more be allowd to trade with us; after which he began to drive away those who had brought hens, syrup &c. To remedy this an old sword which lay in the Boat was given to the Prime minister as I have calld him, Mannudjame, who in an instant restord order and severely chid the officer of the guard, an old Portugese Indian, for haveing gone beyond their orders.

Cook, whose account of Savu is briefer and less circumstantial than Banks's, is here a little more dramatic: ‘There happen'd to be an old Raja at this time upon the beach whose Intrest I had secure'd in the Morning by presenting him with a Spy glass, this man I now took by the hand and presented him with an old broad sword, this effectually secure'd him in our Intrest for the Moment he got it he began to flourish it over the old Portuguese and made him and the officer that commanded the party to set down at his backside’.—pp. 420–1.

Trade now was as brisk as ever, fowls and syrup were bought cheap and in vast plenty, but now we will see what treatment Dr Solander met with in the Town.

In the morn when he arriv'd there it was a long time before he could find the Radja; at last however he did and receivd many civilities from him. Mr Lange was however not to be found so no conversation could pass for want of an interpreter. After some time a number of men came and taking their arms rangd themselves in the yard; the Radja then appeard cross but shewd nothing but civility to the Dr.

One of our servants who was trading now came into the yard, having a garter tied over his shoulder for which he askd a cock: the Radja went to him and askd him for it: he, ignorant of his quality, refusd unless he had a Cock on which he was orderd to be turnd out of the yard, as were all our people but the Dr who still was in the assembly house totaly ignorant of what was going on. The Radja however now told him that Mr Lange was at such a house, a hint to be gone but which was not taken as such, for the Dr wanted nothing so much as to see Mr Lange and consequently went directly to him. Mr Lange returnd to the Radjas with him and told him that the People were almost in rebellion on account of the Radjas permitting us to trade with goods instead of money, and that this day was positively the last on which we could be allowd to do so, that he was much offended also at the servant who had refus'd the garter. These storys were too ridiculous to be taken much notice of therefore he still stayd in hopes of learning something more. The guards were orderd to exercise which they did clumsily enough with their spears: the Dr pleasd with the sight desird he might see the excersise of their Sabres also. You had better not desire it, said the duch man, the People are very much enrag'd. Now the Dr found Mr Lange's intention which was to frighten him and us: it however had no part of the design'd effect, we were too well convinc'd that both King and people desird nothing so much as to trade with us to regard these political menaces.

The Dr However set out for the Beach in order to tell us who were there the state of the Case and with him came this formidable troop who behavd as before mentiond. The state of the case appeard now Plain: Mr Lange was to have a share of what the Buffeloes were sold for and that share was to be paid in money; the Captn therefore, tho sore against his will, resolvd to pay 5 guineas apeice for one or 2 Buffeloes and try to buy the rest for musquets. Accordingly no sooner had he hinted his mind to the Portugese Indian than a Buffeloe was brought down but a very small one, and five guineas given for it; 2 more larger followd immediately for one of which a musquet and for the other 5 guineas was given. There was now no more occasion for money, 2 large herds of Buffeloes were brought down and we pickd them just as we chose for a musquet apeice. We bought nine, as many we thought as would last us to Batavia, especialy as we had little or no victuals, but so ill were we provided with cords that 3 of the nine broke from us; 2 of these the Indians recoverd but the third got quite off tho our people assisted by the Indians followd him 3 hours.

In the Evening Mr Lange came down to the Beach softned by the money which no doubt he had receivd: he who was in the morn as sour as verjuice was now all sweetness and softness. The Dr who spoke German but little was loth to mention to him any of the transactions of the morning, he however took frequent occasions of letting us know that if we pleasd we might come ashore the next day. Our business was However quite done, so to fullfill a promise we had made he was presented with a small cagg of Beer and we took our leave as good freinds as possible.

The refreshments we got consisted of 8 Buffeloes, 30 Dzn of fowls, 6 sheep, 3 hogs, some few but very few limes and cocoa nuts, a little garlick, a good many eggs above half of which were rotten, an immense quantity of Syrup which was bought for trifles, several hundred gallons at least—upon the whole more than live stock enough to carry us to Batavia and syrop for futurity.

I have been very diffuse and particular in mentioning every trifling circumstance which occurd in this transaction, as this may perhaps be the only opportunity I shall ever have of visiting an Island of great consequence to the Duch and scarce known to any other Europaeans even by name. I can find it in only one of the Draughts and that an old one printed by Mount and Page

Mount and Page were a well-known firm of stationers and map and chart publishers, c. 1733–86. Their shop was on Tower Hill.

the Lord knows when, which has it by the name of Sou but confounds it with Sandel Bosch

Sandel Bosch, Sandalwood Island, a name given to Sumba, many times the size of Savu, and to the west of it.

which is layd down very wrong. Rumphius mentions an Island by the name of Saow and say[s] it is that which is calld by the Duch Sandel Bosch, but no chart that I have seen lays either that, Timor or Rotte, or indeed any Island that we have seen hereabouts in any thing near its right place.

While we were here an accident hapned by the imprudence of Mr Parkinson my Draughtsman which might alone have alterd our intended and at first promisd reception very much, indeed I am of opinion that it did. He desirous of knowing whether or not this Island producd spices carried ashore with him nutmeg, cloves &c. and questiond the inhabitants about them without the least precaution, so that it immediately came to Mr Lange's ears. He complaind to the Dr that our people were too inquisitive, particularly says he in regard to spices, concerning which they can have no reason to wish for any information unless you are come for very different purposes than those you pretend. The Dr not well vers'd in the German language in which they convers'd, immediately conceivd that Mr L. meant only the questions which he himself had askd concerning the cinnamon, nor did we ever know the contrary till the day after we had left the place, when Mr Parkinson boasted of the knowledge he had got of these people certainly having a knowledge of the spices as they had in language names for them.

We can well believe this anecdote of the conscientious but in this case tactless Parkinson. He would naturally have roused suspicion, for the Dutch were most jealous of their control of spice production and trade, and Lange was evidently a faithful servant in this respect.

I shall proceed now to give such an account of the Island as I could get together during our short stay, which short as it was was so taken up with procuring refreshments, in which occupation every one was obligd to exert himself, that very little I confess is from my own observation; almost every thing is gatherd from the Conversation of Mr Lange who at first and last was very free and open and I am inclind to beleive did not deceive us in what he told us, how much soever he migh[t] conceal, except perhaps in the strengh and warlike disposition of the Islanders, which account seems to contradict itself, as one can hardly imagine those people to be of a warlike disposition who have continued in peace time out of mind. As for the other Islands in this neighbourhood his information alone was all we had to go upon; I would not however neglect to set it down, tho in general it was of little more consequence than to confirm the policy of the duch in confining their spices to particular Isles, which being full of them cannot furnish themselves with provisions.

S has the note, ‘The Dutch keep the Spices upon small Islands, that they may be able to defend them easily: and keep other Islands in the Neighbourhood, to furnish those Spice Islands with Provisions.’

The little Island of Savu, which trifling as it is appears to me to be of no small consequence to the Duch East India Company, is situate in Lat. and Long

The position of Tanjong (cape) Merebu, a few miles from the western extremity of the island, has been fixed as lat. 10° 37′ S, long. 121° 50′ E.

from the meridian of Greenwich; its lengh and breadth are nearly the same viz. about 6 German or 24 English miles. The whole is divided into 5 principalities, Nigries

Negeri; cf. p. 153, n. 5 above.

as they are calld by the Indians, Laai, Seba, Regeeuwa, Timo, and Massārā, each governd by its respective Radja or King. It has 3 harbours, all good: the best is Timo, situate somewhere round the Se point of the Isle; the next Seba where we anchord, situate round the Nw point; the third we learnt neither the name or situation of, only guess it to be somewhere on the South side. Off the West end of the Island is another calld Pulo with some additional name which in the hurry of business was forgot and never again askd for.

There are in fact two islands: Rai Jua, separated from Savu by a channel 2½ miles wide, and Dana, about 18 miles south-westward of Rai Jua. Banks no doubt refers to Rai Jua. Pulo or pulau simply means island.

The appearance of the Island especialy on the windward side where we first made it was allowd by us all to equal in beauty if not excell any thing we had seen, even parchd up as it was by a drought which Mr Lange informd us had continued for seven months without a drop of Rain interveening, the last rainy season having intirely faild them. Verdure indeed there was at this time no signs of, but the gentle sloping of the hills which were cleard quite to the top and planted in every part with thick groves of the fan Palm, besides woods almost of Cocoa nut trees and Arecas

Areca, a sort of palm; the name is also given to its fruit or nut. It is the nut of Areca cathecu, the betel palm or Pinang, which is rolled up in betel-leaves and chewed; S has the note, ‘Areca Tree which bears the Nut they are so fond of chewing with Betle etc.’ The binomial is often spelt Areca catechu, which Merrill and others accept as intended orthography, but Moore and Fosberg retain the original spelling (cf. Gentes Herbarum 8: 449, 1956).

which grew near the sea side, filld the eye so compleatly that it hardly lookd for or missd the verdure of the earth, a circumstance seldom seen in any perfection so near the line. How beautifull it must appear when coverd with its springing crop of Maize, Millet, Indigo &c. which covers almost every foot of ground in the cultivated parts of the Island imagination can hardly conceive: the verdure of Europe set of by the stately pillars of India—Palms I mean, especialy the Fan palm

Borassus flabellifer.

which for streightness and proportion both of the stem to itself and the head to the stem far excells all the Palms that I have seen—requires a poetical imagination to describe and mind not unaquainted with such sights to conceive.

The productions of this Island are Buffaloes, sheep, hogs, fowls, Horses, Asses, Maize, Guinea corn, Rice, Calevanses,

Pulse or small beans, Dolichos spp.

Limes, oranges, Mangoes, Plantains, Water melons, Tamarinds, Sweet sops (annona squamosa),

The text, with its deletions and alterations, displays some uncertainty over this fruit, hesitating between sweet sops (Anona squamosa) and custard apples (Anona reliculata), finally settling for the former.

Blimbi (Averhoa Bilimbi),

Bilimbi, Averrhoa bilimbi, the acid fruits of which are used in a variety of dishes.

besides Cocoa

nuts and Fan palm which last is in sufficient quantities should all other crops fail to support the whole Island, people, stock and all, who have been at times oblig'd to live upon its sugar Syrup and wine for some Months. We saw also a small quantity of European garden herbs as Cellery, Marjoram, Fennel and garlick and one single sugar cane. Besides these necessaries it has for the supply of luxury Betel

Piper betle, the leaf of which, with the red fruit of the betel palm, makes the favourite masticatory.

and Areca, Tobacco, Cotton, Indigo, and a little Cinnamon—only planted for curiosity said Mr Lange; indeed I almost doubt whether or not it was genuine cinnamon as the Duch have been always so carefull not to trust any spices out of their proper Islands. Besides these were possibly many other things which we had not an opportunity of seeing and Mr Lange forgot or did not chuse to inform us of.

All their Produce is in amazing abundance, so we judgd at least from the Plantations we saw, tho this year every crop had faild for want of Rain. Most of them are well known to Europeans. I shall however spend a little Ink in describing such only as are not, or as differ at all in appearance from those commonly known. To begin then with Buffaloes of which they have good store, these beasts differ from our Cattle in Europe in their ears which are considerably larger, their skins which are almost without hair, and their horns which instead of bending forwards as ours do bend directly backwards, and also in their total want of Dewlaps. We saw of these some as big as well sizd European oxen and some there must be much larger, so at least I was led to beleive by a pair of horns which I measurd; they were from tip to tip 3 feet 9½; across their widest diameter 4 ft 1½; the whole sweep of their semicircle in front 7 ft 6½. One caution is however exceedingly necessary in buying these beasts, which is that one of them of any given size does not weigh above half as much as an ox of the same size in England; by this we who were ignorant of the fact were very much deceivd, those which we guessd at 400 1b, the larger sort that were bought, not weighing above 250, and the smaller which we guessd at 250 not above 160. This vast difference proceeded first from total want of fat, of which there was not the least sign, but more especialy from the thinness of the flanks and thin peices which were literaly nothing but skin and bone. Their flesh notwi[th] standing this was not bad, it was well tasted and full of gravy, not that I can put it upon a footing with the leanest beef in England yet I should suppose it better than a lean ox would be in this burnt up climate.

Mr Lange told us that when the Portugese first came to this Island there were horses upon it, an opinion from which I confess I rather apostatize,

Horses were not endemic here but possibly some had been brought from India or China before Europeans arrived.

but to wave the dispute Horses are now very plentifull. They are small, generaly 11 or 12 hands high, but very brisk and nimble especialy in Pacing which is their common step. The inhabitants seem to be tolerable Horsemen riding always without a saddle and generaly with only a Halter instead of a bridle. This is not however the only Benefit that these Islanders receive from them, for they use them as food and preferr their flesh to that of Buffaloes and every other sort but swines flesh, which holds the highest rank in their opinion.

Their sheep are of that kind which I have seen in England under the name of Bengall sheep; they differ from ours in having hair instead of wool, in their ears being very large and flapp down under their horns almost streight, and in their noses which are much more arch'd than those of our European sheep. These sheep are I beleive very frequently calld Cabritos from their resemblance to goats, which tho I cannot say appeard to me at all striking yet had such an effect upon the whole ships company, officers and seamen, that not one would beleive them to be sheep till they heard their voices, which are precisely the same as those of European ones. Their flesh was like the Buffaloes, lean, and void of flavour, to me the worst mutton I have ever eat. Their fowls are cheifly of the game breed and large but the eggs the smallest I have ever seen.

Besides these animals here are vast plenty of dogs, some cats and rats and a few Pidgeons—I saw 3 or 4 pair—nor are any of these animals exempted from furnishing their part towards the support of Polyphagous man except the Rats which alone they do not eat.

Fish appeard to us to be scarce, indeed it was but little valued by these Islanders, none but the very inferior people ever eating it and these only at the times when their duty or business requird them to be down upon the sea beach. In this case every man was furnishd with a light Casting net which was girt round him and servd for a part of his dress; with this he took any small fish that might happen to come into his way. Turtles are scarce; they are esteemd a good food but are taken only seldom.

Of the vegetables most are well known. The sweet Sop is a pleasant fruit

Altered from ‘the custard apple is a delicious fruit’: this uncertainty argues that Banks may not have been writing from personal experience. See p. 159, n. 5 above.

well known to the West Indians. Blimbi alone is not mentiond by any voyage writer I have met with.

Rumpf mentioned its use in Bali, and before him Jacob de Bondt, in Java.

well known to the West Indians. Blimbi alone is not mentiond is a small oval fruit thickest in the middle and tapering a little to each end, 3 or 4 inches in Lengh and scarcely so large as a mans finger; the outside is coverd with a very thin skin of a light green colour and in the inside are a few seeds disposd in the form of a star; it[s] flavour is a light but very clean and pleasant acid. It cannot be eat raw but is said to be excellent in Pickles; we stewd it and made sower sauce to our Stews and bouilli which was very gratefull to the taste and no doubt possest no small share of antescorbutick virtues. But what seems to be the genuine natural production of the Island and which they have in the greatest abundance and take the most care of is the Fan Palm or Toddy tree (Borassus flabellifer). Large groves of these trees are to be seen in all parts of the Island, under which other crops as Maize, indigo &c are planted, so that in reality they take up no room tho the[y] yeild the treble advantage of fruit, Liquor and sugar, all but especialy the two last in great profusion; besides which the leaves serve to thatch their houses and to make baskets, umbrellas or rather conical bonnets, Cups, Tobacca-pipes &c &c.

The Fruit, which is least esteemd, is also in the least plenty. It is a nut about as big as a childs head coverd like a cocoa nut with a fibrous coat, under which are 3 Kernels which must be eat before they are ripe, otherwise they become to[o] hard to chew; in their proper state they resemble a good deal in taste the kernel of an unripe Cocoa nut and like them probably afford but a washy nutriment. The excellence of the Palm wine or Toddy which is drawn from this tree makes however ample amends for the poorness of the fruit: this is got by cutting the buds which are to produce flowers soon after their appearance and tying under them a small basket made of the leaves of the same tree, into which the liquor drips and must be collected by people who climb the trees for that purpose every morning and evening. This is the common drink of every one upon the Island and a very pleasant one. It was so to us even at first only rather too sweet; its antescorbutick virtues as the fresh unfermented juice of a tree cannot be doubted.

Notwi[th] standing that this Liquor is the Common drink of both Rich and poor, who in the morning and evening drink nothing else, a much larger quantity is drawn off daily than is sufficient for that use; of this they make a Syrop and a coarse sugar both which are far more agreable to the taste than they appear to the sight. The Liquor is calld in the Language of the Island Dua or Duac, the syrup and sugar by one and the same name, Gula. It is exactly the same as the Jagara Sugar on the Continent of India

Jagara, an Indo-Portuguese word, whence the English ‘jaggery’, for a coarse dark brown sugar made by evaporation from the sap of palms—e.g. Borassus flabellifer; but principally (in India) the wild date Phoenix sylvestris, in part of the Ganges valley north of Calcutta. Elsewhere the received importance for the purpose of Borassus flabellifer is witnessed by its alternative name, Toddy tree, used by Banks. Both the words jagara and sugar are derived from the Sanskrit sakar. The interested tourist may still see lumps of the stuff exposed for sale in the less respectable markets of Colombo.

and prepard by only boiling down the liquor in earthenware pots till it is sufficiently thick. In appearance it exactly resembles Mollasses or Treacle only it is considerably thicker; in taste however it much excels it having instead of the abominable twang which treacle leaves in the mouth only a little burnt taste which was very agreable to our palates. The Sugar is of a reddish brown but more clear tasted than any Cane sugar I have tasted which was not refind, resembling mostly brown sugar candy. The syrup seemd to be very wholesome for tho many of our people eat enormous quantities of it it hurt nobody, only gently opning the body and not as we feard bringing on fluxes.

Fire wood is very scarce here. To remedy therefore that inconvenience as much as possible they make use of a contrivance which is not unknown in Europe tho seldom practisd but in camps. It is a burrow or pipe dug in the ground as long as convenient, generaly about 2 yards, and open at each end: the one opening of this into which they put the fire is large, the other which serves only to cause a draught is much smaller. Immediately over this pipe circular holes are dug which reach quite down into it: in these the earthen pots are set, about 3 to such a fire, which are large in the middle and taper towards the bottom by which means the fire acts upon a large part of their surface. It is realy marvelous to see with how small a quantity of fire they will keep these pots boiling, each of which Contains 8 or 10 gallons, a palm leaf or a dry stalk now and then is sufficient; indeed it seemd in the part of the Island at least where we were that the palms alone supplyd sufficient fuel not only for boiling this sugar but for dressing all their victuals beside, all which are cookd by this contrivance. How many parts of England are there where this contrivance would be of material assistance to not only the poor but the better sort of people who daily complain of the dearness of fuel, a charge which this contrivance alone would doubtless diminish at least one third: but it is well known how averse the good people of England, especialy of those degrees that may be supposd to be not above want, are to adopt any new custom which savours of Parsimony. I have been told that this very method was proposd in the Gentlemans Magazine Vol. p. 1 many years ago but have not the book on board. Frezier in his Voyage to the South Sea describes a contrivance of the Peruvian Indians upon much the same principles, planch[e] 31. p. 273; but his drawing and plan are dificult to understand if not actualy very faulty and his description is nothing; the drawing may serve however to give an Idea to a man who has never seen a thing of the kind.

The Syrup or Gula which they make in this manner is so nourishing that Mr Lange told us it alone fed and fatned their hogs, dogs and fouls, and that even the men themselves could and had sometimes livd upon it alone for a long time when by bad seasons or their destructive feasts which I shall mention by and by they have been deprivd of all other nourishment. We saw some of the swine upon this Island whose uncommon fatness surprizd us much, which very beasts we saw one evening serv'd with their suppers consisting of nothing but the outside husks of Rice and this syrup disolvd in water, and this they told us was their constant and only food. How far it may be found consonant to truth that sugar alone should have such nourishing qualities I shall leave to others to determine; I have only accounts not experience to favour that opinion.

The people of this Island are rather under than over the midling size, the women especialy most of whoom are remarkably short and generaly squat built. Their colour is well ting'd with brown, in all Ranks and conditions nearly the same, in which particular they differ much from the inhabitants of the South sea Isles where the better sort of people are universaly almost whiter than their inferiors. The men are rather well made and seem to be active and nimble; among them we observd a greater variety of features than usual; the women on the other hand are as I said before generaly low and clumsey, are far from hansome and have a kind of sameness of features among them which might well account for the chastity of the men for which virtue this Island is said to be remarkable. The Hair of Both sexes is universaly Black and lank; the men wear it long and fastned upon the tops of their heads with a comb, the women have theirs also long and tied behind into a kind of club, not very becomeing.

Both men and women dress in a kind of Blew and white clouded cotton cloth which they manufacture themselves: of this two peices about 2 yards long each serve for a dress. One of these is worn round the middle: this the men wear pretty tight, it covering no lower than their backsides but above making a kind of loose belt

I have looked in vain through the Gentleman's Magazine for the article referred to.

in which they carry their knives &c. and often many other things so that it serves intirely the purpose of Pockets; the other peice is tuckd into this girdle and reaching over the shoulders passes down to the girdle on the other side, so that by opening or folding it they can cover more or less of their bodies as they please. The arms, legs and feet of both sexes are constantly bare, as are the heads of the women which is their cheif distinction by which at once they are known from the men, who always wear something wrap'd round theirs which tho small is generaly of the finest material they can procure. Many we saw had them of silk hankercheifs which seemd to be much in fashion.

The distinction of the womens dress except only the head consists merely in the manner of wearing their cloths, which are of the same materials and in the same quantity as the mens: their waist cloths reach down below their knees and their body cloths are tied under their arms and over their breasts Keeping up the strictest decency. Both sexes eradicate the Hair from under their armpits, a custom in these hot climates almost essential to cleanliness; the men also pluck out their beards, for which purpose the better sort carry always a pair of silver pincers hanging round their necks. Some however wear a little hair on their upper lips but that they never suffer to grow long.

Ornaments they had many: some of the better sort wore gold chains round their necks but these were cheifly made of Platted wire of little value, others had rings which by their appearance seemd to have been worn out some generations ago. One had a silver headed Cane on the top of which was engravd

The monogram of the Dutch East India Company—Vereenighde Oost-Indische Compagnie.

so that it had probably been a present from the east Indian Company. Besides these they wore beads: the men cheifly of distinction round their necks in the form of a solitaire, others had them round their wrists &c, but the women had the largest quantity which they wore round their waists in the form of a girdle serving to keep up their waistcloths.

For this word S substitutes ‘petticoat’; no doubt Sophia (or should one refer to her as Sarah ?) thought she had superior knowledge on the garb of women.

Both sexes had their ears bord universaly but we never saw any ornaments in them; indeed we never saw any one man dressd the whole time we were there in [any] thing more than his ordinary cloths. Some boys of 12 or 14 years of age wore also circles of thick brass wire which pass'd screw fashion 3 or 4 times round their arms above the elbow, and some men wore rings of ivory, convex, 2 inches in breadth and above an inch in thickness, in the same manner above the joint of the elbow: these we were told were the sons of Radjas who alone had the priviledge of wearing these cumbersome badges of high birth.

Almost all the men had their names tracd upon their arms in indelible characters of Black; the women had a square ornament of flourishd lines on the inner part of each arm just under the bend of the elbow. On enquiring into the antiquity of this custom, so consonant with that of Tattowing in the South Sea Islands, Mr Lange told us that it was among these people long before the Europeans came here but was less us'd in this than in most Islands in the neighbourhood, in some of which the people usd to mark circles round their necks, breasts &c.

Both Sexes are continualy employd in chewing Betle and Arec, the consequence of which is that their teeth as long as they have any are dyed of that filthy black colour which constantly attends the rotteness of a tooth; for it appears to me that from their first use of this custom which they begin very young their teeth are affected and continue by gradual degrees to waste away till they are quite worn to the stumps which seems to happen before old age. I have seen men in appearance between 20 and 30 whose fore teeth were almost intirely gone, no two being of the same lengh or the same thickness but every one eat into unevenesses as iron is by rust. This loss of the teeth is attributed by all whose writings upon the subject I have read to the tough and stringy coat of the Areca nut but in my opinion is much easier accounted for by the well known corrosive quality of the lime, which is a necessary ingredient in every mouthfull and that too in no very insignificant quantity. This opinion seems to me to be almost put out of dispute by the manner in which their teeth are destroyd: they are not loosned or drawn out as they should be by the too frequent labour of chewing tough substances but melt away and decay as metals in strong acids, the stumps always remaining firmly adhering to the jaws just level with the gums. Possibly the ill effects which sugar is beleivd by us Europeans to have upon the teeth may proceed from the same cause as it is well known that refin'd or loaf sugar contains in it a large quantity of lime.

S has here a reference foward to the remarks on the chewing habits of the Bat-avians (p. 222 below) and their use of slaked lime: ‘which shows that at Batavia at least, Arec is not prejudicial to the teeth. I can hardly suppose the difference of climate, and food, etc. makes its qualities so totaly opposite: but think (without a doubt) that at Savu the decay of their teeth is owing to their using unslacked Lime. Don't know whether at Savu they could prevent if they pleased the blackness of their teeth, but at Batavia they can clean it off at pleasure.’

To add flavour I suppose to the Betel and Arec some use with it a small quantity of tobacco, adding the nauseous smell of that herb to the not less disagreable look of the other as if they were resolvd to make their mouths disgustfull to the sence of smelling as well as that of sight.

A side-light on the personal habits of Banks—it appears that he was no smoker. The reader who can tolerate any other viewpoint on ‘betel-chewing’ is recommended to the delightful pages of E. M. Forster on ‘Pan’, in Abinger Harvest, pp. 309–14.

They also smoak, rolling up a small quantity of tobacco in one end of a tube made of a palm leaf about as thick as a quil and 6 inches long; of this not above one inch is filld with tobacco so that the quantity is very small, to make amends for which the women especially often swallow the smoak which no doubt increases its effects in no small degree.

Their houses are all built upon one and the same plan differing only in size according to the rank and riches of the proprietors, some being 3 or 400 feet in lengh and others not 20. They consist of a well boarded floor raisd upon posts 3 or 4 feet from the ground; over this is raisd a roof shelving like ours in Europe and supported by pillars of its own independent of the floor; the Eaves of this reach within 2 feet of the floor but overhang it as much; this open

Sic; he may have meant ‘opening’, but ‘open’ makes sense. S and P open. The word could still be used as a substantive in this sense in the eighteenth century, though rather archaic.

serves to let in air and light and makes them very cool and agreable. The space within is generaly divided into two by a partition which takes off one third. From this partition forward reaches a loft shut up close on all sides and raisd about 6 feet from the ground, which occupies the center third of the house; besides this are sometimes one or two small rooms taken off of the sides of the house. The uses of these different apartments we did not learn only were told that the loft was appropriated to the women.

The shortness of our stay and few opportunities we had of going among these people gave us no opportunities of seing what arts or manufactures they might have among them. That they spin, weave and dye their cloth we however made a shift to learn for tho we never saw them practise any of these arts yet the instruments of them accidentaly fell in our way: first a machine for clearing cotton of its seeds which was made in miniature much upon the same principles as ours in Europe, it consisting of 2 cylinders about as thick as a mans thumb the one of which was turnd round by a plain wynch handle, and that turnd the other round by an endless worm at their extremities. The whole was not above 7 inches high and about twice as long; how it answerd I know not but know that it had been much workd and that there were many peices of cotton hanging on different parts of it, which alone inducd me to beleive it a real machine, otherwise from its slightness I should have taken it for no more than a Duch toy of the best sort. Their spinning geer I also once saw: it consisted of a bobbin on which a small quantity of thread was wound and a kind of distaff filld with cotton from whence I conjecture that they spin by hand, as our women in Europe did before wheels were introducd and I am told still do in some parts of Europe where that improvement is not receiv'd. Their Loom I also saw: it had this merit in preference to ours that the web was not stretchd on a frame but only extended by a peice of wood at each end, round one of which the cloth was rolld as the threads were round the other. I had not an opportunity of seing it usd so cannot at all describe it, only can say that it appeard very simple, much more so than ours and that the shuttle was as long as the breadth of the web which was about ½ a yard; in all probability from this circumstance and the unsteadiness of a web fixd to nothing the work must go on very slow. That they dyed their own cloth we first guessd by the indigo which we saw in their plantations, which guess was afterwards confirmd by Mr Lange; we likewise saw them dye womens girdles of a dirty reddish colour. Their Cloth itself was universaly dyed in the yarn with blue, which being unevenly and irregularly done gave the cloth a Clouding or waving of colour not unelegant even in our eyes.

One Chirurgical operation of theirs Mr Lange mentiond to us with great praises which indeed appears sensible: it is a method of curing wounds which they do by first washing the wound in water in which Tamarinds have been steepd, then pluging it up with a pledget made of fat of fresh pork; in this manner the wound is thouroughly cleans'd and the pledget renewd every day: he told us that by this means they had a very little while ago curd a man in three weeks of a wound of a lance which had peircd his arm and half through his body. This is the only part of either their medicinal or chirurgical art which came to our knowledge, indeed they did not seem to outward appearance to have much occasion for either, but on the contrary appeard healthfull and did not shew by scarrs of old sores or any scurvyness upon their bodies a tendency to disease. Some indeed were pitted with the small pox which Mr Lange told us had been now and then among them; in which case all who were seizd by the distemper were carried to lonely places far from habitations where they were left to the influence of their distemper, meat only being daily reachd to them by the assistance of a long pole.

How the police of their villages is carried on I cannot say I saw, but must allow that they excelld in the article of cleanliness both in their houses and without. In one thing particularly, which is their ordure, they are certainly very clever, for during our stay of 3 days not one among us that I could find out saw the least signs of it notwithstanding the populousness of the countrey, a circumstance which I beleive few of the most polishd cities in Europe can boast of.

Their religion according to the account of Mr Lange is a most absurd kind of Paganism, every man chusing his own god and also his mode of worshiping him, in which hardly any two agree. Notwithstanding this their morals are most excellent, Mr Lange declaring to us that he did not beleive that during his residence of ten years upon the Island a theft had been committd. Polygamy is by no means permitted, each man being allowd no more than one wife to whoom [he] is to adhere during life; even the Radja himself has no more. In favour of their chastity he also said that he did not beleive that a Duch man had ever receivd a favour from a woman of this Island.

The Duch boast that they make many converts to Christianity, 600 sayd Mr L. in the township of Seba where we were: what sort of christians they are I cannot say as they have neirther clergyman nor church among them. The Company have however certainly been at the expence of Printing versions of the New Testament, cathechism &c. &c. in this and several other Languages, and actualy keep a Duch Indian or half bred Duchman whose name is Fredrick Craay

Hawkesworth gives the name as Craig. P Craay, S Craaig.

in their Service who is paid by them for instructing the youth of this Island in reading, writing and the principles of the Christian religion. Dr Solander was at his house and saw not only the Testaments and Catechisms before mentiond but also the copy books of the scolars, about 50 in number, many of whoom wrote a very fair and good hand.

The Island is divided into 5 Principalities each of which has its respective Radja or King. What his power may be we had not an opportunity of Learning: in outward appearance he had little respect shewd him yet every kind of Business which was done seemd to center in him and his cheif councelor, so that in reality he seemd to be more regarded in essentials than shewy useless ceremonies. The Reigning Radja while we were there was calld Madocho Lomi Djara; he was about the age of 35, the fattest man we saw upon the whole Island and the only one also upon whose body grew any quantity of hair, a circumstance very unusual among Indians. He appeard to be of a dull heavy disposition and I beleive was governd almost intirely by a very sensible old man Calld Mannu djame who was belovd by the whole principality. Both these were dis-tinguishd from the rest of the natives by their dress which was always a nightgown generaly of coarse Chintz; once indeed the Radja receivd us in form in one of Black Princes stuff

This has nothing to do with the Black Prince, as one might infer: ‘prince's stuff’ was a corded textile material, used for academic gowns or other such civil uniforms, and would therefore have for Banks an appearance of formality.

which I suppose may be lookd upon as more grave and proper to inspire respect. If any differences arise between the people they are setled by the Radja and his councelors without the least delay or appeal, and sayd Mr L. always with the strictest justice. So excellent is the disposition of these people that if any dispute arises between any two of them they never, if it is of consequence, more than barely mention it to each other, never allowing themselves to reason upon it least heat should beget ill blood but referr it immediately to this court.

After the Radja we could hear of no ranks of People but Landowners, respectable according to their quantity of land more or less, and slaves the property of the former, over whoom however they have no other power than that of selling them for what they will fetch when convenient, no man being able to punish his slave without the concurrence and approbation of the Radja. Of these slaves some men have 500, others only 2 or 3; what was their price in general we did not learn, only heard by accident that a very fat hog was of the value of a slave and often sold and bought at that price. When any great man stirs out he is constantly attended by 2 or more of these slaves, one of whoom carries a sword or hanger whose hilt is comm[o]nly of Silver and ornamented with large tassels of horse hair; the other carries a bag which contains Beetle, Areca, Lime, Tobacco &c. In these attendants all their Idea of Shew and grandeur seems to be centerd for the Radja himself had on no occasion which we saw any more.

The pride of descent, particularly of being sprung from a family which has for many generations been respected is by no means unknown here. Even the living in a house which has been for generations well attended is no small honour: in consequence of this it is that few articles either of use or luxury bear so high a price as those stones which by having been very much set upon by men have contracted a bright polish on their uneven surfaces; those who can purchase such stones or who have them by inheritance from their ancestors place them round their houses where they serve as benches for their dependants, I suppose to polish still higher and higher.

Every Radja during his life time sets up in his capital town or Nigrie a large stone which serves futurity as a testimony of his reign—in the Nigrie Seba where we lay were 13 such stones, besides many fragments the seeming remains of those which had been devourd by time. Many of these were very large, even so much so that it would be dificult to conceive how the strengh of man alone unassisted by engines had been able to transport them to the top of a hill where they now stand, were there not in Europe so many far grander instances of the Perseverance as well as strengh of our own forefathers. These Stones serve for a very peculiar use. Upon the Death of a Radja a general feast is proclaimd throughout his dominions and in consequence all his subjects meet about these stones. Every living Creature that can be caught is now killd and the feast lasts a longer or shorter number of weeks or months according to the stock of Provisions the kingdom happens to be furnishd with at the time, the stones serving for tables on which the whole, Buffaloes &c, are servd up. After this madness is over the whole kingdom is obligd to fast and live upon syrup and water till the next crop, nor are they able to eat any flesh meat till some years after when the few animals that escapd the general slaughter, were preserv'd by policy, or acquird from the Neighbouring kingdoms have sufficiently Encreasd their species.

The five kingdoms say'd Mr Lange of which this Island consists have been for time immemorial not only at peace but in strict alliance with each other, notwithstanding which they are of a warlike disposition, Constant freinds but implacable Enemies and have always courageously defended themselves against foreign invaders. They are able to raise on a very short notice 7300 men armd with musquets, Lances, spears and Targets: of these the different kingdoms bear their different proportions: Laai 2600, Seba 2000, Regëeuä 1500, Timo 800, and Massara 400. Besides the arms before mentiond every man is furnishd with a large chopping knife like a streigh[t]ned wood Bill

‘Bill’ in the sense of knife, for pruning or cutting wood; its edge was concave. He may also have had a bill-hook in mind.

but much heavier, which must be a terrible weapon if these people should have spirit enough to come to close quarters. Mr L upon another occasion took an opportunity of telling us that they heave their Lances with surprizeing dexterity, being able at the distance of 60 feet to strike a mans heart and peirce him through.

How far these dreadfull accounts of their martial prowess might be true I dare not take upon myself to determine: all I shall say is that during our stay we saw no signs either of a warlike disposition or such formidable arms. Spears and Targets indeed there were in the Duch house about 100, the greatest part of which Spears servd to arm the people who came down to intimidate us; but so little did these doubty heroes think of fighting or indeed keeping up apearances that instead of a Target each was furnishd with a cock, some tobacco or something of that kind which he took this opportunity of bringing down to sell. Their spears seemd all to have been brought to them by Europeans, the refuse of old armories, no two being of any thing near the same lengh, the whole verying in that particular from 6 feet to 16; as for their Lances not one of us saw one of them; their musquets tho clean on the outside were honey-combd with rust on the inside; few or none of their Cartridge boxes had either powder or ball in them and to compleat, all the swivels and patereroes

A version of a word more often spelt in English ‘pederaro’, from the Spanish pedrero; it was a small gun mostly used on ships, originally to discharge stones (hence the name) but also any sort of small or broken iron, and to fire salutes.

at the Duch house were all laying out of their carriages, and the one great gun which lay before it on a heap of stones was not only more honeycomb'd with rust than any peice of artillery I have ever seen but had the touchhole turnd downwards, probably to conceal its size which might not be in all probability much less than the bore of the gun itself.

The Duch however use these Islanders as auxiliaries in their wars against the inhabitants of Timor where they do good service, their lives at all events not being

S here has a note, ‘to Europeans’.

near so valuable as those of Duchmen.

This Island had been setled by the Portugese almost from their first coming into these seas. When the Duch first came here they were however very soon wormd out by the machinations of these artfull new comers, who content with that did not attempt to settle themselves in the Island but only sent Sloops occasionaly to trade with the Natives, by whoom they were often cut off, as often I suppose as they cheated them in too great a proportion. This However and the probably increasing value of the Island at last temptd them to try some other way of securing it and running less risques, which took place about ten years ago when a treaty of Alliance was signd between the five Radjas and the Duch Company; in consequence of which the Company is yearly to furnish each of these kings with a certain quantity of fine linnen and silk, Cutlery ware &c, in short all species of goods which he wants, all which is deliverd in the form of a present accompanied with a certain Cask of Rack

Arrack, distilled from rice, sugar and coconut-juice. The Endeavour was supplied with too gallons, at Cook's request, as part of her stores when she left England.

which the Radja and his principal people never cease to drink as long as a drop of it remains.

In return for this each Radja agrees that neither he nor his subjects shall trade with any person except the company unless they had the permission of their resident; that they should yearly supply a certain quantity of Rice, Maize and Calevanses, so many sloop loads. The Maize and Calevances are sent off to Timor in sloops which are kept on the Island for that purpose, each navigated by ten Indians; the Rice is taken away by a ship which at the time of that harvest comes to the Island annualy bringing the companies presents and anchoring by turns in each of the three bays.

In consequence of this treaty Mr Lange, a Portugese Indian who seems to be his second, and a Duch Indian who serves for schoolmaster, are permitted to live among them. Mr Lange himself is attended by 50 Slaves on horseback, attended by whoom he once every two months makes the tour of the Island visiting all the Radjas, exhorting those to plant who seem Idle, and observing where the Crops are got in which he immediately sends Sloops for, Navigated by these same slaves, so that the crop proceeds im-mediately from the ground to the Duch storehouses at Timor. In these excursions he always carries certain bottles of Rack which he finds of great use in opening the hearts of the Radjas with whoom he is to deal; but notwithstanding the boasted honesty of these people it requires his utmost diligence to keep it from his slaves who notwithstanding all his care often ease him of a great part of it. During the ten years that he has resided on this Island no European but himself has ever been here, except at the time of the arrival of the Duch ship which had saild about 2 months before we came here. He is indeed distinguishable from the Indians only by his colour—like them he sets upon the ground and chews his Beetle &c. He has been for some years married to an Indian woman of the Island of Timor who keeps his house in the Indian fashion, and he excusd himself to us for not asking us to his house, telling us that he was not able to entertain us any other way than the rest of the Indians whoom we saw; he speaks neither german his native Language nor dutch without frequent hesitations and mistakes, on the contrary the Indian language seems to flow from him with the utmost facility. As I forgot to mention their language in its proper place I shall take this opportunity to write down the few observations I had an opportunity of making during our short stay. The genius of it seems much to resemble that of the South Sea Isles: in several instances words are exactly the same and the numbers are undoubtedly derivd from the same source. I give here a list of words:

Momonne a man Tooga the thighs Mobunnee a woman Rootoo the knees Catoo the Head Baibo the legs Row Catoo the Hair Dunceala the feet Matta the eyes Kissooei yilla the toes Row na Matta the eyelashes Camacoo the arms Sivanga the nose Wulaba the Hand Cavaranga the cheeks Cabaon A Buffaloe Wo deeloo the ears Djara a horse Vaio the Tongue Vavee a hog Lacoco the neck Doomba a sheep Loosoo the breasts Kesavoo a goat Caboo Soosoo the nipples Gnaca a dog Dulloo the belly Maio a cat Assoo the navel Mannu a fowl Rangoretoo the beak Carow the tail Ica a fish 1. Usse Unjoo a turtle 2. Lhua Nieu Cocoa nut 3. Tullu Boacoree Fan palm 4. Uppah Calella areca 5. Lumme Canana Beetle 6. Unna Aou Lime 7. Pedu Maänadoo a fish hook 8. Arru Tata Tattow 9. Saou Lodo the Sun 10. Singooroo Wurroo the moon 11. Singooring Usse &c Aidassee the Sea 20. Lhuangooroo &c Ailei water 100. Sing Assu &c Aee Fine 1000. Setuppah &c. Maate to dye 10000. Selacussa &c. Tabudje to sleep 100000. Serata &c Ta teetoo to rise 1000000. Sereboo &c

In the course of conversation Mr Lange gave us little accounts of the neighbouring Islands: these I shall set down just as they came to me merely upon his authority. First then beginning with the small Island to the westward of Savu calld Pulo…,

Rai Jua. Cf. p. 159, n. 1 above.

this said he produces Nothing of consequence except Areca nuts of which the Duch annualy receive two sloop loads in return for their presents to the Islanders.

Timor is the cheif Island in these parts belonging to the Duch,

The Dutch made good their ownership only of the western part of Timor, the eastern part remaining to the Portuguese, who had settled early in the sixteenth century. The first Dutch landing was in 1613, and the Raja of Kupang allowing them to settle, their presence has been continuous since 1616. Kupang, at the south-west end of the island, remained the Dutch capital.

all the others in the neighbourhood being subject to it so far as that the residents on them go there once a year to pass their accounts. It is now in nearly the same state as it was in Dampiers time. The Duch have their fort of Concordia where are storehouses which according to Mr L's account would have supplyd our ship with every article we could have got at Batavia, even salt Provisions and Arrack. The Duch are however very frequently at war with the natives even of Copang

Kupang or Koepang, is the present name of the old Dutch fortified town of Concordia. Banks seems here to be speaking of it as a district.

their next neighbours in which case themselves are obligd to send to the neighbouring Isles for provisions. The Portugese still possess their towns of Laphao and Sesial on the North side of the Island.

About two years ago a French ship was wreckd upon the East coast of Timor; she lay some days upon the shoal when a sudden gale of wind coming on broke her up at once and drown'd most of the Crew among whoom was the Captn. Those who got ashore among whoom was one of the lieutenants made the best of their way towards Concordia,

See previous note. Concordia remained the name of the Dutch fort.

where they arrivd in four days having left several of their party upon the road. Their number was then above 80 who were supplyd with every necessary and had assistance given them in order to go back to the wreck and fish up what they could; this they did and recoverd all their Bullion which was in chests and several of their guns which were large. Their companions which they had left upon the road were all missing; the Indians it was supposd had either by force or persuasion kept them among them, they being very desirous of having Europeans among them to instruct them in the art of war. After a stay of two months at Concordia their company was dimini[s]hd more than half by sickness's, cheifly in consequence of the great fatigues they had endurd on those days when they got ashore and traveld to that place; these were then furnishd with a small ship in which they saild for Europe.

We enquird much for the Island of Anabao or Anamabao mentiond by Dampier. He assurd us that he knew of no Island of that name any where in these seas. I since have observd that it is laid down in several charts by the name of Selam which is probably the real name of it.

Cook, ’Seman as it is call'd in the Charts’. Banks has a marginal note, ’the real name is Seman’. See p. 149, n. 3 above.

Rotte is upon much the same footing as Savu— a Duchman resides upon it to manage the natives; its produce is also much like that of Savu; it has also some sugar which was formerly made by only bruising the canes and boiling the juice to a syrup as they do the Palm wine, lately however they have made great improvements in that manufactory. Their are three Islands of the name of Solor

The Solor Islands, Adunara, Solor and Lomblen.

laying to the eastward of Ende or Flores:

On the name Ende see p. 151, n. 1 above.

these Islands are flat and low abounding with vast plenty of provisions and stock; they are also managd in the same manner as Savu; on the middlemost of them is a good harbour, the other two are without Shelter. Ende is still in the hands of the Portugese who have a town and good harbour calld Larntuca

Larantuka.

on the Ne corner of it; the old harbour of Ende situate on the South side of it is not near so good and therefore now intirely neglected.

The inhabitants of each of these different Islands speak different languages and the cheif Policy of the Duch is to prevent them from learning each others language, as by this means they keep each to their respective Island, preventing them from entering into trafick with each other or learning from mutual intercourse to plant such things as would be of greater value to themselves than their present produce tho at the same time less beneficial to the Duch East Indian Company; and at the same time secure to themselves alone the benefit of supplying all their necessities at their own rates, no dout not very moderate. This may possibly sufficiently account for the expence they must have been at in printing Prayer books, catechises &c. at their expence and teaching them to each Island in its own language rather than in Duch, which in all probability they might have as easily done, but at the risque of Dutch becoming the common language of these Islands and consequently the natives by its means gaining an intercourse with each other.

21. Notwithstanding our Freind Mr Lange invited us very kindly last night to come ashore again in the morn and we saw divers Jarrs of Syrup and sheep &c. waiting for us upon the Beach, a sure sign that the Radjas prohibition was not intended to prejudice trade in the least, We who had now got plenty of all the refreshments which the Isle afforded thought it most prudent to weigh and sail directly for Batavia; all our fears of Westerly winds being dissipated By Mr Lange's assuring us that the Easterly Monsoon would prevail for two Months longer. Accordingly we did so and soon passd by the small Island laying to the W about a leag[u]e from Savoo— its name has been unluckily forgot, Pulo Samiri, or some thing like it may be.

The island was Rai Jua, already mentioned. I do not know what other name Banks was guessing at, if any other.

In the Evening a small Island was in sight to the Southward;

Dana.

trade rather slack. One of the Buffaloes who was kild weig'd only 166 1b, which was a great draw back on our expectations, who thought that even that tho much the least of our stock would not weigh less than 300 1b.

22. Still but little wind. Many very large Albecores were leaping about the ship at night; some bobies but none were fools enough to settle on the Rigging.

23. Weather, Bobies and Albecores much as Yesterday. These light winds which would have been almost intolerable to empty stomachs sat pretty easily on our full ones.

This sentence has nothing to do with sea-sickness, but refers to the ship's speed: if they had been short of food her slow progress would have been intolerable.

24. Breeze freshning by very gradual degrees together with a long swell heaving in from the Southward, sure sign that there was now no more land to interrupt us in that direction, was an agreable subject of conversation. Infinite flying fish and bobies; some Gannets seen.

25. Trade, fish, Gannets, bobies and Conversation much as yesterday.

26. Trade rather slacker than it had been. Eat today a buttock of Buff- aloe which had been 3 days in salt: it eat so well and had so thouroughly taken salt that it was resolvd to Salt meat for the ships company when our biggest Buffaloes who would weigh above 300 1b were killd.

27. Trade fresher and more to the S. Men of War birds, Gannets and Black Shearwaters

Possibly the Wedge-tailed Shearwater, Puffinus pacificus (Gm.).

in abundance.

28. Squally in the night with rain and fine fresh trade shov'd us on Merrily. Our beef experiment was this day tried and succeeded but scurvily. The meat which had been killd on the 26th was not salted till Cold: it hardly stunk: the outside which had been in absolute contact with the salt was quite good but under that which formd a crust of various thickness the meat was in a wonderfull manner corrupted; it lookd well but every fibre was destroyd and disolv'd so that the whole was a paste of the consistence of soft putty yet this hard[1]y stunk. Some Gannets and Man of War birds were about the Ship.

29. Fresh trade. More Gannets and Man of War birds than usual were seen, and one tropick bird which seemd to be of a brownish or buff colour but stayd a very short time about the ship.

30. Two more Buff colourd Tropick birds were about the ship in the morn in company with a white one which was one third at least larger than they were; From thence I am inclind to think that they may be the Paille-en-cul fauve of Brisson, Vol. VI, p. 489 and realy a distinct species.

This ’buff’ tinge is well known in tropic birds, particularly in the White-tailed. Brisson's bird is considered to be one of these.

Besides these many Birds were about the ship, Man of War, Bobies, Gannets &c, who all flew nearer the ship and shewd less fear of her than usual; in the Eve many very small whiteish birds were seen which flew in flocks.

A description too vague for the purpose of identification.

We had all this day stood in directly for the Land, yet night came and tho many had seen Capes and Headlands in the air yet no real land was seen which made us rather uneasy, as we had great reason to suppose that we had overshot the Mouth of the Streights, no very agreable Idea. We had made 15’ 30" of Longitude from the South end of Timor and thought our selves quite safe as La Neptune Oriental

J. B. N. D. d'Après de Mannevillette, Le Neptune Oriental, ou routier général des côles des Indes Orientales et de la Chine (ed. 1, 1745; ed. 2, 1775). This was freely copied by British hydrographers, e.g. in A New Directory for the East Indies, by William Herbert (1758 and later editions), The East India Pilot or Oriental Navigator (c. 1780), etc

makes the difference to be 18’ 40", yet when we recollected that our Countrey man Dampier makes only 14

A slip for 140. In fact, Cook's longitudes were erroneous; he had been unable to check by astronomical observation since leaving Savu, and the westerly current had put his dead reckoning out. Hence the uneasiness which prevailed.

we had reason to be uneasy; so at sun set we clap'd close upon a wind in order to make the best of our bargain howsoever it might turn out.

October 1770

1. Thunder and lightning with heavy rain all night; about 12 Land was seen by the flashes which in Morn provd to be Java Head and Princes Island.

Java Head is the western extremity of the island of Java, and Princes Island lies just north of it. Weathering them, the ship had to pass through the Straits of Sunda to reach Batavia— a short distance, but a process much delayed by calms and contrary winds, as we shall see.

At noon we had a good Observation and found that Princes Island was laid down in La Neptune Oriental 7 or 8 miles too far to the Northward and in the English East India Pilot or Quarter Waggoner

This seems to be a reference to The English Pilot, The Third Book, describing the Seacoasts …. in the Oriental Navigation (ed. 1,1711; later eds. 1734, 1750, 1761). A ’waggoner’ was a book of charts and sailing directions, from Lucas Janszoon Wagenaer, the Dutchman who produced the first printed sea-atlas, the Spieghel der zeevacrt of 1584 (an English translation, The Mariners Mirrour, was published by Anthony Ashley in 1588). The English Pilot now referred to was divided into four parts, and it is possible that Banks's ’Quarter Waggoner’ was a familiar term on shipboard for one of them taken singly.

21 or 22; which extrordinary difference in the latter seems owing to some mistake in his particular Draught of the Streights, all parts of which are laid down 14" at least different from the rest of his draughts as well as his own sailing directions. The breeze was fresh and tolerably favourable so that at night we had Passd Crocata

Krakatau, the high volcanic island which blew itself up in 1883.

and stood on by very clear Moonlight, tho the clouds about the Horizon threatned and it lightned a good deal.

2. Several lights were seen abreast of the ship the greatest part of the night which in the morn provd to be made by fishermen in small canoes. At day light we were abreast of the 4th point and stood forward with but little wind having sent a boat ashore for grass for the Buffaloes, who during their stay on board had not had more victuals than any one of them could have eat in a day and that the remainder of some bad hay which the goat had dungd upon time immemorial almost. Before noon she returnd bringing some with her which the Indians had not only given to our people but even assisted them to cut; she brought also a few Plantains and Cocoa nuts, but they were bough[t] excessive dear. The Countrey lookd from the ship hilly and very pleasant tho almost one continued wood; Bantam hill

On the north-west tip of Java.

seemd very high land. As we proceeded on we opned 2 large ships laying at anchor behind Anger Point.

William Herbert, New Directory for the East Indies (ed. 4, 1776), pl. 35, shows ’Anger Pt apparently in the position of the present Tanjong Leneng. Anger== Anjer (cf. the settlement, Anjer Kidul).

Soon after this it Dropd calm and we came to an anchor and sent a boat on board the ships for news. They were Duch East India men, one bound for Cochin on the Coast of Coromandel the other for Ceylon; their Captains receivd our officer very politely and told him some European news, as that the goverment in England were in the utmost disorder, the people crying up and down the streets Down with King George, King Wilkes for ever;

This refers to the famous riots over John Wilkes's election for Middlesex and expulsion from the House of Commons— but which particular riot or which particular incident in the long-drawn struggle it is hard to say.

that the Americans had refus'd to pay taxes of any kind in consequence of which was a large force being sent there both of sea and land forces; that the party of Polanders who had been forc'd into the late election by the Russians interfereing had askd assistance of the Grand Signior, who had granted it, in consequence of which the Russians had sent 20 Sail of the line and a large army by land to beseige Constantinople

The reference here is to the train of events which led up to the first partition of Poland in 1772. The ’late election’ was the election of Stanislas Poniatowski, Catherine the Great's favourite, to the Polish crown in 1763. The Poles revolted and Turkey (the ’Grand Signior’ was the Sultan), instigated by France, intervened as the liberator of Poland in 1768. There were Russian victories, and Turkey appealed in 1770 to Frederick the Great and the Emperor Joseph II— whose response was to arrange with Catherine for the partition. Russia was able to dictate the treaty of Kuchuk Kainarji to Turkey in 1774.

&c. &c. &c. In relation to our present circumstances they told us that our passage to Batavia was likely to be very tedious, as we should have a strong current constantly against us and at this time of the year Calms and light breezes were the only weather we had to expect. They said also that near where they lay was a Duch pacquet boat whose business was to go on board all ships coming through the Streights to enquire of them their news and carry or send it with their letters &c to Batavia with the utmost dispach, which business they said her skipper was oblig'd to do even for foreigners if they requird it. This skipper he said if we wanted refreshments would furnish us with fowls, Turtle &c. at a very cheap rate. At 7 a light breeze springing up we weighd and came to sail. At night some lightning was seen.

3. Saild all night, in the morn were past the Cap;

The Cap, or Brabandshoedje (’Brabant bonnet’) is a small round islet off the Java shore, east-south-east of Thwartway island, which lies right in the middle of the narrowest part of the strait; the ship's passage lay between these two islands.

at 8 it fell calm and we were obligd to come to an anchor by reason of the strong current which ran to the Westward. The Duch Packet which we had been told of yesterday and provd to be a Sloop of no inconsiderable size had been standing after us all the morn and still continued, gaining however but little, till a foul wind sprung up on which she bore away. Our Buffaloes had so intirely lost their stomachs by their long fast that they eat scarce any thing; however least they should take to eating again a boat was sent ashore for grass, which returnd with some and a few plantains and unripe Papaws which when boild eat nearly as well as turnips only sweeter. At night an Indian Proa

The Malay prahu; it has a pointed bow and stern with an outrigger, about 30 ft long. The Polynesian canoe was often compar to it.

came on board bringing the Master of the Sloop before mentiond: he brought with him two books in one of which he desird that any of our officers would write down the name of the ship, Commanders name, where we came from and where bound, with any particulars we chose relating to our selves that might be for the information of any of our freinds who might Come after us: which we saw that some ships especialy Portugese had done. This book he told us was kept merely for the information of those who might come through these Streights: in the other which was a fair book he enterd the names of the Ships and Commanders which only were returnd to the Governor and council of the Indies. On our writing down Europe as the place we had Come from he said very well, any thing you please but this is merely for the information of your freinds. In the proa were some small turtle, many fouls and ducks, also parrots, paroquets, Rice birds

The Java Sparrow, padda oryzivora.

and monkies, some few of which we bought at the rate of a dollar for a small turtle, the same at first for 10 afterwards for 15 large fowls, two Monkies or a whole cage of Paddy birds.

i.e rice birds; paddy oryzivora.

4. Lightning in the night. In the morn calms and light breezes not sufficient to stem the current which was very strong. To make our situation as tantalizing as possible innumerable Proas were sailing about us in all directions. A boat was sent ashore for grass and landed at an Indian town where by hard bargaining some Cocoa nuts were bought at about three halfpence a peice and rice in the straw at about 5 farthings a gallon; neither here or in any other place where we have had connections with them would they take any money but Spanish dollars. Large quantities of that floating substance which I have often mentiond before under the name of Sea Saw dust had been seen ever since we came into the streights and more particularly today; among it were many leaves, fruits, old stalks of Plantain trees, Plants of Pistia Stratiotes

Pistio straiotes, water lettuce, a pantropic floating aroid of rivers in particular.

and such like trash, from whence we almost concluded that it came out of some river. At noon by a good Observation we found Pulo Pissang

Pulau Pisang, ’Banana Island’. This is an island that Cook does not mention. According to him (p. 429), they were anchored off Bantam (St Nicholas) point, the nearest island being pulo Morock (Merak), ’which lies Close under the Shore 3 Miles to the westward of Bantam Point’, and bore SeBS 1½ miles from the ship. The two islands are probably identical.

off which we lay at an anchor to be laid down 5 miles to[o] far to the Northward in La Neptune Oriental. In the Evening light breezes so that we got a little ahead.

5. Early in the morn a Proa came on board bringing a Duch man who said that his post was much like that of him who was on board on the 3d; he presented a printed paper of which he had Copies in English, French and Duch regularly signd in the name of the governor and council of the Indies by their Secretary. These he desird we would give written answers to which he told us would be sent express to Batavia where they would arrive tomorrow at noon. He had in the boat turtle and eggs of which latter he sold a few for somewhat less than a penny apeice and then went away. The day was spent as usual in getting up and letting down the anchor;

i.c. as the breeze came and went; a very tedious and wearing employment.

at night however we were very near Bantam point.

6. Saild all night; in the morn were almost up with an Island calld Pulo Babi or Pulo Tounda

The two names, Babi and Toenda, are still alternative.

but were so far without it that it was thought best to go the outer passage. The land breeze however left us as usual about O'Clock and we came to an anchor

’… the Current obliged us Again to anchor’ at 10 a.m., says Cook, p. 430.

and spent the whole day without any sea breeze sufficient to stem the current, which was very strong and ran constantly to the westward. We have Observd it to be very various since we came into the streights, sometimes running with much greater violence than at others but setting almost if not quite continualy to the Westward: once only it was thought to have turnd to the Eastward for a few hours but that was never made sufficiently clear: this violence would sometimes alter very considerably several times in an hour. At night observd fire upon Pulo Tounda.

7. Got the Land breeze in the Night as usual and saild with it till morn, when we were almost up with Wapping Isle calld by the Malays Pulo Tidong

Great Tidung, the westernmost of the three Hoorn islands, which lie north-west of the Batavia roadstead.

where we anchord and lay still. The current was pretty strong and brought with it great plenty of Sea sawdust among which were even here some leaves and other productions of the land, also many Cuttle Fish bones, Portugese men of war and other recrements of the Sea. In the afternoon we had a faint sea breeze which ran us very near the lengh of the third Island

Payung, south-east of Great Tidung and Little Tidung.

and then left us, so that the Current took hold of the ship unawares and had almost set her ashore on a small ledge of rocks, on which was not water enough for a small boat which we sent to examine them. After we were at an anchor in the night we observd lights upon some of the Islands cald Bedroe or Les Milles Isles

The Thousand Islands number in fact about 80, all low and wooded, plus reefs, rocks, and drying banks; the southern end of the group is about 14 miles off the northern coast of Java, and they stretch north and south for about 23 miles. With the other islands mentioned, they form a sort of screen which a ship turning east from the Strait of Sunda must penetrate to get to Batavia. For Bedroe, see n. 5 on this page.

, some of which lay much nearer to Pulo Tidong than they are laid down in any of the draughts.

8. Breezes were very uncertain all night attended with Thunder, lightning and heavy rain, so that tho we got out from our Last nights disagreable situation and saild all night we were not in the morn at all ahead, so we anchord at 6. At 8 Dr Solander and myself went ashore on a small Islet belonging to the Milles Isles not laid down in the Draught, laying from Pulo Bedroe NbE 5 miles. The whole was not above 500 yards long and 100 broad yet on it was a house and a small plantation, in which however at this time was no plant from whence any profit could be derivd except Ricnus palma Christi, of which the Castor oil is made in the West Indies

Ricinus communis or Palma Christi, the ‘physick nut’ of sailors; the oil is made from the seeds.

. Upon the shoal about ¼ of a mile from the Island were two people in a canoe who seemd to hide themselves as if afraid of us; we supposd them to be the inhabitants of our Island. We found very few species of plants but shot a Bat whose wings measurd 3 feet when strechd out (Vesp. Vampyrus)

A large fruit-bat, Pteropus sp.

and 4 plovers exactly like our English golden plover (Charadrius Pluvialis)

The Asiatic Golden Plover, Pluvialis dominica fulva Gm., breeds in Siberia and Alaska and winters in eastern India, southern China, the Malay Archipelago and across to Hawaii.—The Ms has here, interlineally, not in Banks's hand, the word ‘cherooting’ —which looks like a vile pun on the method by which the birds were obtained; especially vile as Banks did not smoke.

; with these and the few plants we returnd and very soon after a small Indian boat came alongside, having in her 3 turtle, some dry fish and pumkins. We bought his turtle which weighd all together 146 lb for a dollar, with which bargain he seemd well pleasd, but could scarcely be prevaild upon to take any other Coin for his Pumpkins, often desiring that we would cut a dollar and give him a part; at last however a Portugese Petacka shining and well coind tempted him to part with his stock which consisted of 26. He told us that the Island calld in most draughts Pulo Babi was realy calld P0 Tounda, and that calld Pulo Bedroe Pulo Payon.

Pulo Pajocng, a little south of the Thousand Islands, and cast of Pulo Babi or Toenda. It might be taken for one of the large group.

At parting he made signs that we should not tell at Batavia that any boat had been on board us. At 1 the sea breeze sprang up and carryd us by 5 the lengh of all the Islands calld Pulo Pare;

Pulo Pari is the easternmost and largest of the Agenicten islands, a group of five low islands three miles south-east of the Hoorn islands. Banks apparently applies the name to the whole group.

off the E end of them however was a shoal on which it broke a good deal which we could not weather, so were obligd to anchor abreast a passage between it and the Island in which was 22 fathom water, not having day light to carry us through. On all the Islands of Pulo Pare were Cocoa nut trees, some houses and vessels hauld up, and along the sides of the Beach were neat fishing weirs.

9. A fine Land breeze which held the greatest part of the night ran us by morn abreast of the Island of Edam so that we saw the vessels at anchor in Batavia road and Onrust Island. At 10 it left us and we anchord; by 11 it cleard up towards Batavia so much that we saw distinctly the Dome of the great church; at ½ after sea breeze set in and before 4 we were at anchor in Batavia Road. A boat came immediately on board us from a ship which had a broad Pendant flying, the officer on board her enquird who we were &c and immediately returnd. Both himself and his people were almost as Spectres, no good omen of the healthyness of the countrey we were arrived at; our people however who truly might be calld rosy and plump, for we had not a sick man among us, Jeerd and flouted much at their brother sea mens white faces. By this time our boat was ready which went ashore with the first lieutenant who had orders to acquaint the commanding officer ashore of our arrival. At night he returnd having met with a very civil reception from the Shabandar

Persian shah-bandar, ‘king of the port’. Cook said he had the direction of ‘the Town, port &c’; but that seems as if it unduly extended the powers of one who was essentially a port officer or harbour-master.

who tho no military officer took cognizance of all these things. I forgot to mention before that we found here the Harcourt Indiaman Captn Paul and 2 English Private traders

Private traders were ships not subject to the English East India Company. Cook refers to them as ‘country ships’—i.e. a ship under the English flag from a port in an English possession abroad. These therefore were very likely ships from Bengal or Madras.

from the Coast of India.

10. After breakfast this morning we all went ashore in the Pinnace and immediately went to the house of Mr Leigth,

Hawkesworth gives the name as Leith. Banks first wrote Leigh, and then added a ‘t’. S and P Leigth.

the only English man of any Credit Resident in Batavia. We found him a very Young Man, under twenty, who had lately arrivd here and succeeded

his uncle a Mr Burnet in his Business which was pretty considerable, more so we were told than our New Comer had either money or credit to manage. He soon gave us to understand that he could be of very little service to us either in introductions, as the Duch people he said were not fond of him, or in Money affairs as he had began trade too lately to have any more than what was employd in getting more. He however after having kept us to dine with him offerd his assistance in shewing us the method of living in Batavia and Assisting us in setling in such a manner as we should think fit. In order to this here were two alternatives; either to go to the Hotel, a kind of Inn kept by order of goverment where it seems all Merchant strangers are obligd to reside, Paying ½ PC. for warehouseroom for their Goods which the master of the house is Obligd to find for them: we however having come in a King's Ship were free from that Obligation and might live where ever we pleas'd after having ask'd leave of the Council which was never refus'd. We might therefore if we chose it take a house in any part of the town and bringing our own servants ashore keep it, which would be much Cheaper than living at the Hotel provided we had any body on whoom we could depend to buy in our provisions; but this not being the Case as we had none with us who understood the Malay Language we concluded that the Hotel would be the best for us, certainly the least troublesome and may be not vastly the most expensive. Accordingly we went there, bespoke beds and slept there at night.

The next Morning we agreed with the keeper of the House whose name was Van Heys the Rates we should pay for living as follows: Each persòn for Lodging and eating two Rix dollars or 8s pr Diem; for this he agreed as we were five of us who would probably have many visitants from the Ship to keep us a seperate table: for each stranger we were to pay one Rix dollar 4s for dinner, and another for supper and bed if he staid ashore: we were to have also for selves and freinds Tea, Coffee, Punch, and Pipes and tobacco as much as we could destroy,

i.e. consume.

in short every thing the house afforded except wine and beer which we were to pay for at the following rates:

s d Claret …… 39 Stivers 3/3 Hock …. 1 Ryxr 4/ Lisbon …. 39 ….. 3/ Sweet wine …… 39 ….. 3/3 s d Madera ….. 1 Rupee 2/6 Beer ……. 1 Rupee 2/6 Spa Water ….. 1 Ryxr 4/

Besides this we were to pay for our Servants ½ a rupee ⅓ a day each.

For these rates, which we soon found to be more than double the common charges of Boarding and lodging in the town, we were furnishd with a Table which under the appearance of Magnificence was wretchedly coverd; indeed Our dinners and suppers consisted of one course each, the one of fifteen the other of thirteen dishes, of which when you came to examine seldom less than 9 or 10 were of Bad Poultrey roasted, boild, fryd, stewd &c.&c. and so little concience had they in serving up dishes over and over again that I have seen the same identical roasted Duck appear upon table 3 times as a roasted duck before he found his way into the fricassee, from whence he was again to Pass into forcemeat.

This treatment however was not without remedy: we found that it was the constant custom of the house to supply strangers at their first arrival with every article as bad as possible, which if they through good nature or indolence put up with it was so much the better for the house; if not it was easy to amend their treatment by degrees till they were satisfied. On this discovery we made frequent remonstrances and amended our fare considerably, so much that had we had any one among us who understood this kind of wrangling I am convinc'd we might have liv'd as well as we could have desird.

Being now a little settled I hird a small house next door to the hotel on the Left hand for which I paid 10 Rixd 26/ a month; here Our books &c were lodg'd but here we were far from private, Every Duchman almost that came by running in and asking what we had to sell, for it seems that Hardly any individual had ever been at Batavia before who had not something or other to sell. I also hird 2 Carriages which are a kind of open Chaises made to hold two people and drove by a man setting on a Coachbox, for each of these I paid 2 Rxr 8s/ a day by the Month; and now being fairly settled we sent for Tupia ashore to us who had till now remaind on board on account of his Illness which was of the Bilious kind, and for which he had all along refusd to take any medecines. On his arrival his spirits which had long been very low were instantly raisd by the sights which he saw, and his boy Tayeto who had always been perfectly well was allmost ready to run mad. Houses, Carriages, streets, in short every thing were to him sights which he had often heard describd but never well understood, so he lookd upon them all with more than wonder, almost mad with the numberless novelties which diverted his attention from one to the other he danc'd about the streets examining every thing to the best of his abilities. One of Tupia's first observations was the various dresses which he saw worn by different people; on his being told that in this place every different nation wore their own countrey dress He desird to have his, on which South Sea cloth was sent for on board and he cloathd himself according to his taste. We were now able to get food for him similar to that of his own countrey and he grew visibly better every day, so that I doubted not in the least of his perfect recovery as our stay at this place was not likely to be very short.

Ever since our arrival at this place Dr Solander and myself had apply'd to be introduc'd to the General or Governor on one of his Publick or Council days. We had been put off by various foolish excuses and at last were plainly told that as we could have no business with him we could have no reason to desire that favour. But as we had often press'd the thing this as an excuse did not satisfie us so I went myself to the Shabandar, who is also master of the Ceremonies, in order to ask his reasons for refusing so trifling a request; but was surprizd at being very politely receivd and told that the very next morning he would attend us, which he did and we 20.] were introduc'd and had the honour of conversing for a few minutes with his high Mightiness who however was very polite to us.

Ever since our first arrival here we had been universaly told of the extreme unwholesomeness of the place which we, they said, should severely feel on account of the freshness and heal[t]hiness of our countenances. This threat however we did not much regard thinking ourselves too well season'd to variety of Climates to fear any, and trusting more than all to an invariable temperance in every thing, which we had as yet unalterably kept during our whole residence in the warm latitudes so had small reason to doubt our resolutions of keeping for the future. Before the end of this month however we were made sensible of our Mistake. Poor Tupias broken constitution felt it first and he grew worse and worse every day. Then Tayeto his boy was attackd by a cold and i[n]flammation on his lungs; then my Servants Peter and James and myself had Intermitting fevers and Dr Solander a constant nervous one; in short every one on shore and Many on board were ill, cheifly of intermittents, Occasiond no doubt by the lowness of the countrey and the numberless dirty Canals which intersect the town in all directions.

It seems to have been tertian malaria that chiefly affected them. Batavia, as we see from Banks's description, was a sovereign breeding-place for mosquitoes.

Some days before this as I was walking the streets with Tupia a man totaly unknown to me ran out of his house and eagerly acosting me askd if the Indian whoom he saw with me had not been at Batavia before. On my declaring that he had not and asking the reason of so odd a question he told me that a year and a half before Mr De Bougainville had been at Batavia with two French ships, and that with him was an Indian so like this that he had imagind it to be the identical same person had not I informd him to the contrary. On this I enquir'd and found that Mr De Bougainville who was sent out by the French to the Malouine or Fauklands Islands (in order, as they said here, to sell them

Bougainville had formed a settlement at Berkeley Sound in the Falklands at his own expense in 1764; this annoyed the Spanish, who laid claim to the islands, and were further annoyed when the English settled at Port Egmont in 1765. To keep the peace it was agreed that Bougainville should abandon his settlement, which he did formally at Madrid in 1766. He was given a money grant as compensation, and permission to make a voyage across the Pacific, over which Spain then claimed exclusive jurisdiction.

to the Spanyards) Had gone from thence to the River Plate and afterwards having passd into the South Seas maybee to other Spanish ports, where he and all his people had got an immense deal of Money in new Spanish Dollars,

This was misinformation. Bougainville had called at no Spanish port on the Pacific. After visiting the Falklands to hand over his colony in April 1767 he had called at Rio de Janeiro in the frigate Boudeuse to pick up his store-ship, the Etoile; but he and his people, far from collecting ‘an immense deal of money’ there, met with a good deal of incivility from the viceroy.

and afterwards came here Across the South seas in which passage he discoverd divers lands unknown before and from one of them brought the Indian in question.

This at once cleard up the account given us by the Indians of Otahite of the two ships which had been there ten Months before us, V.I, p. 164 of this Journal. These were undoubtedly the ships of Mr De Bougainville, and the Indian Otourrou the Brother of Rette Cheif of Hidea.

Ahutoru, the brother of Ereti, or O Reti, arii of Hitiaa.

Even the story of the woman was known here—she it seems was a French woman who Followd a young man sent out in the character of Botanist in mens cloaths.

Sec I, p. 287, n. 6 above; and 249, n. 1 below.

As for the Article of the colours, the Indians might easily be Mistaken or Mr De Bougainville if he had traded in the S. Sea under Spanish colours might chuse to go quite across with them.

Bougainville, in the second edition of his Voyage autour du monde (1772) denied having flown any other colours than the French, and it would have been very odd if he had done otherwise.

As for the Iron which most misled us that he undoubtedly bought in Spanish America. Besides the Botanist mentiond above these ships were furnish'd with one or more Draughtsmen so that they probably have done some part of our work for us.

This was not so. The plates in Bougainville's book are far from adequate as a pictorial record of the South Seas.

21. After Petitioning and Repetitioning the Council of the Indies our affairs were at last settled and orders given to heave down the Ship with all expedition, so she this Day went down to Kuyper calld by the English Coopers Island where a warehouse was allotted for her to lay up her stores &c.

We now began sensibly to feel the ill Effects of the unwholesome climate we were in: our appetites and spirits were gone but none were yet realy sick except poor Tupia and Tayeto, both of which grew worse and worse daily so that I began once more to despair of poor Tupias life. At last he desird to be removd to the ship where he said he should breathe a freeer air clear of the numerous houses which he beleivd to be the cause of his disease by stopping the free draught.

28. Accordingly on the 28th I went down with him to Kuyper and on his liking the shore had a tent pitch'd for him in a place he chose where both sea breeze and land breeze blew right over him, a situation in which he expressd great satisfaction. The Seamen now fell sick fast so that the tents ashore were always full of sick.

30. After a stay of two days I left Tupia well satisfied in Mind but not at all better in body and returnd to town where I was immediately seizd with a tertian, the fits of which were so violent as to deprive me intirely of my senses and leave me so weak as scarcely to be able to crawl down stairs.

November 1770

My servants Peter and James were as bad as Myself, and Dr Solander now felt the first attacks of his fever but never having been in his life time once ill resisted it in a manner resolvd not to apply to a physician. But worst of all was Mr Monkhouse the ships surgeon; he was now confind to his bed by a violent fever which grew worse and worse notwithstanding all the Efforts of the Physician.

4. At last after many delays causd by Duch ships which came alon[g]side the wharfs to load Pepper the Endeavour was this day got down to Onrust

Onrust, like Kuiper, was a low wooded islet in Batavia road. The Dutch had their shipyards there (see p. 200 below); it is now a quarantine station.

where she was to be hove down without

delay, most welcome news to us all now heartily tired of this unwholsome countrey.

Poor Mr Monkhouse became worse and worse without the intervention of one favourable symptom so that we now had little hopes of his life.

5. In the afternoon of this day poor Mr Monkhouse departed the first sacrafice to the climate and the next day was buried.

sic. Banks's 5 was originally a 6, and having corrected it he forgot to alter 7 to 6. Monkhouse, according to the muster books, died on 5 November, which date is verified from other documents. ‘He was succeeded by Mr Perry his mate, who is equally well if not better skilled in his profession.’—Cook, p. 437. William Perry's abilities and conscientious work are well borne out by the documents, including his report after the voyage. See Cook I, pp. 628–30, 632–3; and Hist. Rec. N.S.W., I, Pt I, pp. 339–42.

Dr Solander attended his funeral, and I should certainly have done the same had I not been confind to my bed by my fever. Our case now became melancholy, neither of my Servants were able to help me no more than I was them, and the Malay Slaves who alone we depended upon, naturaly the worst attendants in nature, were render'd less carefull by our incapacity of scolding them on account of our ignorance of the language. When we became so sick that we could not help ourselves, they would get out of Call, so we were oblig'd to lie still till able to get up and go in search of them.

9. This day we receivd the disagreable news of the death of Tayeto,

Banks's journal for this distressing period must have been written up later, with dates supplied rather vaguely from memory. ‘Tayeto’ died on 17 December.

and that his death had so much affected Tupia that there was little hopes of his surviving him many days.

10. Dr Solander and myself still grew worse and worse, and the Physician who attended us declard that the countrey air was necessary for our recovery, so we began to look out for a countrey house, tho with a heavy heart as we knew that we must there commit ourselves intirely to the care of the Malays, whose behavior to sick people we had all the reason in the world to find fault with. For this reason we resolvd to buy each of us a Malay Woman to Nurse us, hoping that the tenderness of the sex would prevail even here, which indeed we found it to do for they turnd out by no means bad nurses.

11. We receivd the news of Tupias death.

Tupaia died on 20 December. His excitement over Batavia naturally ceased with his sickness; according to Parkinson (p. 182) he bitterly regretted that he had ever left his own country, ‘and, when he heard of Taiyota's death, he was quite inconsolable, crying out frequently, Taiyota! Taiyota! They were both buried in the island of Eadam.’ Bougainville's Ahutoru, it may be noted, also died far away from home, at Madagascar, on his return voyage with Marion du Fresne. The introduction to foreign travel for Tahitians was melancholy.

I had given him quite over ever since his boy died whoom I well knew he sincerely lovd, tho he usd to find much fault with him during his life time.

12. Dr Solander, who had not yet intirely taken to his bed, returnd from airing this even extreemly ill; he went to bed immediately, I sat by him, and soon observd symptoms which alarmd me very much. I sent immeddiately for Our Physician Dr Jaggi, who apply'd sinapisms

Mustard plasters.

to his feet and blisters to the calves of his legs, but at the same time gave me little or no hopes of even the possibility of his living till Morning. Weak as I was I sat by him till morn, when he chang'd very visibly for the better; I then slept a little and waking found him still better than I had any reason to hope.

13. As Dr Jaggi had all along insisted on the Countrey air as necessary for our recovery, I immediately agreed with my Landlord Vn Heys for his countrey house, which he immediately furnishd for us, and agreed to supply us with provisions and give us the use of 5 slaves who were there, as well as three we were to take with us at a dollar a day, 4s/ more than our common agreement. This countrey house tho small and very bad was situate about 2 miles out of town in a situation that preposest me much in its favour, being situate on the banks of a briskly running river and well open to the sea breeze, two circumstances which must much contribute to promote circulation of air, a thing of the utmost consequence in a countrey perfectly resembling the low part of my native Lincolnshire. Accordingly, Dr Solander being much better and in the Drs opinion not too bad to be removd, we carried him down to it this day, and also receivd from the ship Mr Sporing our writer,

‘Our writer’: this argues that Banks and Solander used Spöring as a secretary, as well as an assistant naturalist and draftsman. See I, p. 27 above.

a Seaman, and the Captains own servant

John Charlton, Cook's servant from 1 May 1770, succeeding William Howson, who was mustered A.B. on the previous day.

who he had sent on hearing of our melancholy situation; so that we were now sufficiently well attended, having 10 Malays and 2 whites besides Mr Sporing. This night however the Dr was extreemly ill, so much so that fresh blisters were applyd to the inside of his thighs which he seemd not at all sensible of; nevertheless in the morn he was something better and from that time recoverd tho by extreemly slow degrees till his second attack. Myself, either by the influence of the Bark of which I had all along taken quantities or by the anziety I sufferd on Dr Solanders account, Miss'd my fever, nor did it return for several days till he became better.

14. This day we had the agreable news of the repairs of the ship being compleatly finishd and that she was returnd again to Coopers Island, where she provd to be no longer at all leaky. When examind she had provd much worse than any body expected, her main plank being in many places so cut by the rocks that not more than one eighth of an inch in thickness remaind, and here the worm had got in and made terrible havock; her false keel intirely gone, and her main keel much wound'd. These damages were now however intirely repaird, and very well too in the opinion of Every body who saw the Duch artificers do their work.

This completion of our repairs gave us hopes that our stay here would be of no very long duration, as we had now nothing to do but to get on board our stores and provisions; but our hopes were not a little dampd by the accounts we every day had from the ship, where the people were so sickly that not above 13 or 14 were able to stand to their work.

Dr Solander grew better tho by very slow degrees; myself soon had a return of my ague which now became quotidian, the Captain also was taken ill on board and of course we sent his servant to him, soon after which both Mr Sporing and our seaman were seizd with intermittents, so that we were again reduc'd to the melancholy necessity of depending intirely upon the Malays for nursing us, all of whoom were often sick together.

24. We had for some nights now had the wind on the western board, generaly attended with some rain, thunder and lightning; this night blew strong at Sw and raind &c. harder than ever I saw it before for 3 or 4 hours; Our house raind in in every part, and through the lower part of it ran a stream almost capable of turning a mill. In the morn I went to Batavia, where the quantities of Bedding that I every where saw hung up to dry made a very uncommon sight; for every house that I was acquainted with, and I was told almost every house in the town and neighbourhood, sufferd more or less. This was certainly the shifting of the Monsoon, for the winds which had before been con[s]tantly to the Eastward Remaind ever after on the western bord; the people here however told us that it did not commonly shift so suddenly, and were loth to beleive that the westerly winds were realy set in for several days after.

Dr Solander was recovered enough to be able to walk about the house but gatherd strengh very slowly. Myself was given to understand that curing my ague was of very little consequence while the cause remaind in the badness of the air; the Physician however bled me and gave me frequent gentle purges, which he told me would make the attacks less violent, as was realy the case; they came generaly about the hour of 2 or 3 in the afternoon, a time when every body in these climates is asleep, and by 4 or 5 I generaly had recoverd to get up and walk in the garden &c.

The rainy season was now set in and we had generaly some rain in the night; the days were more or less cloudy and sometimes wet; this however was not always the case, for after this time we had once a whole week of dry clear weather. The Frogs in the diches, whose voices were ten times louder than those of European ones, made a noise on those nights when rain was to be expected almost intolerable;

Possibly these were Kaloula pulchra (Gray), a species notorious for the noise it makes at night when rain is about to fall.

and the Mosquitos, or Gnats, who had been sufficiently troublesome even in the dry time, now breeding in every splash of water became innumerable, especialy in the Moonlight nights; their stings however tho painfull and troublesome enough at the time never continued to itch above half an hour, so that no man in the day time was troubled with the bites of the night before. Indeed I never met with any whose bites caus'd swellings that remaind 24 hours, except the Midges or Gnats of Lincolnshire (which are identicaly the same insect as is calld Mosquito in most parts of the world)

Mosquitoes are gnats, like Banks's Lincolnshire acquaintance. Among the Anopheles branch of the family, so many of which are malarial, Anopheles maculipennis was active in England as a carrier of the disease in the eighteenth century—and indeed well into the nineteenth century.

and the sand flies of North America.

No doubt he is thinking of his experience in Newfoundland.

December 1770

1. About this time Dr Solander had a return of his fever which increasd gradualy for 4 or 5 days, when he became once more in imminent danger.

7. We receivd the agreable news of the ships arrival in the road, having compleated all her rigging &c. &c. and having now nothing to take in but provisions and a little water. The people on board however were extremely sickly and several had dyed, a circumstance necessarily productive of delays; indeed had the ships company been strong and healthy we should have been before now at Sea.

Dr Solander had chang'd much for the better within these two last days, so that our fears of losing him were intirely dissipated, for which much praise is due to his ingenious Physician Dr Jaggi who at this Juncture especialy was indefatigable.

14. Arrivd the Earl of Elgin Indiaman Capte Cooke, having lost her passage

‘Lost her passage’: i.e., because of contrary winds and other misfortunes she was unable to complete her passage to China that season.

to China, and being in want of anchors, cables and other stores. Dr Solander continued to mend tho slowly.

16. Arrivd the Phoenix Captn Black, a private trader from India. Our departure being now very soon to take place, I thought it would be very convenient to cure the ague which had now been my constant companion for many weeks; accordingly I took decoction of bark

‘Decoction of bark’—quinine; the bark was that of the Cinchona tree.

plentifully, and in three or 4 days missd it. I then went to town, settled all my affairs and remaind impatient to have the day fix'd.

24. The 25th Xmas day by our account being fixd for sailing, we this morn hird a large countrey Praw, which came up to the door and took in Dr Solander, now tolerably recoverd, and carried him on board the ship where in the evening we all joind him.

Some account of Batavia

Batavia, the capital of the Duch Dominions in India, and Generaly esteemd to be by much the finest town of those in the possession of Europeans in these parts, is situated in a low fenny plain

Batavia was founded in 1619 in what seemed an admirable situation for a trading capital, but one result of a terrible earthquake in 1699 was to choke the streams with mud from the volcano Gunong Salak; they overflowed the surrounding country and turned it into a swamp. It was alleged that the climate was affected, but certainly the swamp was ideal for the breeding of mosquitoes, which with the general lack of sanitation, as Banks goes on to describe it, made the town one of the deadliest places on the face of the earth. Between 1730 and 1752 1,100,000 deaths were recorded.

where several small rivers which take their rise in mountains calld Blaes Berg, about 40 miles inland, empty themselves into the sea. This situation seems to have been pitchd upon by the Duch (always true to their commercial interests) intirely for the convenience of water carriage, which indeed few if any towns in Europe enjoy in a higher degree than this place. Few streets in the town are without canals of a considerable breadth running through, or rather stagnating in them, which canals are continued for several miles round the town, and with 5 or 6 rivers, some of which are navigable 30, 40, or maybe many more miles into, the inland countrey, make the carriage of every species of its produce inconceiveably cheap.

It is very dificult to judge of the size of the town; the size of the houses, in general large, and the breadth of the streets increasd by their canals, makes it impossible to compare it with any English town; all I can say is, that when seen from the top of a building from whence the eye takes it in at one view, it does not look near so large as it seems to be when you walk about it. Valentyne, who wrote about and before the year 1726, says that in his time there were within the walls 1242 Dutch houses and 1200 Chinese, without 1066 Dutch and 1240 Chinese, besides 12 Arrack houses; this number however appeard to me to be very highly exagerated, those within the walls especialy, but of all this I confess myself a very indifferent judge, having enjoyd so little health especialy towards the latter part of my stay that I had no proper oportunities of satisfying myself in such like particulars.

The streets are broad and hansome and the Banks of the canals in general planted with rows of trees; a stranger on his first arrival is very much struck with these, and often led to observe how much the heat of the climate must be temperd by the shade of the trees and coolness of the water. Indeed as to the first, it must be convenient to those who walk on foot, but a very short residence will shew him that their inconveniencies far overbalance any convenience he can derive from them in any but a mercantile light. Instead of cooling the air they contribute not a little to heat it, especialy the stagnating ones of which sort are by far the greatest number, by reflecting back the fierce rays of the sun; in the dry season these stink most intolerably, and in the wet many of them overflow their banks, filling the lower stories of the houses near them with water. Add to this that when they clean them, which is pretty often as some are not more than 3 or 4 feet deep, the black mud taken out is sufferd to lie upon their banks, that is in the middle of the street, till it has accquird a sufficient hardness to be conveniently laden into boats; this mud stinks most intolerably, as indeed it must, being cheifly formd from human ordure of which (as there is not a necessary house in the whole town) the Canals every morning receive their regular quota, and the more filthy recrements of housekeeping, which the uncommon police of the countrey suffers every body to throw into them. Add to this that the running ones, which are in some measure free from the former inconveniences, have every now and then a dead horse or hog stranded in the shallow parts of them, a nuisance which as I was inform'd no particular person was apointed to remove—which account I am inclind to beleive, as I remember a Dead Buffaloe laying in one of the principal streets of thoroughfare for more than a week, which was at last carried away by a flood.

The houses are in general large, well built, and conveniently enough contrivd for the climate. The greatest part of the ground floor is always laid out into one large room, with a door to the street and another to the yard, both which generaly stand open; below is the ground plot of one below stairs where a is the street

door, b the back door, c a room where the master of the house does his business, d a court to give light to the room as well as increase the draught, and e the stairs for going upstairs where the rooms are generaly large tho few in number. Such in general are their town houses, differing however in size very much and sometimes in shape; the principles however on which they are built universaly the same—two doors opposite each other, and one or more courts between them to cause a draught, which they do in an eminent degree, as well as dividing the room into alcoves in one of which the family dine, while the female slaves (who on no occasion set any where else) work in another.

Shewy however as these large rooms are to a stranger at his first seeing them, his eye has scarce measurd round him before he is sensible of the thinness

Not structural thinness; the word is used in the obsolete sense of scarcity.

of furniture which is universal in all of them; in short the same quantity of furniture is sufficient for them as is necessary in our smaller rooms in Europe, as in those we entertain full as many guests at a time as ever is done in these; consequently the chairs, which are spread at even distances from each other, are not very easily collected into a circle if 4 or 5 visitors arrive at once.

Publick buildings they have several, most of them old and executed in rather a clumsey taste; their new church however, which is Built with a dome (that is seen very far out at sea) is certainly far from an ugly building on the outside, tho rather heavy, and on the inside is a very fine room. Its organ is well proportiond, being large enough to fill it, and it is so well supplied with Chandeliers that few churches in Europe are so well lighted.

From buildings I should make an easy transition to fortifications was it not a subject which I must confess myself totaly ignorant of; I shall atempt however to describe what I have seen in general terms. The city of Batavia is enclosd by a stone wall of a moderate hight, old, and in many parts not in the best repair; besides this a river in different places from 50 to 100 paces broad, whose stream is rather brisk but shallow, incircles it without the walls, and within again is a canal very various in breadth, so that in passing out or in their gates you cross two draw bridges; this canal, usless as it seems, has however this merit that it prevents all walking upon the ramparts as is usual in fortified towns, and consequently all idle examination of the Number or Condition of the guns, with which they seem to be very ill provided; all those that are seen being of very light metal, and the west side of the town, where alone you have an opportunity of examining, being almost totaly unprovided.

In the Ne corner of the town stands the Castle or citadel, the walls of which are higher and larger than those of the town, especialy near the Landing place for boats which it compleatly Commands, and where are mounted several very large and well looking Gunns. The neighbourhood however of the Ne Corner on both sides seems sufficiently weak, especialy on the east side.

Within this Castle, as it is call'd, are apartments for the Governor general and all the members of the council of India, to which they are enjoind to repair in case of a seige; here are also large storehouses, where are kept great quantities of the companies

i.e. the Netherlands East India Company.

good[s], especialy European, and where almost all their writers &c. do their business. Here are also a large quantity of Cannon laid up in store, but whether to mount on their walls or furnish their shipping in case of the aproach of an enemy I could not learn, tho from their appearance I should judge them to be intended for the latter. As for powder, they are said to be well supplied with it, and that it is dispers'd in various magazines on account of the frequency of lightning.

Besides the fortifications of the town, there are numerous forts up and down the countrey, some between 20 and 30 miles from the town; most of these seem to be very poor defences and are probably intended for little more than to keep the natives in awe. They have also a kind of houses which mount about 8 Guns apeice, and seem to me to be the best defences against Indians I have ever seen; these are generaly plac'd in such situations as will command the navigation of three or four Canals, and at the same time as many roads upon their banks. Some there are in the very town, and one of them it was which in the time of the Chinese rebellion (as the Duch call it)

In 1740 the Dutch had suddenly altered a policy of extreme laxity towards the Chinese within their dominions to one of extreme harshness. The effect of this was to cause one or two small Chinese risings, which were transformed by rumour into general rebellion; whereon the Dutch, alarmed beyond all reason, fell on the Chinese in Batavia, burnt out their district, and massacred them all—ten or twelve thousand. This ‘Batavian Fury’, beginning on 8 October, lasted for eight days.—See E. S. de Klerck, History of the Netherlands East Indies (Rotterdam 1938), I, pp. 363–6. Valckenier, the governor-general of the time, was recalled in disgrace in 1743, but was arrested at the Cape on his homeward passage and sent back for trial to Batavia, where he died in prison nine years later, the trial still not over.

quickly leveld all the best Chinese houses to the ground; indeed I was told that the natives are more afraid of these than any other kind of Defences. Of them are many in all parts of Java and the other Islands in the posession of the Duch; I lamented much not being able to get a drawing and plan of one, which indeed had I been well I might easily have done, as I suppose they never could be jealous of a defence which one gun would destroy in half an hour.

If the Dutch fortifications should be even quite as weak and difenceless as I [imagine,]

The Ms omits this word, which is supplied from P, where it has been inserted in a blank space left for the purpose. S adds ‘suppose’ at the end of a line.

they have nevertheless some advantages in their situation among morasses, where the roads, which are almost universaly a bank thrown up between a canal and a ditch, might easily be destroyd and consequently the bringing of heavy artillery very much retarded, unless they could be got upon some canal and a sufficient number of proper boats securd to transport them, of which there are plenty, but they all muster every night under the very guns of the Castle from whence it would be impossible to take them. Delays howsoever, from whatever cause they might happen, would be inevitably fatal: in less than a week we were sensible of the unhealthyness of the climate, and in a months time one half of the ships company were unable to perform their duty; but could a very small body of men get soon to the walls of Batavia bringing with them a few Battering cannon, the town must inevitably yeild on account of the weakness of its defence. We were told that of a hundred soldiers who arrive here from Europe it is a rare thing for 50 to outlive the first year, and of those 50 half will at that time be in the hospitals, and of the [other?] half not 10 in perfect health; whether this account may not be exagerated I cannot say, but will venture to affirm that it seemd to me probable from the number of pale faces, and limbs hardly able to supports a musquet, which I saw among the few soldiers that were to be seen upon duty. The white inhabitants indeed are all soldie[r]s, the younger ones musterd, and those who have servd 5 years to be calld out on any occasion; but as neither the one nor the other are ever Excersisd or made to do any kind of duty, it is impossible to expect much from them, more versd in handling pens than guns. The Portugese indeed are generaly good marksmen, as they employ themselves much in shooting wild hogs and deer; as for the Mardykers

Mardijker, a Dutch transformation of Malay merdeheka, freedom (as opposed to servitude) or free: apparently assimilated to the Mardijker of Mardijk, a small port near Dunkirk, from which Spanish privateers in the seventeenth century made themselves a great nuisance to Dutch shipping. The Mardijkers, descendants of former slaves, mostly imported from the coast of India, were Christians and therefore not compelled to wear a national costume, as were other Asiatics at Batavia. ‘They wear so-called European costume, but without shirt, socks or shoes. They parade, dressed up like a quack's monkey at a country fair, and are the shrewdest and most self-conceited of Batavia's inhabitants.’—Chastelein, the humanitarian Batavian estate-owner (d. 1714), quoted by B. H. M. Vlekke, Nusantara (Cambridge, Mass. 1944), p. 173.

who are certainly numerous, being Indians of all nations who, or whose Ancestors have been slaves made free, few either of them or the Chinese know the use of fire arms; their numbers however might be troublesome as some of them are esteemd brave with their own weapons, Lances, swords, daggers, &c.

Thus much for the land: By Sea it is impossible to attack Batavia on account of the shallowness of the water, which will scarce suffer even a longboat to come within Canon shot of the walls unless she keep a narrow channel walld on both sides by strong piers and running about ½ a mile into the harbour, which channel terminates exactly under the fire of the strongest part of the Castle, where is a large wooden boom which is shut every night at 6 o clock and not opend again till the morn upon any pretence. It is said that before the earthquake in,

1699; cf. p. 194, n. 3 above.

Ships of large Burthen usd to come up to this place and be likewise shut up by the Boom, but at present nothing but boats atempt it.

The Harbour of Batavia is generaly accounted the finest in India; and indeed it answers that character, being large enough to contain any number of ships, and having such good holding ground that no ships ever think of mooring but ride with one anchor, which always holds as long as the cable. How it is shelterd is dificult to say, the Islands without it being not by any means sufficient, but so it is that there never in it runs any sea to be at all troublesome to shipping. Its greatest inconvenience is the shoal water between the ships and the mouth of Batavia river, which when the sea breeze has blown pretty fresh, as it often does, makes such a cockling sea as is very dangerous for boats. Our longboat once, in attempting to come off, struck two or three times and with dificulty regaind the rivers mouth; the same even, a Duch boat loaded with sails and rigging for one of their India-men was intirely lost.

Round the outside of the harbour are many small Islands, some of which the Duch make use of: as Edam, to which they transport all Europeans who have been guilty of Crimes not worthy of death—some of these are sentenc'd to remain there 99, others 40, 20, 5, &c. years, according to their deserts, during which time they work as Slaves making Ropes &c. &c; Purmerent, where they have a hospital, in which people are said to recover much faster than at Batavia; Kuyper, where are warehouses belonging to the company, in which are storehouses in which are kept many things belonging to the Company, cheifly such as are of small value as Rice, &c; here also all foreign ships who are to be hove down at Onrust discharge their cargoes at wharves very convenent for the purpose. Here the Guns, Sails &c. of the Falmouth, a gun ship which was condemnd here in the Year on her return from the Manilla, were kept, and she herself remaind in the harbour with only her warrant officers on Board, who had remittances most regularly from home but no notice ever taken of the many memorials they sent desiring to be recalld. The Dutch however, for reasons best known to themselves, thought fit about Six months before our arrival to sell her and all her stores by publick auction, and send her officers home in their ships.

From the Navy Board papers at the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, we learn that the Falmouth, Captain Brereton, was condemned at Batavia as unseaworthy in 1764. She had been one of the fleet that effected the reduction of Manila in 1762. Brereton shipped his company home in four detachments, as well as the shotguns, small arms, and iron ballast. He ran the ship on to soft mud under a Dutch fort and had the stores locked up ashore. He wanted to sell both them and the hull, but the Dutch authorities making difficulties, he hauled down his pendant and sailed home, leaving the boatswain, gunner and carpenter in charge. The East India Company was asked to arrange a sale: it had no agent and suggested that the Dutch company be asked to do so. The carpenter wrote home, 6 December 1767—no doubt one of the ‘many memorials’ to which Banks refers; his letter was received in May 1768, and as a result the British minister in Holland, Sir Joseph Yorke, was asked to take the matter up with the Dutch. A contemporary slip of paper in the records has the note, ‘This is all I can find about the Falmouth’; but possibly an approach by Yorke was the remote cause of the Dutch action in 1770. One gathers from Banks that the delay seemed extreme, even in the eighteenth century.

The next Island, which indeed is of more consequence to the Dutch than all the rest, is Onrust. Here they heave down and repair all their shipping, and consequently keep a large quantity of Naval stores. On this Island are artificers of almost all kinds that are employd in the Ship building way, and very clever ones, so at least all our most experienc'd seamen allowd, who said they had seen ships hove down in most parts of the world, but never saw that business so cleverly done as here.

Cf. Cook's opinion, p. 438: ‘In Justice to the Officers and workmen of this Yard I must say that I do not believe that there is a Marine Yard in the world where Work is done with more alertness than here or where there are better conveniences for heaving ships down both in point of safety and dispatch’—and more to the same effect.

The Dutch seem to think this Island of not so much consequence as perhaps they would do if all their naval Stores were here the greatest part of which are at Batavia; be it as it will however, it seems to be so ill defended that one 60 gun ship would Blow it up without a possibility of failing, as she might go alon[g]side the wharfs as near as she pleasd.

It is generaly said in Europe that the Dutch keep a strong fleet in the East Indies, Ready and able to Cope with any European power which might attack them there. This is true thus far and no farther, their Indiamen, which are all very large ships, are peercd for 50 or 60 guns each; now should they be attackd when all these were in India, or indeed a little before the Sailing of the Europe fleet, they might if they had sufficient warning to Get in their guns &c &c. raise 40 or 50 sail, but how it would be possible for them to man this fleet, if they kept any body at all on shore, is to me a mystery; again, should they be atackd when the fleets are saild, they have very few ships and those terribly out of Condition; for they keep no ships even in tolerable repair in India except those Employd to go to Ceylon and the Coast, which places indeed are generaly taken in the way to or from Europe; as for the Eastern Islands, no ships of any force are employd there but all the trade carried on in small vessels, many of which are Brigs and Sloops.

The countrey round about Batavia for some miles is one continued range of Countrey houses and gardens, some of which are very large, and all universaly planted with trees as thick almost as they can stand by each other, so that the countrey enjoys little benefit of being cleard, the woods standing now almost as thick as when they grew there originaly, with only this difference, that one is of usefull, the other was of useless trees; but usefull as these trees are to their respective owners who enjoy their fruits, to the community they are certainly highly detrimental in preventing the Sea breeze from penetrating into the countrey as it ought, or at best loading it with unwholesome vapours, collected and stagnating under their branches. This, according to our modern theory, should be the reason why thunder and lightning are so frequent and mischeivous here

Precisely what Banks means by this it is hard to say. Benjamin Franklin's experiments with natural lightning discharges and with the Leyden jar, and hypothesis of positive and negative electricity, would be well enough known to him. Perhaps he regarded the thick woods, loading the country with ‘unwholesome vapours, collected and stagnating under their branches’, as equivalent to the Leyden jar or condenser, on such a grand scale that ‘frequent and mischeivous’ discharges were inevitable.

that scarce a month passes in which either ships or houses do not feel the Effects of it. While we stayd three accidents happned; the first a few days after our arrival Dismasted a large Duch Indiaman which lay next ship to us, and wounding two or three of her people; Nor were we totaly exempt from the consequences of that very flash, which according to the beleif of those on board came down the lightning chain and certainly struck down the Sentry who stood near it.

Cook recounts this incident as of October 12: ‘About 9 oClock in the Evening we had much Rain with some very heavy Claps of Thunder, one of which carried away a Dutch Indiaman's Main Mast by the Deck and split it, the Main Topmast and Topgallant mast all to shivers, she had had a Iron spindle at the Main Topgallant Mast head which had first Attracted the Lightning. This Ship lay about two Cables lengths from us and we were struck with the Thunder at the same time and in all probability we should have shared the same fate as the Dutchman, had it not been for the Electric Chain which we had but just before got up, this carried the Lightning or Electrical matter over the side clear of the Ship, the Shock was so great as to shake the whole ship very sencibly. This instance alone is sufficient to recommend these Chains to all ships whatever, and that of the Dutchman ought to caution people from having Iron spindles at their Masts heads.’—p. 433. The Dutch lightning conductor may have been dangerously rigged, or it may simply have had the effect of concentrating the discharge at a vulnerable point. There was still plenty of scope for controversy over the practical application of lightning conductors: cf. I, p. 116 above.

Besides these frugiferous forests, the countrey has all the appearance of unwholsomeness imaginable. I may venture to call it for some miles round the town one universal flat, as I know few exceptions to it; this flat is intersected in many directions by rivers, in still more by Canals navigable for small vessels, but worst of all is the Ditches, which as in the marshes of Lincolnshire are the universal fences of feilds and gardens, hedges being almost totaly unusd here; nor are filthy fenny bogs and morasses, as well fresh and salt, wanting even in the near neighbourhood of the town, to add their banefull influence to the rest and compleat the unhealthyness of the countrey, which much as I have said of it I beleive I have not exagerated. The people themselves speak of it in as strong terms as I do, while the pale faces and diseasd bodies of those who are said to be inurd to it, as well as the preventive medicines &c &c. and the frequent attacks of disease they are subject to, abundantly testifie to the truth of what they assert. The very church yards shew it by the number of graves constantly open in them, far disproportionate to the number of people; the inhabitants themselves talk of death with the same indifference as people in a Camp—it is hardly a peice of news to tell any one of the death of another unless the dead man is of high rank or somehow concer[n]d in money matters with the other; if the death of any acquaintance is mentiond it commonly produces some such reflexion as Well, it is very well he owed me nothing, or I should have had it to get from his Executors.

So much for the neighbourhood of Batavia. As far round it as I had an oportunity of going I saw only two exceptions to this general description: one, where the Generals countrey house is situated, which is a gradualy rising hill of a tolerable extent, but so little raisd above the common level that you are hardly sensible of being upon it by any mark but the canals leaving you and the ditches being changd into bad Hedges; the Governor himself has however straind a Point to enclose his own garden with a ditch, to be in fashion I suppose. The other is the place where a famous market calld Passar Tanabank

Pasar Tanah Abang (Red earth market). The market at Tanah Abang still exists, but is now well within the city limits; and the hill is still noticeable as a slight eminence on the plain.

is held; here and here only during my whole stay I had the satisfaction of mounting up a hill of about ten yards perpendicular hight and tolerably steep. About 40 miles inland however are some pretty high hills, where as we were informd the countrey is healthy in a high degree and even at certain hights tolerably cool; there European vegetables flourish in high perfection, even strawberries which bear heat very ill; the people who live there also have Colour in their cheeks, a thing totaly unknown at Batavia where the milk white faces of all the inhabitants are unstaind with any Colour, especialy the women who never go into the sun, are consequently free from tann, and have certainly the whitest skins imaginable. From what cause it proceeds is difficult to say, but in general it is observ'd that they keep their health much better than the men, even those lately arrivd from Europe. On these hills some of the principal people have countrey houses which they visit once a year; the General especialy has one, said to be built upon the Plan of Blenheim house near Oxford, but never finishd. Physicians also often send people here for the recovery of health lost in the low countrey and say that the effects of such a change of air is almost miraculous, working an instant change in favour of the patient, who during his stay there remains well, but no sooner returns to his necessary occupations at Batavia than his complaints return in just the same degree as they were in before his departure.

Few parts of the world I beleive are better furnish'd with necessaries, as well as Luxuries of life, than the Island of Java. The unhealthyness of the countrey about Batavia is in this particular rather an advantage to it, for the very cause of it, a low flat situation, is likewise the cause of a fruitfullness of Soil hardly to be paraleld; which is suficiently testified by the flourishing condition of the immense quantities of fruit trees all round the town, as well as by the quantity and excellence of their Crops of sugar Cane, Rice, Indian Corn &c. &c. Indeed the Whole Island is allowd to be uncommonly fruitfull by those who have seen it, and in general as wholesome, excepting only such low fenny spots as the Neighbourhood of Batavia, far fitter to sow Rice upon than to build towns.

The Tame quadrupeds are Horses, Cattle, Buffaloes, Sheep, Goats and Hogs. The horses are small, never exceeding in size what we call a stout Gallaway, but nimble and spirited; they are said to have been found here when the Europeans first came round the Cape of Good Hope. The Cattle are said to be the same as those in Europe, but differ from them in appearance so much that I am much inclind to Doubt; they have however the Palearia,

Dewlap.

which naturalists make to be the Distinguishing mark of our Species; on the other hand they are found wild not only on Java but on several of the Eastern Islands. The flesh of those that I eat at Batavia was rather finer Graind than European Beef, but much Drier and always terribly lean. Buffaloes are very plentifull, but the Dutch are so much prejudic'd against them that they will not at all eat their flesh nor even drink their milk, affirming that it causes fevers; the natives however and Chinese do both, and have no such opinion concerning them. Their sheep, which are of that sort whose ears hang down and have hair instead of wool,

A long-legged hairy sheep, but without drooping ears, was common to Africa from lower Guinea down to the Cape. The lop-eared breed seems to have originated in Guinea, inheriting drooping ears and throat wattles from an infusion of blood from the hornless and Roman-nosed Theban goat.

are most intolerably bad, lean, and tough to the last degree; they have however a few Cape sheep which are excellent, tho intolerably dear, we gave 26/58 apeice for four which we bought for sea stock, the heavyest of which weighd only 45lb. Their Goats are much of a par with their sheep, but their hogs are certainly excellent, especialy the Chinese, which are so immensely fat that no one thinks of Buying the fat with the Lean; the Butcher when you buy it cuts off as much as you please and sells it to his countrey men the Chinese, who melt it down and eat it instead of Butter with their rice. Notwithstanding the excellence of this Pork, the Duch are so prejudic'd in favour of every thing which comes from Fatherland that they will not at all eat it but use intirely the Dutch Breed, which are sold as much dearer than the Chinese here as the Chinese are dearer than them in Europe.

Besides these Domestick animals their woods afford some wild Horses and Cattle, But these only in the distant mountains and there very scarce. Buffaloes are not wild upon Java, tho they are upon Macassar and several of the Eastern Islands plentifully; the Neighbourhood of Batavia however is pretty plentifully supplyd with Deer of two kinds

There are three species of deer in Java: the Mouse Deer, Tragulus kanchil Raffles; the Sambar, Cervus unicolor Müller and Schlegel, which is very similar to the well known Indian deer; and the Muntjak or Barking Deer, Muntiacus muntjak Zimmermann.

and wild hogs, both which are very good meat and often shot by the Portugese, who sell them tolerably cheap; Monkeys also there are tho but few in the Neighbourhood of Batavia.

On the mountains and in the more desert part of the Island are Tygers,

Java is at the southern limit of their range; the tigers here are smaller than those in India.

it is said in too great abundance, and some Rhinocerosses,

The Lesser One-horned Rhinoceros used to range from Bengal through Burma and Malaya to Java but is now almost extinct.

but neither of these animals are ever heard of in the Neighbourhood of Batavia or indeed any well peopled part of the Island.

Fish are in immense plenty, many sorts of them very excellent, and inconceiveably cheap, But the Dutch, true to the dictates of Luxury, buy none but those which are scarce. We who in the course of our long migration in the warm latitudes had learnd the real excellence of many of the cheapest sorts, wonderd much at seeing them the food of none but Slaves; on enquiry however of a sensible housekeeper he told us that he as well as us knew that for 1 shilling he could purchase a better dish of fish than he did for 10; but said he I dare not do it, for should it be known that I did, I should be look'd upon in the same light as one in Europe who coverd his table with offals fit for nothing but Beggars or dogs. Turtle is also here in abundance, but despisd by Europeans, indeed for what reason I know not: it is neither so sweet or so fat as our West India Turtle even in England. They have also a kind of Large Lizards or Iguanas some of which are said to be as thick as a mans thigh; I shot one about 5 feet long and it provd very good meat.

Poultrey is prodigiously plentifull; very large fowls, Ducks also and Geese are cheap, pidgeons are rather dear, and Turkies extravagant; in general what we eat at Batavia were lean and dry, but this I am convinc'd proceeds from being ill fed, as I have eat there of every kind as good or better than commonly met with in Europe.

Wild Fowl in General is here scarce, I saw during my stay one wild duck in the feilds

There are several species of resident wild ducks here; occasional visits of northern species have also been recorded.

but never one to be sold; Snipes however of 2 kinds, one exactly the same as those in Europe,

The Common Snipe, Capella gallinago, and two other species occur here. Over 'one' in the MS is written very lightly, not in Bank's hand, the name 'Kandeedee'

and a kind of Thrushes

There are many thrush-like species here and it is impossible to tell which species Banks was referring to.

are plentifully sold every day by the Portugese, who for I know not what reason seem to monopolize all the wild game.

Nor is the earth less fruitfull of vegetables that she is of animals. Rice, which every body knows is to the inhabitants of these countreys the Common corn which serves instead of Bread, is very plentifull. One kind of it is planted here and in many of the Eastern Islands which in the western parts of India is totaly unknown; it is calld by the Natives Paddy gunang,

Banks has a marginal note here, 'paddy is Rice. Padi gunung, dry rice.

that is mountain rice; this, contrary to the other sort, which must be under water three parts of the time of its growth, is planted upon the sides of hills where no water but rain can possibly come; they take however the advantage of planting it in the beginning of the rainy Season by which means they reap it in the beginning of the dry. How far this kind of rice might be useful in our West Indian Islands, where they grow no bread corn at all, I leave to the judgement of those who know their respective interests; and whether the Cassava or Manihot, their substitute for bread, is not as wholesome and cheaper than any thing else which could be introducd among them. Besides rice they grow also Indian corn or Mayz, which they gather when young and toast in the Ear; they have also vast variety of kidney beans and Lentils, which they call Cadjang,

Cajanus cajan, pigeon pea, the immature beans eaten like green peas and the mature beans after thorough cooking.

and make a great part of the food of the common people; they have also Millet, Yams both wet and dry, sweet Potatoes, and some European potatoes not to be despisd but dear. Their Gardens produce Cabbage, Lettuce, Cucumbers, Radishes, China white Radishes which boil almost as well as Turnips, carrots, parsley, Selery, Pidgeon pease (Cytissus Cajan),

Cajanus cajan.

kidney beans of two sorts (Dolichos chinensis and Lignosus),

Identification is uncertain in the absence of herbarium colls., but doubtless the hyacinth bean, Dolichos lablab, is one of the two ‘kidney beans’. Banks mentions four beans, Dolichos spp., however, in his Ms catalogue, p. 7. Merrill provides a good brief account of this subject (Plant Life of the Pacific World, 148, 1945).

Egg plant (solanum

Pl. V. Castanospermum australe Black Bean Endeavour River Melongena)

The Egg Plant, Brinjal or Terong, Solanum melogena, is a native vegetable of Southeast Asia, carried by the Persians to Africa and known to Theophrastus. The Arabs took it to Spain.

which eats delicately broild with pepper and salt, a kind of greens much like spinage (Convolvulus reptans),

Ipomoea reptans (L.) Poir.

Onions very small but good, Asparagus scarce and very bad; they had also some strong smelling European plants, as sage, Hyssop, and Rue, which they thought smelt much stronger here than in their native soils tho I cannot say I was sensible of it. But the produce of the Earth from whence they derive the greatest advantage is Sugar; of it they grow immense quantities and have vast crops with little care of the finest largest canes imaginable, which I am inclind to beleive contain in an equal quantity a far larger proportion of sugar than our West India ones. White sugar is sold here for about 2¼d a pound, besides which the Molasses makes their Arrack, in which, as in rum, it is the cheif ingredient, a small quantity of Rice only and some Cocoa nut wine being added, which I suppose gives it its particular flavour. Indigo also they grow a little of, but I beleive no more than is necessary for their own use.

The fruits of the East Indies are in general so much cryd up by those who have eat of them, and so much prefer'd to our European ones, that I shall give a full list

Banks must have been familiar with Dampier's list for Timor and was possibly encouraged to amplify it to a ‘full list’.

of all the sorts which were in Season during our stay, and afterwards my judgement of Each, which I must confess is not so much in their favour as that of the generality of Europeans after their return home, tho while here I did not find that they were more fond of them or spoke more in their praise when compard with European fruits than I did.

1. Pine apple Bromelia Ananas 2. Sweet Oranges Citrus Aurant Sihens 3. Pumplmoes Citrus Decumanus 4. Lemon Citrus medica Limon 5. Lime Citrus 6. Mango Mangifem indica 7. Bahanes Musa 8. Grapes Vitis vinifera 9. Tamarinds Tamarindus indica 10. Water melons Cucurbita Citrullus 11. Pumkins Cucurbita Pepo 12. Papaws Carica Papaia 13. Guava Psidium pomiferum 14. Sweet Sop Annona squamosa 15. Custard apple Annona reticulata 16. Cashew apple Anacardium occidenta[le] 17. Cocoa nut Cocos Mucifera 18. Mangos tan Garcinia Mangostana 19. Jambu Eugenia Malaccensis 20. Jambu ayer Eugenia

Eugenia aquea Burm. See Pl. 39.

21. Jambu ayer Mauwar Eugenia Jambos 22. Pomgranate Punica Granatum 23. Durion . .

Durio zibethinus Murr.

24. Nanca Sitodium cauliftor

Artocarpus Integra Merr.

25. Tsjampada Sitodium

Artocarpus champeden (Lour.) Spreng.

26. Rambutan

Nephelium lappaceum L.

27. Jambolan

Eugenia cumini Merr.

28. Boa Bidarra Rhampus Jujuba 29. Nam Nam Cynometra cauliflora 30. Catappa Terminalia Catappa 31. Canari Canarium commune 32. Madja Limonia 33. Suntul

Citrus sp. Gallesio (Traité du Citrus, 2: 171 et seq. 1829) considers the East Indian spp. but does not mention such a vernacular name, nor does Heyne a modern cognate.

34. Blimbing Averrhoa Bilimbi 35. Blimbing Bessi Averrhoa Carambola 36. Cherrema Averrhoa acida 37. Solack Calamus Rotang Zalacca

Besides these, they have several fruits which the natives only eat, as Kellor Guilindina,

Calamus ornatus Bl.

Moringa Succum

‘Pods’ of the horseradish tree, Moringa oleifera, are culinary and the leaves and tender twigs are eaten as a cooked vegetable.

of two or three kinds, the same as is calld bread fruit in the South Seas; all the kinds here however, are so incomparably inferior to the South Sea ones, that was it not for the great similitude of the outward apearance of both tree and fruit, they would scarce deserve that name, Bilinju (Gnetum Gnemon)

Gnelum gnemon, ‘Belindjo-kernen’ or New Guinea cabbage from the use of the young leaves as a vegetable; best known, however, for its seeds eaten either boiled or roasted.

Boa Bune

Banks's vernacular name has not been positively identified; Anona reticulata is known as ‘Boeah nona’.

&c &c. All which I shall pass over in silence as not deserving to be mentiond to any but hungry people, and pass to those of a more gratefull flavour, among the first of which the pine apple Calld here Nanas, will always appear. These are here very large, and so plentifull that in cheap times I have been told that a man who buys them at the first hand may get them for a farthing apeice; when we were there we could get without much hagling two or three for two pence halfpenny at the common fruit shops. In quality they are certainly good and well flavourd, as good but not a bit better than those which are calld good in England. So Luxuriant are they in their growth that most of them have 2 or 3 crowns and a large number of suckers from the bottom of the fruit, I have counted nine; these are so forward that they often while still adhering to the mother shoot out their fruit, which by the time the large one is ripe are come to a tolerably large size; of these I have seen 3 upon one apple and have been told that 9 have been seen, but that was esteemd so great a curiosity that it was preservd in sugar and sent to the Prince of Orange.

2. Oranges are tolerably good but while we were here were very dear, seldom less than 6 pence apeice. 3. Pumplemoeses, calld in the West Indies Shaddocks, were well flavourd but had no juice in them, which we were told depended upon the season. 4. Lemons were very scarce but the want of them was amply made up by the plenty of 5. Limes, of which the best were to be bought for about 12 pence a hundred. Seville Oranges I saw 2 or 3 only, which were almost all peel; besides these there are many sorts of oranges and lemons, none of which are at all esteemd by Europeans or indeed by the natives themselves. 6. Mango; this fruit during our stay was so infested with maggots, which bred in the inside of them, that out of 10 scarce 4 would be free, nor were those which were by any means so good as those of Brazil. Europeans commonly compare this fruit with a melting peach, to which in softness and sweetness it certainly aproaches, but in flavour as certainly falls much short of any that can be calld good. The Climate as I have been told here is too hot and Damp for them, and on the Coast of India they are much better. Here are as many sorts of them almost as of Apples in England, some much superior to others; some of the worse sorts are so bad that the natives themselves can hardly eat them when ripe, but use them as an acid when just full grown. One sort Calld by them Mangha Cowani has so strong a smell that a European can scarce bear one in the room; these however the natives are fond of. The best sorts for eating are first, Mangha Doodool, incomparably better than any other, next Mangha Santock and Mangha Gure, and besides these three I know no other which a European would at all be pleasd with. 7. Of Bananes here are likewise innumerable kinds, 3 only of which are good to eat as fruit, viz. Pissang Mās, Pissang Radja, and Pissang Ambon, all of which have a tolerably vinous taste;

It is rather odd that Banks makes no attempt to discriminate between these. Mas, gold; pisang mas, a small golden-yellow banana; p. rajah, a large ruddy-skinned variety; p. Ambon (it gets its name from the island Amboina), a large green variety.

the rest however are usefull in their way, some are fried with batter, others boild in Lieu of Bread, which is here a dearer article than meat &c. One of the sorts however deserves to be taken notice of by Botanists, it being contrary to the nature of the rest of its tribe full of seeds, from whence it is calld Pissang Batu or Pissang Bidjis;

Batu, a rock, stony, hard; biji, a seed or pip.

it has however no excellence to recommend it to the taste or any other way except it is, as the Malayers think, good for the flux. 8. Grapes are here to be had but in no great perfection; they are however sufficiently dear, a bunch about the size of a fist costing a shilling or 18 pence. 9. Tamarinds are prodigiously common and as cheap; the people however either do not know how to put them up as the West Indians do, or do not practise it, but cure them with Salt, by which means they become a black mass so disagreable to the sight and taste that few Europeans chuse to meddle with them. 10. Water melons are plentifull and good, as are also 11. Pumkins, which are certainly almost, or quite, the most usefull fruit which can be carried to sea, keeping without any care for several months, and making with Sugar and lemon juice a pye hardly to be distinguishd from Apple pye, as well as with Pepper and salt a substitute for Turnips not to be despisd. 12. Papaws. This fruit when ripe is full of seeds and almost without flavour, but while green if par'd, the Core taken out, and boild is also as good or better than turnips.

This seems a very peculiar way to eat this delectable fruit; presumably the Batavia climate was not propitious to flavour in the ripe fruit; else how could Banks make the blasphemous statement? He must have tried a poor one, and omitted the lime.

13. Guiava is a fruit praisd much by the inhabitants of our West Indies, who I suppose have a better sort than we met with here, where the smell of them alone was so abominably strong that Dr Solander, whose stomack is very delicate, could not even bear them in the room; nor did their taste make any amends, partaking much of the Goatish rankness of their smell. Baked in pyes however they lost much of this rankness and we less nice ones eat them very well. 14. Sweet Sop, Also a West Indian fruit, is nothing but a vast quantity of large kernels, from which a small proportion of very sweet pulp may be suckd, but almost totaly devoid of flavour. 15. Custard Apple likewise is common to our West Indies, where it has got its name which well enough expresses its qualities, for certainly it is as like a Custard, and a good one too, as can be imagind. 16. Casshew apple is seldom or never eat on account of its astringency;

The fruit is the nut, a kidney-shaped fruit, which is placed on the end of a fleshy pear-shaped receptacle, popularly taken for the fruit. Cf. I, p. 201, n. 1 above.

the nut that grows on the top of it is well known in Europe, where it is brought from the West Indies. 17. Cocoa nut is well known Every where between the tropicks, of it are infinite different sorts; the best we met with for drinking is calld Calappa Edjou,

Kelapa hidjau, green coconut, not a distinct kind; only green nuts are used for drinking.

and easily known by the redness of the flesh between the Skin and the shell. 18. Mangostan. As this and some more are fruits peculiar to the East Indies I shall give short descriptions of them. This is about the size of a Crab apple and of a deep red wine Colour; at the top of them is a mark made by 5 or 6 small triangles, joind in a circle, and at the bottom several hollow green leaves, the remains of the flower; when they are to be eat the skin or rather flesh, which is thick, must be taken of, under which are found 6 or 7 white kernels placd in a circular figure; the pulp with which these are invelopd is what is eat and few things I beleive are more delicious; so agreably is acid mixd with sweet in this fruit that without any other flavour it comes in competition with, if not excells the finest flavourd fruits. So wholesome also are these Mangostans that they, as well as sweet oranges, are allowd without stint to people in the highest fevers. 19. Jambu is esteemd also a most wholesome fruit; it is of a deep red and oval shape, the largest as big as a small apple; it has not much flavour but is certainly very pleasant on account of its Coolness; there are several sorts of it, but without much reference to kinds the Largest and reddest are always the best. 20. Jambu Ayer. Of these are two sorts, alike in shape, resembling a bell, but differing, one red and the other white; in size they a little exceed a large cherry, in taste they are totaly devoid of flavour or even sweetness, being nothing more than water a little acidulated, and yet their Coolness recommends them very much. 21. Jambu Ayer Mauwar is more pleasant to the smell than the taste, in the latter resembling something the Conserve of Roses, as in the former the fresh scent of those flowers.

Ayer mawar, rose-water.

22. Pomegranate is the same fruit in England and every where else that I have met with it, in my opinion but ill repaying any one who takes the trouble of breaking its tough hide. 23. Durion in shape resembles something a small Melon, but has a skin coverd over with sharp conical spines, whence its name Dure, signifying in the Malay language a spine; this fruit when ripe divides itself longitudinaly into 7 or 8 compartments, each of which contain 6 or 7 Nuts, not quite so large as chestnuts, coated over with a substance both in colour and consistence resembling much very thick cream; this is the delicate part of the fruit which the natives are vastly fond of, but few Europeans at first however can endure its taste, which resembles sugard cream mixd with onions; the smell also prejudices them much against it, being most like that of rotten onions. 24. Nanca, calld in some parts of India Jack, has like the Durion a smell very disagreable to strangers, like very mellow apples with a little gar lick; the taste however in my opinion makes amends for the smell, tho I must say that among us English I beleive I was single in that opinion. Authors tell strange Stories of the immence size to which this fruit grows in some countries which are favourable to it: Rumphius says that they are sometimes so large that a man can not easily lift one of them; the Malays told me that at Madura they were so large that two men could but carry one of them; at Batavia however they never exceed the size of a large melon, which in shape they resemble, but are coated over with angular spines like the shootings of some Chrystals, which however are soft and do not at all prick any one who handles them. 25. Tsjampada differs from Nanka in little else than size. 26. Rambútan is a fruit seldom mentiond by Europeans; it is in appearance much like a Chestnut with the husk on, being like it coverd with soft prickles, but smaller and of a deep red colour; when eat this skin must be cut, and under it is a fruit the flesh of which indeed bears but a small proportion to the stone, but makes rich amends for the smallness of its quantity by the elegance of its acid, superior to any other (maybe) in the whole vegetable kingdom. 27. Jambolan is in size and appearance not unlike a Damson in England, but has always rather to[o] astringent a flavour to Allow it to be compard even with that fruit. 28. Boa Bidara is a round yellow fruit about the size of a musquet Bullet; in flavour it is compard to an apple but like the former has too much astringency to be compard with any thing but a Crab. 29. Nam Nam is shapd something like a kidney, very rough and rugged on the outside and about 3 inches long; it is seldom eat raw, but fryd with batter makes very good fritters. 30. Catappa, 31. Canari are both nutts, the kernels of which are compard to almonds, and indeed are full as sweet, but the difficulty of getting their kernels from out of their tough rinds and hard shells is so great that they are no where publickly sold, nor did I taste any others than those which for curiosity sake I gatherd from the tree, and had opend under it. 31. Madja, under a hardish brittle shell Contains a lightly acid pulp, which is not eat unless mixd with sugar, nor is it then to be calld pleasant. 33. Suntul is by far the worst fruit of any I have or shall mention; it is in size and shape much like the Madja, as large as a midling apple but rounder; it has a thick hide containing within it kernels like the Mangostan, the taste of which is both acid and astringent without one merit to recomend it; indeed I should not have thought it eatable had I not seen it often publickly exposd to sale upon the fruit stalls. 34. Blimbing, 35. Blimking Bessi, 36. Cherrima are all three species of one genus, which tho they differ much in shape agree in being equaly acid, too much so to be usd without dressing, except only Blimbing Bessi which is sweeter than the other two; they make however excellent sour sauce and as good pickles. 37. Salack is the fruit of a most prickley bush; itself is as big as a walnut and coverd over with scales like those of a lizzard or snake; these scales however easily strip off and leave two or three soft and yellow kernels, in flavour to me resembling a little Strawberries; in this however I was particular, for no one but myself likd them. In short I beleive I may say that bad as the Character is that I have given of these fruits, I eat as many of them as any one, and at the time thought as well and spoke as well of them as the Best freinds they had. My opinions were then as they are now; whether my shipmates may change theirs between here and home I cannot tell.

Besides they no doubt have many more which were not in Season during our stay. We were told also that several kinds of European fruits, as apples, strawberries &c had been planted up in the mountains where they came to great perfection, but this I can only advance upon the credit of Report. Several other fruits they have also which they preserve in Sugar as Kimkit,

Kingkit, Tribhasia aurantiola Lour., a relative of Citrus used as a conserve.

Boa Atap,

Perhaps Sauropus androgynus Merr., ‘Geconfijte boeah katoek’.

&c &c. but these require to be that way prepard before they are at all eatable.

Batavia consumes a quantity of fruits hardly to be beleivd, the greatest part of which before they are sold are over ripe or otherwise bad, nor can a stranger easily get any that are good unless he goes to a street cald Passar Pissang,

Pasar Pisang, Banana market.

which lies North from the great church and very near it. Here live none but Chinese, who sell fruit; they are in general supplied from Gentlemens gardens in the neighbourhood of the town, and consequently have the best and always fresh; for this excellence of their goods however they are well paid, for they will not take less for any kind than 3 or 4 times as much as the market price, nor did we ever grudge to give it as their fruit was always ten times better than any in the market. The cheif supplies of Batavia Come from a pretty considerable distance, where great quantities of land are cultivated merely for the sake of fruits; the countrey people to whoom these Lands belong meet the towns people at two great markets, one on Mondays calld Passar Sineen, and the other on Saturdays calld Passir Tanabank,

Pasar Tanah Abang, Saturday market. Both still exist, now inside the city limits, each comprising several streets of shops and stalls, which sell almost anything every day of the week, many of them on Sundays as well.

held at very different places for the convenience of Different districts, each however about 5 miles from Batavia; here the best of fruits may be got at the cheapest rates. The sight of these markets is to a European very entertaining: the immense quantities of fruit exposd here is almost beyond beleif, 40 or 50 Cartloads of pine apples packd as carelessly as we would do Turnips in England is nothing extrordinary and every thing else is in the same profusion; the time of these markets is however so ill contrivd that as on Monday or Saturday all the fruit for the ensueing week, both for retailers and houseke[e]per[s], must be bought in. Before Friday there is no good fruit in the hands of any people but the Chinese in Passar Pisang.

Thus much for meat. In the article of Drink nature has not been quite so bounteous to the inhabitants of this Island as she has to some of us sons of the Less abundant north; they are not however totaly devoid of strong liquors tho their religion, Mahometanism, forbids them the use of such, by this means driving them from liquid to solid intoxicators, as Opium, tobacco &c &c.

Besides their Arrack, which is too well known in Europe to need any description, they have Palm wine made from a species of Palm cald in the Malay and Javan Language Aren ().

The Sugar-palm, Arenga saccharifera Labill., which produced the most highly-esteemed toddy, called generally tuak kabong, from the Malay name for the palm. Aren or Nau were the Javanese names.

This Liquor is Extracted from the Brànches which were to have born flowers, but are cut by the people who make it their business and Joints of Bamboe cane hung under them, into which the Liquor intended by nature for the nourishment of both flowers and fruit distills in tolerable abundance; and so true is nature to her paths that as long as the fruit of that branch would have remaind unripe, so long she supplys the liquor or sap, but no longer. This liquor is sold in three states: the first is almost as it comes from the tree, prepard only a little by some method unknown to me which causes it to keep 36 or 48 hours instead of only 12; in this state it is sweet and pleasant, only tasting a little of smoak, which tho at first disagreable becomes agreable by use and not at all intoxicating; it [is] Calld Tuackmanise.

Tuak manis.

or sweet palm wine. The other two, one of which is calld Tuack cras, and the other Tuack cuning,

Tuak keras, hard or strong palm wine. Keras, hard, and used in the same sense here as in English. The first vowel is hardly sounded, hence Banks's version. Kuning, yellow.

are prepard by laying certain herbs and roots in them, and then fermenting so that their taste is alterd from sweet to [a] rather astringent and disagreable taste, and they have acquird the property of intoxicating in a pretty high degree. Besides this they have Tuack from the Cocoanut tree, but very little of this is drank as a liquor, it being mostly us'd for putting into the arrack, in which when intended to be good it is a necessary ingredient.

Next to eating and drinking and one more delicious as well as less blameable luxury, the inhabitants of this part of India seem to place their cheif Delight in sweet smells, of Burning rosins &c. and sweet scented woods; but more than all in sweet flowers, of which they have several sorts very different from ours in Europe, of which I shall give a short account, confining myself however to such as were in season during our stay here, beginning with a list of them.

1. Champacka Michelia Champacca

Properly Michelia champaca.

2. Cananga Uvaria Cananga

Cananga odorata.

3. Mulatti Nyctanthes Sambac

Jasminum sambac.

4. Caracnassi

Possibly Wrightia pubescens R. Br., or some other apocynaceous genus.

5. Combang Tonquin Pergularia glabra

Telosma cordata Merr.

6. Sundal Malam Polianthes tuberosa 7. Bonga Tanjong Mimusops Elengi

All these sorts were sold about the streets every night at sunset, either strung upon strings in wreaths of about 2 feet (a Duch ell) long, or made up into different sorts of nosegays, either of which cost about a halfpenny apeice. But I shall now proceed to give a short description of each. 1. then, Champacca. It grows upon a tree as large as an apple tree, and like it spreading; the flower itself consists of 15 longish narow petala, which gives it the appearance of being double tho in reality it is not; its colour is yellow, much deeper than that of a Jonquil, which flower however it somewhat resembles in Scent only is not so violently strong.

Michelia champaca is a sort of magnolia. According to O.E.D., the name ‘champac’ came into English about 1770—apparently from India. Banks's description—certainly one of the earliest in our language—appeared in Hawkesworth in 1773. Cf. Shelley's Indian Serenade: ‘The Champac odours fail Like sweet thoughts in a dream… ’.

2. Cananga is a green flower, not at all resembling any European flower, either in appearance which is more like a bunch of leaves than a flower, or smell which however is very agreable. 3. Mulatti is well known in English hot houses under the name of Arabian Jasmine; it is here in prodigious abundance and certainly as fragrant as any flower they have, but of this as well as all the Indian flowers it may be said that tho full as sweet as any European ones even of the same sorts, they have not that overcoming strengh, in short their smell tho very much the same, is much more delicate and elegant than any we can boast of. 4 and 5. Combang Caracnassi and Combang Tonquin are much alike in shape and smell, small flowers of the dogs bane kind, hardly to be compard to any in our English gardens, but like all the past most elegant in their fragrance. 6. Sundal Malam, the same as our English Tuberose, this flower is less in size considerably as well as more mildly fragrant than ours in Europe. The Malay name signifies intriguer of the night, from an Idea rather pretty: the heat of the climate here allows few or no flowers to smell in the day, and this especialy from its want of smell and modest white array seems not at all desirous of admirers, but when night comes its fragrance is diffusd around and attracts the attention as well as gains the admiration of every passer by.

This is a charmingly poetic version of the more literal meaning of the words: malam, any time after the fall of darkness; sundal, prostitute.

7. Bonga Tanjong is shapd quite like a star of 7 or 8 rays, about ½ an inch in diameter; it is of a yellowish colour, and like its fellows a modest agreable smell, but its cheif use is contrasting the Mulatti on the wreaths which the ladies here wear in their hair, and this it does very prettily.

Besides these there are in private gardens many other sweet flowers which are not in sufficient plenty to be brought to market, as Cape Jasmine, several sorts of Arabian Jasmine, tho none so sweet as the Common &c. &c. They have also a mixture of several of these flowers and leaves of a plant Calld Pandang (Pandanus)

Pandanus odorus Ridl. Rumpf described the scent of a freshly cut leaf as that of new hay or new rice, but the scent is not due to any volatile oil. The potpourri which Banks goes on to describe, made of petals and chopped leaves, is called in Malaya bunga rampai, and in Java kembang ramping (Burkill).

choppd small, with which they fill their hair and cloths &c; but their great Luxury is strewing their beds full of this mixture and flowers so that you sleep in the midst of perfumes, a luxury scarce to be expressd nor at all conceivd in Europe, where stewing under 3 or 4 blankets even fragrant odours cannot enjoy that liberty they do in India under none, or at most the covering of a single peice of fine Chintz.

Before I leave the Productions of this countrey I cannot help saying a word or two about spice, tho in reality none but pepper is a native of the Island of Java, and but little even of that. Of pepper however I may say that large as the quantities of it are that are annualy imported into Europe, little or none is usd in this part of the Indies; Capsicum or Cayan pepper as it is call'd in Europe has almost totaly supplyd its place. As for Cloves and Nutmegs, the monopoly of the Duch has made them too dear to be plentifully usd by the Malays, who are otherwise very fond of them. Cloves, tho said to be originaly the Produce of Machian or Bachian,

Makian, a volcanic islet off the west coast of Halmahera, a short distance south of the fabulous ‘Spice Islands’ of Ternate and Tidore in the Moluccas. It was of course itself one of the Spice Islands. Bachan or Batjan is a different island, larger, still farther south (lat. 0° 25′ S, long. 127° 32′ E).

a small Island far to the Eastward and only 15 miles to the Northward of the Line, from whence they were when the Duch came here disseminated over most or all of the Eastern Isles, are now intirely confind to Amboina

Amboina, off the south-east end of Ceram. Tanjong Alang on its west coast is in lat. 3° 47′ S, 128° 32′ E.

and its Neighbouring small Islets; the Dutch having by different treaties of peace made with the conquerd kings of all the other Islands stipulated that they should have only a certain number of trees in their dominions, and in future quarrels, as a punishment, lessned their quantity till at last they left them [none]

none is supplied from P, where it is inserted in a blank space; S reads left them not any right… .

Nor any right to have any. Nutmegs have been in the same manner extirpated in all the Islands except their native Banda, which easily supplys this world, and would as easily supply another if the Duch had but another to supply. Of nutmegs however there certainly are a few upon the Eastern coast of New Guinea,

The endemic Myristica argentea Warb., Long Nutmeg, is evidently the only one of the some 35 spp. now known from New Guinea of culinary importance.

a place on which the Duch hardly dare set their feet on account of the treachery and warlike disposition of the natives; there may be also both Cloves and nutmegs upon others of the Islands far to the Eastward, for those I beleive neither the Dutch or any other nation seem to think it worth while to examine at all into.

The town of Batavia, tho the Capital of the Duch Dominions in India, is so far from being peopled with Dutch men that I may safely affirm that of the Europeans inhabiting it and its neighbourhood not one fifth part are Dutchmen; besides these are Native, Portugese, Indians, and Chinese, the two last many times exceeding the Europeans in Number. Of Each of these I shall speak seperately, beginning with the Europeans, of which there were some especialy in the troops of almost every nation in Europe; the Germans however are so much the most numerous that they 2 or 3 times exceed in number all other Europeans together. Fewer English are settled here than of any other nation, and next to them French: the Politick Dutch well knowing that the English and French being maritime powers must often have ships in the East Indies, and will demand and Obtain from them the subjects of their respective kings, will not enter either English or Frenchman into their service, unless they give in their place of natavity to be in some place out of their own countrey. This trick, foolish as it is, was playd with us in the case of an Irishman

Banks first wrote ‘Englishman’. This may possibly have been John Marra, a man of 24, from Cork. He became gunner's mate in the Resolution on Cook's second voyage, tried to desert at Tahiti, and obtained the notoriety of a surreptitious history of that voyage, published by Newbery in 1775. There was also a James Joyce taken on at Batavia, of origin unknown, but a man of that name could hardly, one would suspect, pass as a Dane; while Marra was quite capable of getting into a scrape.

who we got on board, and they demanded for a Dane, Offering to prove by their books that he was born at Elsinoor; but our Captn convinc'd by the mans Language what countrey man he was, refus'd to give him up so resolutely that they soon ceasd their demands. Notwithstanding the very great number of other Europeans the Duch are political enough to keep all or near all the Great posts, as Raads

The word means both council and councillor.

of India, Governors, &c. in their own hands: other nations may make fortunes here by trafick if they can, but not by employments. No man can come over here in any other character than that of a soldier in the Companies service, in which before they can be accepted they must agree to remain 5 years; as soon however as ever they arrive at Batavia, they by applying to the counsel [may?] be allowd to Absent themselves from their Core,

i.e. corps, of which, in the sense of a body or company of people, it was an earlier spelling.

and enter immediately into any vocation in which they have any money or credit to set them up in.

Women may come out without any of these restrictions, or indeed any others, be they of what nation they will. We were told that there were not in Batavia 20 women born in Europe, the rest of the white women, who were not very scarce, were born of white parents, possibly through three or four families, as many generations distant from their European mothers. These imitate the Indian in every particular: their dress except in form is the same, their hair is worn in the same manner, and they chew Betele as plentifully as any Indians, notwithstanding which I never saw a white man chew it during my whole stay.

Merchandise is carried on in an easier and more indolent way here I beleive than in any other part of the world. The Chinese carry on every manufacture of the place and sell the produce to the resident merchants, for indeed they dare not sell to any foreigner; consequently when a Ship comes in and bespeaks 100 Leggers

English ‘leaguer’ from Dutch ligger, a tun or large cask or barrel. As an English measure a tun equalled four hogsheads, 252 old wine-gallons. Leaguer was in the eighteenth century a measure of arrack, but also a water-cask holding 159 imperial gallons. Banks probably uses the word in a rather vague sense. On p. 41 above he refers to ‘a Legger of 150 Galls’.

off Arrack or any thing else, he has nothing to do but to send orders to his China man to deliver them on board such a ship; which done he brings the Master of the ships receipt for the goods to his Employer, who does nothing but receive money from the Stranger, and reserving his profit, pay the China man his demands. With imports however, they must have a little more trouble, for them they must examine, receive, and preserve in their own warehouses, as other merchants do.

To give a character of them in their dealings, I need only say that the Jewel known to English merchants by the name of fair dealing is totaly unknown here — they have joind all the art of trade that a Dutchman is famous for to the deceit of an Indian. Cheating by false weights and measures, false samples, &c, &c. are lookd upon only as arts of trade: if you do not find them out tis well; if you do, Well they say, then we must give you what is wanting, and refund without a blush or the least wrangle, as I myself have seen in matters relating to the ship. But their great fort is asking one price for their commodities and charging another, so that a man who has laid in 100 pecol

S has the note, ‘Pecul (at Japan, Java, &c.) is 100 Catty, or 132 lb. Averdupois. v: Bailey's Dictionary’.

of sugar, as he thinks at 5 dollars a pecul, after it has been a week or ten days on board will have a bill brought him in at 7, nor will the Merchant go from his charge unless a written agreement or witnesses can be brought to prove the bargain. For my own part, I was fortunate enough to have heard this character of them before I came here, and wanting nothing but daily provision agreed immediately in writing for every article at a certain price, which consequently my Landlord could never depart from; I also, as long as I was well, constan[t]ly once a week lookd over my bill and took it into my posession, never however without scratching out the charges of things which I had never had, to a considerable amount, which was always done without a moments hesitation.

Next to the Dutch are the Portugese, who are calld by the Native

Oran serane, Orang serani (a corruption of Arabic nasrani). The expression now also signifies Eurasians.

that is Nazareens, to distinguish them from other europeans, Notwithstanding which they are included in the general Name of Capir or Cafir,

Arab Kafir, infidel

an approbious term given by the Mahometans to all those who have not enterd into their faith, of whatsoever religion they may be. These tho formerly they were Portugese have no longer any pretentions to more than the name; they have all chang'd their religion and become Lutherans, and have no communication or even knowledge of the Countrey of their forefathers; they speak indeed a corrupt dialect of the Portugese language, but much oftener Malay. None of them are sufferd to employ themselves in any but mean occupations, many make their livelihood by hunting, taking in washing, and some by handicraft trades; their Customs are precisely the same as those of the Indians, like them they chew Betele, and are only to be distinguishd from them by their noses being sharper, their skins considerably blacker, and their Hair dress'd in a manner different from that us'd by the Indians.

The Duch, Portugese and Indians here are intirely waited upon by Slaves whoom they purchase from Sumatra, Malacca, and almost all their Eastern Islands; the natives of Java only have an exemption from slavery, enforc'd by strong penal laws, which I beleive are very seldom broke through. The price of these slaves is from 10 to 20 pound Sterling apeice, excepting young girls who are sold on account of their beauty, these sometimes go as high as 100 but I beleive never higher. They are a most lazy set of people, but contented with a little boild rice with a little of the cheapest fish, is the food which they prefer to all others. They differ immensely in form of Body and disposition, consequently in Value according to the countries they come from: African negroes calld here Papua

On the surface this is a curious name for African negroes: it was perhaps derived from the fact that the people of Papua or New Guinea were black-skinned.

are the cheapest and worst disposd of any being given up to stealing and almost incorrigible by stripes; next to them are the Bougis and the Macassars,

These were both Celebes people, Mahometans, speaking distinct languages. The Bugis occupied the eastern coast and a great deal of the interior of the southwest peninsula; they are known today as a race of expert sailors having their own characteristic type of ships, with tripod masts and overhanging sterns. The Macassars inhabited the southern and western extremity of the island.

Both inhabitants of the Island of Celebes, they are lazy and revengefull in the highest degree, Easily giving up their lives to satisfie their revenge; the Island of Bali sends the honestest and most faithful, consequently the dearest slaves; and Nias, a small Island on the Coast of Sumatra, the hansomest women

Nias is on the western side of Sumatra, the second large island from the north. It is not a ‘small’ island, as small islands go in the East Indies. The tradition of beautiful women still persists; girls are said to be preferred to boys there because a marriageable daughter brings a high price to her father.

but of tender delicate Constitutions, ill able to bear the unwholesome climate of Batavia. Besides these are many more sorts whose names and qualifications I have intirely forgot.

The laws and customs regarding the punishment of Slaves are these: A master may punish a slave as far as he thinks proper by stripes, but should death be the consequence he is calld to a very severe account, if the fact is provd very rarely escaping with life. There is however an officer in every quarter of the town, calld Marineu,

Merinyu (from Portuguese marinho), municipal officer, police inspector or bailiff.

who is a kind of constable; he attends to quell all riots, takes up all people guilty of crimes &c, but is more particularly used for the apprehending runaway slaves, and punishing them for that or any other crime for which their master thinks they deserve a greater punishment than he chuses to inflict. These punishments are inflicted by slaves bred up to the business; on men they are inflicted before the door of their masters house, on women for decency sake within it; they are stripes given in number according to custom and the nature of the Crime, with rods made of split rattans which fetch blood at every stroke, consequently they may be and sometimes are very severe; a common punishment costs the master of the slave a rixdollar, 4s, and a severe one about a ducatoon, 6s 8d. For their encouragement however and to prevent them from stealing, the master of every slave is obligd to give him 3 dubbelcheys, 7½d a week.

Extrordinary as it may seem there are very few Javans, that is descendants of the original inhabitants of Java, who live in the neighbourhood of Batavià. But as many countries as the Dutch import slaves from, so many sorts of Indians are there, who are either slaves made free or the desendants of such; they are alltogether calld by the name of Oran Slam or Isalam,

Orang Islam, man of Islam.

a name by which they distinguish themselves from all other religions, it signifying beleivers of the true faith. They are again subdivided into innumerable divisions, every countrey keeping themselves in some degree distinct from the rest; the dispositions generaly observd in the slaves are however verified in the free men, who compleatly inherit the different vices or virtues of their respective countries.

Many of these employ themselves in cultivating gardens and selling fruits and flowers; Betele and Arec, calld here Siri and Pinang, is all grown by them, of which an immense qua[n]tity is chewd by Portugese, Chinese and Slams, slaves and free men. The lime that they use here is however slackd, by which means their teeth are not eat up in the same manner as the Savoo people, who use it unslackd; they mix with it also a substance calld Gambir

An astringent extract from Uncaria gambir, otherwise used in the west in tanning and dyeing, under the name of Gambier.

which is brought from the Continent of India, and the better sort of women use with their chew many sorts of perfumes, as cardamoms

Cardamoms are spices, the seed capsules of species of Amomum and Elettaria, natives of both the East Indies and China.

&c. &c. to give the breath an agreable smell. Many also get a livelihood by fishing and carrying goods upon the water &c. &c; some however there are who are very rich and live splendidly in their own way, which consists almost intirely in a number of Slaves.

In the article of food no people can be more Abstemious than they are. Boild rice is of Rich as well as poor the principal part of the subsistence, this with a small proportion of fish, Buffaloe or fowl, and sometimes dryd fish and dry shrimps brought here from China, is the cheif of their food; every thing however must be highly seasond with Cayan pepper. They have also many pastry dishes made of Rice flower and other things I am totaly ignorant of, which are very pleasant, fruit also they eat much of especialy plantanes.

Their feasts are plentifull and in their way magnificent, tho they consist more of shew than meat; artificial flowers &c. are in profusion and meat plentifull tho of no great variety of dishes. Their religion of Mahometanism denies them the use of strong liquors, nor I beleive do they trespas much in that way, having always Tobacco, Betele and opium to intoxicate themselves. Their weddings are carried on with vast form and shew, the families concernd borrowing as many Gold and silver ornaments as possible to adorn the Bride and bride groom, so that their dresses are always costly; the feasts and ceremonies relating to them last in rich mens families a fortnigh[t] or more, all which time the man, tho married the first day, is by the women kept from his wife.

The language spoke among them is intirely Malay or at least so calld, for I beleive it is a most corrupt dialect of that Language, for notwistanding that Java has two or three, and almost every little Island beside its own language distinct from the rest, yet

Pl. VI. Ficus glomerata Cluster Fig Endeavour River none use or I beleive remember their own language; so that this Lingua Franca Malay is the only Language you hear spoken in this neigbourhood, and I have been told over a very large part of the East Indies.

The native inhabitants of Java were divided into three nations, all Malay, speaking distinct though allied languages—none of them a ‘corrupt dialect’. These were the Sundanese of western Java; the ‘true’ Javanese, of the centre and the east; and the Madurese, of the island of Madura, off Surabaya on the north-east coast and h e adjacent parts of Java itself.

Their women, and in imitation of them the Dutch also, wear as much hair as ever they can nurse up on their heads, which by the use of oils &c. is incredibly great; it is universaly black, and they wear it in a kind of circular wreath upon the tops of their heads fastned there with a Bodkin, in a taste inexpressibly elegant. I have often wishd that one of our ladies could see a malay womans head dressd in this manner, with her wreath of flowers, commonly Arabian Jasmine, round that of hair, for in that method of dress there is certainly an Elegant simplicity and unafected shew of the beauties of nature, incomparably superior to any thing I have seen in the Labourd head dresses of my fair countrey women.

S has the note, ‘No Fashion half so pleasing, as simple Elegance’. Presumably this was Sarah Sophia's own sentiment, as well as her brother's.

Both sexes bathe themselves in the river constantly, at least once a day, a most necessary custom in hot climates where the profuse perspiration attracts and retains dirt of all kinds in a high degree. Their teeth also, disgustfull as they must appear to an European from their blackness occasiond by their continual chewing of Betele, are a great object of their attention; every one must have them fil'd into the fashionable form, which is done with whetstones by a most troublesome and painfull operation. First both the upper and under teeth are rubbd till they are perfectly even and quite blunt, so that the two jaws lose not less than ½ a line

The ‘line’ in old measurement was the twelfth of an inch. Cf. I, p. 157 above.

each in the operation; then a deep groove is made in the middle of the upper teeth, crossing them all and itself cutting through at least one fourth of the whole thickness of the teeth, so that the Enamel is cut quite through — a fact which we Europeans who are taugh[t] by our dentifricators that any damage done to the enamel is mortal to the tooth, find it difficult to beleive; yet among these people, where this custom is universal, I have scarce seen even in old people a rotten tooth. Much may certainly be attributed to what they chew so continualy, which themselves and indeed every one Else agree is very beneficial to the teeth. The blackness however causd by this, of which they are so proud, is not a fixd stain but may be rubbd off at pleasure and then their teeth are as white as Ivory, but very soon again regain their original blackness.

No one who has ever been in these countries can be ignorant of the practise here which is calld Amoc,

i.e. amok. The word first came in to our language via translation from the Portuguese, 1663; Marvell used the phrase ‘runs a mucke’ as early as 1672; but Banks's use of the word seems to mark its earliest independent appearance in English as a noun. O.E.D. dates it 1772, apparently for Hawkesworth, which of course is a year too early.

which is, that an Indian intoxicated with opium rushes into the street with a drawn Dagger in his hand and kills every body he meets, especialy Europeans, till he himself is either killd or taken. This happned at Batavia three times while we were there to my knowledge, and much oftener I beleive, for the Marineu or Constable whose business it is to apprehend such people himself, told me that there was scarce a week when either himself or some of his brethren were not calld upon to seize or kill them. So far however from being an accidental madness which drove the people to kill whoomsoever they met without distinction of persons, the three that I knew of—and I have been told all others — had been severely Injurd, cheifly in love affairs, and first revengd themselves on the party who had Injurd them. It is true they had made themselves drunk with opium before they committed this action, and when it was done rushd out into the streets, foaming at the mouth like mad dogs, with their drawn Crise or Dagger in their hands; but they never attempted to hurt any one except those who attempted, or appeard to them to attempt to stop or seize them, whoever ran away or even went on the other side of the street was safe. To prove that these people distinguishd persons, mad as they are with the use of Opium, there is a famous story in Batavia, of one who run Amoc on account of stripes and ill usage which he had receivd from his mistress and her elder daughter, but on the contrary had been always well usd by the younger; he stabbd first the eldest daughter, the youngest hearing the bustle ran to the assistance of her mother and placd herself between him and her, attempting to persuade him from his design, but he repeatedly pushd her on one side before he could get at her mother, who when he had killd he ran out as usual. These people are generaly slaves, who indeed are by much the most subject to insults which they cannot revenge. Freemen however sometimes do it: one of them who did it while I was there was free, and of some substance; the cause was Jealousy of his own brother, whoom he killd with two more that attempted to oppose him before he was taken; he however never came out of his house, which he attempted to defend, but so mad was he with the Effects of the opium that out of three musquets which he attempted to use against the officers of Justice not one was either loaded or Primd.

The Marineu as he is calld, a petty officer of Justice somewhat resembling our constable, who regulates all riotous proceedings &c. &c., has also these Amoc's committed to his charge; if he takes them alive his reward is great, if he kills them that reward is lost. Notwithstanding which 3 out of 4 are killd, so resolute and active is their resistance when attacked, and that they have contrivances like large tongs or pincers to catch them and hold them till disarmd; those who are taken are generaly wounded severely, for the Marineus assistants, who are all armd with hangers, know how to lame the man if once they can get within reach of him. The punishment of this crime is always breaking upon the wheel, nor is that ever relaxd, but so strictly adheerd to that if an amoc when taken is Judgd by the Physicians to be in danger from his wounds, he is executed the very next day, as near as possible to the place where he committed his first murther.

Among their absurd opinions proceeding from their original Idolatry, of which they have some, is certainly the custom of Consecrating Meat, money &c, to the Devil, whoom they call Satan; this is done either in cases of dangerous sickness, when they by these means try to appease the devil who they beleive to be the cause of all sickness, and make him spare the diseasd mans life, or in consequence of Dreams. If any man is restless and dreams much for two or three nights, he immediately Concludes that Satan has taken that method of laying his Commands upon him, which if he neglects to fullfill he will certainly suffer sickness or death as a punishment for his inattention; consequently he begins to Labour over in his brains all the circumstances of his dream, and try his utmost to put some explanation or other upon them; in this if he fails, he sends for the Cawin

The Ms is ambiguously ‘Cawm’ and ‘Gawin’; P Cawm, S Cawin. Probably Cawin is intended, from Arabic kahin, a diviner, soothsayer—not ‘Preist’, as Banks has it—taken over into Malay.

or Preist who assists him to interpret them. Sometimes Satan orders him to do this or that or the contrary, but generaly he wants either meat or money, which is always sent him, and hung up on a little plate made of Cocoa nut leaves on the bough's of a tree near the river. I have askd them what they thought the devil did with the money, and whether or no they thought that he eat the victuals: as for the money, they said, so that the man orderd to do so did but part with it, it signified not who took it, therefore it was generaly a prey to the first stranger who found it; and the meat he did not eat, but bringing his mouth near it he suckd at once all the savouryness out of it without disturbing its position in the least, but rendering it tasteless as water.

But what is much more difficult to reconcile to the rules of human reason, is the beleif which these people have that women who bring forth children sometimes bring forth at the same time young Crocodiles, as twins to the Children; these creatures are receivd by the midwives most carefully and immediately carried down to the river, where they are turnd lose, but have victuals supplyd them constantly from the family, especialy the twin, who is necessitated to go down to the river every now and then and give meat to this Sudara

Saudara, brother, or more vaguely, relative. This belief is not confined to crocodiles, and Mr T. R. Smith tells me of a recent report from East Borneo of a snake saudara.

as it is calld, who if he is deprivd of such attendance constantly aff[l]icts his relation with sickness. The existence of an opinion so contradictory to human reason, and which seemd totaly unconnected with religion, was with me long a subject of doubt, but the universal testimony of every Indian I ever heard speak of it was not to be withstood. It seems to have taken its rise in the Island of Celebes and Bouton, very many of the inhabitants of which have crocodiles in their families; from thence it has spread itself all over the Eastern Islands, even to Timor and Ceram, and west again as far as Java and Sumatra, on which Islands however such instances are very scarce among the natives. To shew how firmly this prejudice has layd hold of the minds of these ignorant people, I shall repeat one story out of the multitude I have heard confirming it from ocular demonstration.

A Slave girl who was born and bred up among the En[g]lish at Bencoulen on the Island of Sumatra, by which means she had learnt a little English, told me that her father when on his Death bed told her that he had a Crocodile for his sudara, and chargd her to give him meat &c. after he was gone, telling her in what part of the river he was to be found. She went she said constantly, and calling him by his name Radja pouti

Raja puteh.

(white king), he came out of the water to her and eat what she brought; he was, she said, not like other crocodiles but hansomer his body being spotted and his nose red, moreover he had bracelets of Gold on his feet, and ear rings of the same metal in his ears. I heard her out patiently without finding fault with the absurdity of her giving ears to a crocodile. While I am writing this my Servant, who I hird at Batavia and is a mongrel between a Duch man and Javan woman, tells me that he has seen at Batavia a crocodile of this kind; it was about 2 feet long being very young, Many both Malays and Dutch saw it at the same time, it had gold bracelets on. Ah, said I, why such a one at Batavia told me of one which had Ear rings likewise, and you know that a crocodile has no ears. Ah but, said he, these Sudara Oran

Saudara orang, ‘brothers of men’.

are different from other Crocodiles; they have 5 toes on each foot, and a large tongue which fills their mouth, and they have ears also but they are very small. So far will a popular Error deceive people unusd to examine into the truth of what they are told.

The Bougis, Macassars and Boetons,

Cf. p. 220, n. 4 above. The Boetons were a Mahometan people inhabiting the island of Boeton off the end of the south-east peninsula of Celebes. They spoke a language of their own.

many of whoom have such relations left behind in their own countrey, make a kind of Ceremonial feast in memory of their relations. A large party of them go in a boat furnish'd with plenty of provisions of all kinds and musick; in this they row about in places where crocodiles or allegators are most common, singing and crying by turns, each invoking their relation; in this manner they go on till they are fortunate enough to see or fancy at least that they see one, when at once their musick stops and they throw overboard Provisions, Betele, Tobacco &c., imagining I suppose that their civility to the species will induce their kindred at home to think well of them, tho unable to pay their proper offerings.

Next come the Chinese, who in this place are very numerous but seem to be people of small substance. Many of them live within the walls and keep shops, some few of which are furnishd with a pretty rich shew of European as well as Chinese goods; but far the greatest number live in a Quarter by themselves without the walls calld Campon

Malay kampong, village.

China. Besides these there are others scatterd every where about the Countrey, where they cultivate gardens, sow rice and sugar, or keep Cattle and buffaloes whose milk they bring daily to town.

Nor are the inhabitants of the town and Campon China less industrious; you see among them Carpenters, Joiners, smiths, Taylors, Slipper Makers and dyers of Cottons, Embroiderers &c; in short the general character of Industry given to them by all authors who have wrote upon them is well exemplified here, tho the more genteel parts of their customs cannot, on account of the want of rich and well born people be found among them; those China alone can shew, here nothing can be sought for but the native disposition of the lower Class of people.

There is nothing be it of what nature it will, clean or dirty, honest or dishonest (provided there is not too much danger of a halter) which a Chinese will not readily do for money; they work diligently and laboriously, and loth to lose sight of their main point, money getting. No sooner do they leave of work than they begin to game, either at Cards, dice or some one of the thousand games they have which are unknown to us in Europe; in this manner they spend their lives working and gaming, scarce allowing themselves time for the necessary refreshments of food and sleep; in short it is as extrordinary a sight to see a China man Idle, as it is to see a Dutchman or Indian at work.

In manners they are always civil or rather obsequious, in dress always neat and clean in a high degree, from the highest to the lowest. To atempt to describe either their dresses or persons would be only to repeat some of the many accounts of them that have been publish'd, as every one has been wrote by people who had much better opportunities of seeing them and more time to examine them than I have had. Indeed a man need go no farther to study them than the China paper,

Banks seems to mean by this the wall-paper imported from China, much admired in England at this period, and part of the current Chinese craze in interior decoration.

the better sort of which represents their persons and such of their Customs, dresses &c. as I have seen most strikingly like, tho a little in the Caracatura stile; indeed some of the Plants which are common to China and Java, as Bamboe, are better figurd there than in the best botanical authors that I have seen.

In Eating they are easily satisfied, not but that the richer have many savoury dishes; Rice however is the cheif food of the poorer with a little fish or flesh as they can afford it. They have a great advantage over the Malays, not being taught by their laws or religion to abstain from any food that is wholesome, so that besides Pork, Dogs, cats, Frogs, Lizzards and some kinds of snakes, as well as many sea animals lookd upon by other people to be by no means Eatable, are their Constant food. In the vegetable way they also eat many things which Europeans would never think of even if starving with hunger, as the young leaves of many trees, that lump of Bractea and flowers at the end of a Bunch of Plantains, the flowers of a tree calld by the Malays Combang Ture (Eschinomine grandiflora),

Later altered to Aeschinomene speciosa and so entered in Solander's Ms Insulae Oc. Pac., p. 291. Britten identifies this entry as Sesbania coccinea Poir.

the Pods of Kellor (Guilandina Moringa),

Calamus ornatus Bl.

two sorts of Blites (Amaranthus)

Blite, a general name for spinach. Amaranthus spinosus and A. oleraceus were entered in the Banks and Solander Ms Catalogue, p. 9.

— all which are boild or stewd; also the seeds of Taratti (Nympha Nelumbo)

Taraté, Nelumbium nelumbo Druce.

which indeed are almost as good as hazel nuts. All these however the Malays also Eat, as well as many more whose names I had not an opportunity of Learning, as my Ilness rendering me weak and unable to go about, prevented me from mixing with these people as I should otherwise have done.

In their Buryings the Chinese have an extrordinary superstition, which is that they will never more open the ground in the place where a man has been buried, by which means it happens that their burying grounds in the neigbourhood of Batavia cover many hundred acres; on which account the Dutch, grudging the quantity of ground laid waste by this method, will not sell them ground for it but at enormous prizes, notwithstanding which they will always raise money to purchase Grounds whenever they can find the Duch in a Humour to sell it, and actualy had while we were there a great deal of land intended for that purpose but not yet began upon. Their funerals are attended with much purchasd and some real lamentations, the relations of the deceasd attending as well as women hird to weep. The Corps is Naild up in a large thick wooden Coffin, not made of Plank but hollowd out of the trunk of a tree; this is let down into the Grave and then surrounded 8 or 10 inches thick with their mortar or chinam

A variant of chunam, a word with a Sanskrit derivation, for a cement or plaster made of shell lime and sea sand. It was largely used as a building material in India.

as it is calld, which in a short time becomes hard as stone, so that the bones of the meanest among them are more carefully preserv'd from Injury than those of our greatest and most respected people.

Of the Goverment here I can say but very little, only that an uncommonly great subordination is kept up, every man who is able to keep house having a certain rank acquird by the lengh of his services to the Company, which ranks are distinguishd by the ornaments of the Coaches and dresses of the Coachmen of such as have them: as for instance, one must ride in a plain Coach, another Paints his Coach with figures and gives his Coachman a lacd hat, another gilds his Coach &c.

The Governor General as he is calld who resides here, is superior over all the Dutch Governors and other officers in the East Indies, who to a man are obligd to come to him at Batavia to have their accounts past; and if they are found to have been at all negligent or faulty it is a common practise to delay them there 1, 2 or 3 years according to the pleasure of the Governor, for no one can leave the place without his consent and approbation. Next to the general are the Raaden van Indïë or members of the Councel, calld here Edele Heeren and by the corruption of the English Idoleers, in respect to whoom every one who meets them in a carriage is obligd to drive on one side of the Road and stop there till they are past, which distinction is expected by their wives and even children, and commonly paid to them; nor can the coachmen who are hird be restraind from paying this slavish mark of respect by any thing but the threats of instant death, as some of our captains have experiencd, who thought it beneath the dignity of the rank they held under his Britannick majestys service to submit to any such a humiliating Ceremony.

Justice is administerd here by a parcel of gentlemen of the law, who have ranks and dignities among themselves as in Europe. In civil matters I know nothing of their proceedings, but in criminal they are rather severe to the natives, and too Lenient to their countreymen, who whatever crime they have committed are always allowd to escape if they chuse it, and if brought to tryal very rarely punishd with death; while on the other hand, the Poor Indians are floggd, hangd, Broke upon the wheel, and even impald without mercy. While we were there 3 remarkable Crimes were committed by Christians. 2 duelists killd each his antagonist and both fled; one took refuge on board our ship, bringing with him so good a character from the Batavians that the Captian gave him protection, nor was he ever demanded; the other I suppose went on board some other as he was never taken. The other was a Portugese, who by means of a false key had robbd an office to which he belongd of 14 or 15 hundred pounds; he however was taken, but instead of death Condemnd to a publick whipping and banishment to Banda

A small group of islands in the Banda Sea about 65 miles south-west of the southeastern extremity of Ceram. Groot Banda, the largest, is in approximately lat. 4° 30′ S, long. 130° E.

for 99 years.

The Malays and Chinese have each proper officers of their own, a Captain and lieutenants as they are calld, who administer Justice among them in Civil cases, liable to an appeal to the Dutch court, which however rarely happens. Before the Chinese Rebellion as the Dutch, or Massacre as the Chinese themselves and most Europeans Call it, in 1740, when the Dutch upon may be too slight an information massacred no man knows how many thousand Chinese unresisting, for a supposd rebellion, which they to this day declare to have been never so much as thought of by them, the Chinese had two or three of their body in the Council and many more priviledges than now; nor have they from that time to this by any means recoverd either their former Oppulence or numbers, every one now who has got any thing considerable chusing to retire with it either to China, or any where, rather than remain in the power of a people who have behavd so ill to them.

The taxes paid by these people to the Company are very considerable, among which that commonly said to be paid for the liberty of wearing their hair is not inconsiderable; it is however no other than a kind of head money or Poll tax, for no Chinese can wear his hair who has ever been in China, it being a principle of their religion never to let their hair grow again when once it has been shavd off. These taxes are paid monthly, when a flag is hoisted at a house in the middle of the town appointed for that purpose.

The money current here is Ducats worth 118/- sterling, Ducatoons 6/8, Imperial Rixdollars 5/, Rupees 2/6, scellings /6, Dubblecheys /2½, and doits 1/4. Spanish dollars were when we were there at 5/5 and we were told were never lower than 5/4 even at the Companies warehouse. For English guineas I could get no more than 19/, for tho the China men would give 20/ for some of the Brightest they would for those at all worn give no more than 17/. Strangers must however be cautious in receiving money, as there are of several kinds two sorts, milld and unmilld. Ducatoons for example when milld are worth 6/8, unmilld only 6/-. All accounts are kept in Rixdollars and Stivers, both imaginary Coins, at least here: the first worth 4/ the other /1. It must also be remar[k]d that this valuation of their coin is rated on the supposition of a Stiver being worth a penny which is realy worth more, a current Rixdollar of 48 stivers being worth 4/6.

[December 1770]

25. There was not I beleive a man in the ship but gave his utmost aid to getting up the Anchor, so compleatly tird was every one of the unwholesome air of this place. We had buried here 8

This is an error. Seven men died at Batavia: Green the astronomer, W. B. Monkhouse the surgeon, John Reynolds, Green's servant, Timothy Rcarden and John Woodworth, A.B.’s, Tupaia and Taiata.

people, in general however the Crew was in rather better health than they had been a fortnight before.

While we were at work a man was missd who it was supposd did not intend to stay ashore,

Banks does not say whether the man was brought back; he probably refers to Patrick Saunders, who deserted on this day. Saunders began as a midshipman and was demoted to A.B., on 23 May 1770, apparently as a result of the horseplay which deprived Orton of part of his ears. See above, p. 65, n. 3; Cook I, pp. 323–4. This desertion seems to have been taken as a confession of his guilt.—Parkinson, p. 207.

so a boat was sent after him, which before its return delayd us so long that we lost intirely the sea breeze, and were obligd to come too again a few cables lenghs only from where we lay before.

26. Weighd and having very faint land breeze got no farther than to the Island of Edam.

27. Sea breeze was faint again today so that we got but little on our way.

28. We had a good sea breeze which carried us to Maneaters Island

An islet—‘Menscheneter’—lying just west of the outer point of the reef of the same name, which runs off the coast a few miles west of the western point of the Batavia roadstead; or, as Cook puts it (p. 444), ‘a small Island laying under the Main midway between Batavia and Bantam’.

where we anchord for the night.

29. We were again fortunate and at night anchord under Pulo Babi.

30. This day in Entering the Narrows we found some dificulty, and at night came to an anchor under some small Islands on the Coast of Sumatra almost abreast of Thwart the Way,

Thwart-the-Way or Thwartway Island, in the Straits of Sunda; cf. p. 180, n. 3 above.

from whence we saw a large Dutch Ship at an anchor under North Island, a small Island likewise on the Sumatra Coast to the N of us.

Sumatra in this place was very woody and seemd but thinly inhabited; there were however some cleard spots and a few fires seen.

31. Workd all day against the wind hoping to see some boat come off to us which might sell us fruits or greens, but none came.

January 1771

1. Workd all night and today likewise. At night Anchord under a high Island call[d] in the draughts Cracatoa and by the Indians Pulo Racatta.

I had been unacountably troubled with Musquitos ever since we left Batavia, and still imagin'd that they increasd instead of decreasing, although my opinion was universaly thought improbable; today however the mystery was discoverd, for on getting up water today, Dr Solander who happned to stand near the scuttle cask observd an infinite number of them in their water state in it, who as soon as the sun had a little effect upon the water began to come out in real Effective mosquetos incredibly fast.

2. This morn when we rose we saw that there were many houses and much Cultivation upon Cracatoa, so that probably a ship might meet with refreshments who chose to touch here in preference to Princes Island. The wind was so foul and balkd us so often that after having saild the whole day we were glad at night to come back again to our old Birth under Cracatoa.

3. Tho we had again got under way in the night, Yet this morn we had gaind but little, nor did we much more all day; at night however a breeze sprung up at Se and we saild on Chearily.

4. Soon after Dinner time today we anchord under Princes Island and went ashore. The People who met us carried us immediately to a man whoom they told us was their king, with whoom after a few Compliments we proceeded to business, that was to settle the price of Turtle, in which we did not well agree. This however did not at all discourage us, as we doubted not but that in the morn we should have them at our own price, so we walkd a little way along shore and the Indians dispersd. One Canoe however remaind and just as we went off sold us three turtle on a promise that we should not tell the king.

5. Ashore today trading; the Indians dropd their demands very slowly but were very civil, towards noon however they came down to the offerd price, so that before night we had bought up a large quantity of Turtle. In the Evening I went to pay my respects to his majesty the king, who I found at his house in the middle of a rice feild cooking his own supper; he receivd me however very politely.

6. Many People were down at the trading place with fowls, fish, Monkeys, small Deer, &c. &c. but few or no Turtle, they said that we had bought them all the day before.

Banks adjusts this date from 7, which he had first written. Since leaving Batavia his dates have become unhinged, perhaps because of a lapse in the entering of his journal, followed by somewhat random dating—e.g. he anchors off Maneaters Island on December 28, but Cook not till the 30th, which should have been Banks's 29th. According to Cook the ship anchored off Princes Island and he ‘went a shore to look at the watering place and to speak with the Natives some of whome were upon the beach’ on the afternoon of January 6—properly Banks's 5th. Banks makes this January 4.—Cook has no reference to the danger recounted by Banks in this entry.

In the Morn the ship which had in the night been driven something nearer the shore, was so near being ashore that the foot of the rudder touchd several times, and indeed gave the first intimation of our danger, but by the alertness of the officers she was hove into deep water in a very short time. The day was rainy throughout and very few Indians came to the watering place, so that nothing was bought but a few fish and fowls.

9. Fine weather today and rather more trade than usual. Early in the morn 8 guns were heard within Pepper point,

The point to the south of Peper bay, Derde punt. William Herbert, New Directory for the East Indies (ed. 4, 1776), pl. 35, calls this ‘3a or Pepper Pt’.

but no ship had been seen by either us or the Islanders so we could not even guess the Occasion of them.

10. Little trade; the people brought down a deer of a kind weighing about 40 lb;

Presumably a Muntjak, Muntiacus sp.

our stock of Turtle was now Considerably increasd, some few having been bought every day, tho the Joint number did not equal what had been bought the first day.

11. My Servant Sander who I had hir'd at Batavia

Entered on the muster-roll as ‘Alexander’, 6 November 1770.

having found out that these people had a town somewhere along shore to the Westward and not very far off, I resolvd to visit it, but knowing that the inhabitants were not at all desirous of our company kept my intentions secret from them. In the morn I set out accompanied by our second Lieutenant and went along shore, telling all whoom I met that I was in search of plants which indeed was also the case. In about 2 hours we arrivd at a place where were about 4 or 5 houses, here we met an old man and venturd to ask him questions about the town; he said it was very distant, but we not much relying on his information proceeded on our way, as did he in our company, atempting however several times to lead us out of the pathway which we were now in; we remaind firm to our purpose and soon got sight of our desird Object. The old man then turnd our freind and accompanied us to the houses, I suppose near 400 in number, divided into the old and new town between which was a brackish river. In the old town we met with several old acquaintances, one of whoom at the rate of 2d a head undertook to transport us over the river, which he did in two very small Canoes which we prevented from oversetting by laying them alongside each other and holding them together; in this manner we safely went through our navigation and arrivd at the new town, where the kings and all the nobilities houses were which the inhabitants very freely shewd to us. The most of them were shut up, the people in general at this time of the year living in their rice feilds to defend the Crop from Monkies, Birds &c. When our curiosity was satisfied we hird a large sailing boat for which we gave 2 Rupees 4s/, which carried us home time enough to dine upon the deer we had bought the day before, which provd very good and savoury meat.

In the Evening when we went ashore we were acquainted that an axe had been stole from one of our people; this as the first theft we thought it not proper to pass over, so immediate application was made to the king, who after some time promisd that it should be returnd in the morn.

12. The hatchet was brought down according to promise, the theif they said afraid of conviction had in the night conveyd it into the house of the man who brought it. Trade as usual, 2 or 300 weight of Turtle in a day with fowls &c. Myself was this day seizd with a Return of my Batavia Fever, which I attributed to being much exposd to a burning sun in trading with the Natives.

13. It was resolvd to sail tomorrow, which the natives had been informd of yesterday, so they brought down rather more turtle than usual. My Fever returnd, but I resolvd not to atempt to cure it till in the main Ocean I should meet with a better air than this uncleard Island could possibly have.

In the Eve after my fit I went ashore to the king, to whoom time after time I had made small presents altogether not of 5 shillings value, carrying 2 Qrs of Paper, which as he had done every thing else he most thankfully receivd. We had much conversation, the purport of which was his asking why the English ships did not touch here as they had usd to do; I told him that as they had not on the Island Turtle enough to supply one ship the[y] could not expect many, but advisd him to breed Cattle, Sheep and Buffaloes, which advise however he did not seem much to approve.

Princes Island as it is calld by the English, in Malay Pulo Selan, and in the language of its inhabitants Pulo paneitan

Panaitan.

is a small Island situated in the Western mouth of the streights of Sunday; it is woody, and has no remarkable hill upon it, tho the English call the small one which is just over the anchoring place the Pike. This Island was formerly much frequented by India ships of many nations but especialy English, who have of late forsaken it on account it is said of the Badness of its water, and stop either at North Island, a small Island on the Sumatra Coast without the East Entrance of the Streights, or at New Bay,

A mistake for Mew Bay, on the Java shore of the strait.

a few leag[u]es only from Princes Island, at neither of which places however any quantity of refreshments can be procurd.

Its cheif produce is water, which is situated in such a manner that if you are not carefull in filling high enough up the Brook it will inevitably be brackish, from which circumstance alone I beleive it has got a Bad name with almost all nations; Turtle, of which however its supplys are not great, so that if a ship comes second or third in the season she must be contented with small ones, and no great plenty of them — as indeed was in some measure our case; we bought at very various prizes according to the humour of the people, but altogether I beleive they came to about 1 halfpenny or 3/4 a pound. They were of the Green kind, but not fat or well flavourd in any degree as they are in most other parts, which I beleive is in great measure owing to the people keeping them sometimes very long in crawls of Brackish water, where they have no kind of food given to them. Fowls are tolerably cheap, a dozen of large ones sold when we were there for a Spanish Dollar which is /5d a peice. They have also plenty of Monkeys and small deer (moschus pygmaeus)

A Mouse Deer, Tragulus kanchil.

the largest of which are not quite so big as a new faln Lamb, and another kind of Deer calld by them Munchack about the size of a sheep;

Muntjak, Muntiacus muntjak

the monkeys were about 1/2 a dollar 2/6, the small deer /2d, the larger, of which they brought down only 2, a rupee or 28/. Fish they have of many various kinds which are sold by hand as you can bargain, we found them however always tolerably cheap. Vegetables they have, Cocoa nuts a dollar for 100 if you chuse them or 130 if you take them as they come; Plantanes Plenty, some water melons, pine apples, Jaccas,

Jakfruit, Artocarpus integra, or the related sp., A. champeden. Portuguese jaca, from Malayan chakka; it is a kind of large coarse breadfruit, often 2 to 2½ feet in length.

Pumkins,

also Rice cheifly of the mountain sort which grows on dryland, Yams and several other vegetables all which are sold reasonably enough.

The inhabitants are Javans whose Radja is subject to the Sultan of Bantam, from whoom they receive orders and to whoom they possibly pay a tribute, but of that particular I am not certain. Their customs I beleive are very much like those of the Indians about Batavia, only they seem much more jealous of their women, so much so that I never saw one the whole time of our stay except she was running away full speed to hide herself in the woods. Their Religion is Mahometanism but I beleive they have not a Mosque upon the Island; they were however very strict in the observance of their Fast (the same as the Ramdan of the Turks) during which we hapned to come: not one would touch victuals till sun set or even chew their Betele, but 1/2 or an hour before all went home to cook the kettle nor would they stay for any thing but view of extrordinary profit.

Their food was nearly the same as the Batavian Indians, adding only to it the nuts of the Palm calld Cycas circinalis with which on the Coast of New Holland some of our people were made ill and some of our hogs Poisond outright.

Banks seems to be mistaken here. Cycas circinalis is widespread in S. E. Asia, and the seeds are very poisonous before being suitably treated; but the Cycas media which did the damage on the Australian coast is a distinct species.

Their method of preparing them to get out their deleterious qualities they told me were first to cut the nuts into thin slices and dry them in the sun, then to steep them in fresh water for three months, afterwards pressing the water from them and drying them in the sun once more; they however were so far from being a delicious food that they never usd them but in times of scarcity when they mixt the preparation with their rice.

Their Town which they calld Samadang consisted of about 300 houses; great part of the old town however was in ruins. Their houses were all built up on pillars 4 or 5 feet above the ground. The Plan of that of Gundang, a man who seemd to be next in riches and influence to the king, will give an Idea of them all: it was walld with boards, a luxury none but the king and himself had, but in no other respect differd from those of the midling people except being a little longer.

The walls were made of Bamboo platted on small perpendicular sticks fastned to the Beams; the floors were also of Bamboo, Each stick however laid at a small distance from the next so that the air had a free passage from below, by which means these houses were

a. the door. b. the window. c. the partition where the master and his wife sleep. d. the partition where the children sleep, c. where the victuals are cookd. f. where strangers or visitors sleep. always cool; the thach of Palm leaves was always thick and strong so that neither rain nor sunbeams could find entrance through it.

When we were at the town there were very few inhabitants there; the rest livd in Ocasional houses built in the rice feilds where they watchd the crop to prevent the devastations of Monkies, birds, &c. These occasional houses are smaller than those of the town; the posts which support them also instead of being 4 or 5 feet in hight are 8 or 10, otherwise the divisions &c. are quite the same.

Their dispositions as far as we saw them were very good, at least they dealt very fairly with us upon all occasions: Indian like however, always asking double what they would take for whatever they had to dispose of. This however producd no inconvenencees to us who were us'd to this kind of trafick.

In making out Bargains they were very handy and supplyd the want of small money reasonably well by laying together a quantity of any thing, and when the price was settled dividing it among each other according to the proportion each had brought to the general stock. They would sometimes change our money, giving 240 doits for a Spanish dollar, that is 58/ sterling, and 92, that is 28/ sterling

S has a note, ‘fancy it should have been’ 96 doits to 2 shillings.

for a Bengall Rupee. The money they chose however was doits in all small bargains; dubblecheys they had but wer[e] very nice in taking them.

Their Language is different both from the Malay and Javan; they all however speak Malay.

Princes Island Java Malay English Jalma Oong Lanang Oran Lacki Lacki a man Becang Oong Wadang Parampuan a woman Oroculatacke Lari Anack a child Hob Undass Capalla the head Erung Erung Edung the Nose Mata Moto Mata the Eyes Chole Cuping Cuping the Ears Princes Island Java Malay English Cutock Untu Ghigi the teeth Beatung Wuttong Prot the belly Serit Celit Pantat the Backside Pimping Poopoo Paha the thigh Hullootoor Duncul Lontour the Knee Metis Sickil Kauki the Leg Cucu Cucu Cucu a Nail Langan Tangan Tangan a hand Ramo Langan Jari Jaring a finger

These specimens of Languages so near each other in situation I chose to give together and selected the words without any previous choise as I had wrote them down on a paper, that the similar and dissimilar words might Equaly be seen. As for the parts of the Body which I have made the subject of this and all my specimens of Language, I chose them in preference to all others as the names of them are easily got from people of whose Language the enquirer has not the least Idea. What I call the Javan is the Language spoke at Samarang,

Semarang, half way along the north coast of Java to the east. The language spoken in the central part of Java is Javanese; Sundancse is spoken in the west, and Madurese in the east. of. pp. 222–3 above.

a days journey from the seat of the Emperor of Java. I have been told that there are several other languages upon the Island but those I had no opportunity of collecting words from, meeting with no one who could speak them. The Princes Islanders call their langu[a]ge Catta Gunung,

Kata gunong.

that is the Mountain Language, and say that it is spoken upon the mountains of Java from whence their tribe originaly came, first to New Bay a few leagues only off and from thence to Princes Island, driven there by the quantities of Tygers. The Malay, Javan and Princes Island all have words in them either e[x]actly like, or else plainly deriving their origin from the same source with others in the Language of the South Sea Islands: this is particularly visible in their Numbers, from whence one should at first be enclind to suppose that their learning at least had been derivd originaly from one and the same source. But how that strange problem of the numbers of the Black inhabitants of Madagascar, so vastly similar to those of Otahite, could have Come to pass surpasses I confess my skill to conjecture. The numbers that I give overleaf in the Comparative table I had from a Negro slave Born at Madagascar, who was at Batavia with an English ship, from whence he was sent for merely to satisfie my curiosity in the language. There being much fewer words in the Princes Island language similar to S. Sea words is oweing in great measure to my not having taken a sufficient quantity of words upon the spot to compare with it.

Specimens Of Language

South Sea Malay Java Princes Island 1. Matta Majta Moto an Eye 2. Maa Macan Mangan to eat 3. Einu Menum Gnumbe to drink 4. Matte Matte Matte to kill 5. Outou Coutou a louse 6. Euwa Udian Udan Rain 7. Owhe Awe Bambu cane 8. Eu Sonsou Sousou a Breast 9. Mannu Mannu Mannuk a bird 10. Eyea Ican Iwa a fish 11. Uta Utan inland 12. Topoa Tapaan the foot 13. Tooura Udang Urang a lobster 14. Eufwhe Ubi Uwe Yams 15. Etannou Tonnam Tandour to bury 16. Enammou Gnammuck a Muscheto 17. Hearu Garru Garu to scratch 18. Tare Tallas Talas cocos roots 19. Outou Sungoot the mouth 20. Eto Tao sugar cane

S. Sea Malay Java Princes Isle Madagasgar 1. Tahie Satou Sigi Hegie Ifse 2. Rua Dua Lorou Dua Rua 3. Torou Tiga Tullu Tellu Tellou 4. Haa Ampat Pappat Opat Effats 5. Rima Lima Limo Limah Limi 6.

N. B. in the Island of Ulietea 6 is calld ono.

Wheney Annam Nunnam Gunnap Ene 7.Hetu Tudju Petu Tudju Fitou 8. Waru Delapan Wolo Delapan Walou 9. Iva Sembilan Songo Salapan Sivi 10. Ahouroo Sapoulou Sapoulou Sapoulou Fourou 11. Matahie Sabilas Suvalas 12. Marua Dubilas Roalas 20. Tahie Taou Duapoulou Rompoulou 100. Rima Taou Saratus Satus Satus 200. Mannu dua ratus Rongatus 1000. Lima mannu Soreboo Seawo Seawo 2000. Mannu Tine

The Madagascar language has also som[e] words similar to Malay words, as ouron the nose, in Malay Erung Lala, the tongue Lida Tang, the hand Tangan Taan, the ground Tanna.

From this similitude of language Between the inhabitants of the Eastern Indies and the Islands in the South Sea I should have venturd to conjecture much did not Madagascar interfere; and how any Communication can ever have been carried between Madagascar and Java to make the Brown long haird people of the latter speak a language similar to that the Black wooly headed natives of the other is I confess far beyond my comprehension — unless the Egyptian Learning running in two courses, one through Africa the other through Asia, might introduce the same words, and what is still more probable Numerical terms, into the languages of people who never had any communication with each other. But this point requiring a depth of knowledge in Antiquities I must leave to Antiquarians to discuss.

The ‘Antiquarians’ have from time to time had a good deal of discussion over the part played by the ‘Egyptian Learning’ in the diffusion of culture, and some of them have had it running in many more courses than two. The Egyptian theories are not at present thought highly of; and Banks, we may suspect, makes about the same use of Egypt as—shall one say?—Mozart makes of Isis and Osiris in the Magic Flute. It was a sort of vague background for eighteenth century speculation or fantasy. Banks's speculation, so shrewd about Polynesian origins, did not take into account the possibility of the spread of a fundamental language in opposite directions through the spread of a people in opposite directions. His ignorance of Madagascar led him to suppose that its inhabitants were an African negro race (‘Black wooly headed’) whereas in fact the Malagasy—though living on what was geographically an African island—had their origin in a migration at some unknown distant date of dark-skinned Indonesians, followed by another, sixteenth century, migration of Malays—movements of peoples neither black nor woolly-headed. There was a little mixture of both African and Arab elements; but the Malagasy tongue was one of the Austronesian group, with dialectal differences within itself. Its affinities with Malay were noted as early as the sixteenth century, and comparative vocabularies were printed in the first two decades of the seventeenth century.

14. Our intention of sailing this morn was delayd by want of wind, it being calm till 11 O'Clock when a gentle breeze sprang up which was favourable; the morning however was not thrown away for the Indians seeing us not gone brought fish and some Turtle which were bought. Our breeze tho favourable was however so slack that by night we had got no farther than abreast of the town where we anchord.

15. Weighd again and stood out to sea with a breeze so gentle that at night we were still in sight of Land.

16. This Morn we wakd in the open Ocean, nothing in sight but sea and sky. The winds, tho fair continud yet so gentle that we hardly knew whether we went on or stood still. At night a booby made us a visit and slept his last sleep in the stomachs of some of our men, not induc'd quite to forsake the old trade of Booby Eating even by the present abundance of victuals.

17. Calms and light breezes still detaind us till eve when a pleasant breeze sprung up and gave us hopes of soon gaining the trade wind, which we impatiently longd for especialy myself who had my fever every day; nor was I the only sick man, many began to complain of purgings. Some tropick birds and Gannets (Pelecanus pisc) were seen.

18. In the Morn Rain with light breezes. Several Man of war birds and some shearwaters were about the ship.

19. Light breezes all day. A ship in sight but too far off to distinguish her colours.

20. Weather as usual. 2 ships in sight who shew'd us Dutch Colours and then saild ahead of us, letting us know that sure as our ship might be she was too slow to outsail even a Dutchman. Several tropick birds were seen. In the Even the wind came foul.

Myself who had began with the Bark Yesterday miss'd my fever today, the people however in general grew worse and many had now the dysentery or bloody flux.

21. The Wind remaind as it was but one of the Duchmen had so far outsaild us as to be intirely out of sight; the other however was not so much ahead but that we sometimes flatterd ourselves with thinking that we could sail as fast as her. Some few Gannets and porpoises were about the ship.

22. Our freind the slow Dutchman was this morn out of sight: the wind still foul. Almost all the Ships Company were now ill with either fluxes or severe, purgings; myself far from well, Mr Sporing very ill and Mr Parkinson very little better, his complaint was a slow fever.

23. Myself was too ill today to do any thing; one of our people died of the flux in the Evening.

24. My distemper this day turnd out to be a flux attended (as that disease always is) with excrutiating pains in my bowels, on which I took to my bed. In the Eve Mr Sporing died.

25. One more of the People died today. Myself endurd the pains of the Damnd almost; at night they became fixd in one point in my bowels on which the surgeon of the ship though[t] proper to order me the hot bath, into which I went 4 times at the intervals of two hours and felt great releif.

26. Tho better than yesterday my pains were still almost intolerable. In the Evening Mr Parkinson died and one of the ships crew.

28. Self something easier but still in great pain. This day Mr Green our astronomer and two of the people died, all of the very same complaint as I labourd under, no very encouraging circumstance.

29. Self still Bad; three more of the people died this day.

30. For the first time I found myself better and slept some time, which my continual pains had never sufferd me to do before notwistanding the opiates which were constantly administerd. One person only died today, but so weak were the people in general that, officers and men included, not more than 8 or nine could keep the deck so that 4 in a watch was all they had.

31. This day I got out of my bed in good spirits and free from pain but very weak. My recovery had been as rapid as my disease was violent, but to what cause to attribute either the one or the other to we all were equaly at a loss.

The wind which came to E and Se yesterday blew today in the same direction so we had little reason to doubt its being the true trade, a circumstance which raisd the spirits of even those who were most afflicted with the tormenting disease, which now ragd with its greatest violence.

February 1771 1.

Fine brisk trade kept up our spirits and helpd to raise me fast. Two of the people died today Nevertheless.

Breeze continued today: the Surgeon began to think that the rapid progress of the disease was checkd by it but declard at the same time that several people were still without hopes of recovery.

Some of the people who were the least affected began now to shew signs of amendment but two of the bad ones died notwithstanding.

Weather fine: as no one had been taken ill since we got the trade wind we were now well convin[c]d of its salutary effects.

Weather as usual but tho’ it prevented it could not cure intirely our disease, one more dying of it today.

Our people who were not very bad before the Ist of this month were now almost universaly recoverd, but there were still several in the ship who at that time were very bad; these remaind unalterably the same neither becoming better nor worse. Through the whole course of this distemper Medicine has been of little use, the Sick generaly proceeding gradualy to their end without a favourable symptom, till the change of weather stopd in a manner instantaneously the Malignant quality of the disease.

A large Dutch ship in sight but she soon outsaild us as her fellows had done before her.

11.

One more of the people died.

12.

Another died.

14.

A third died today; neither of these people had grown either better or worse for many days.

18.

An uncommonly large Number of Tropick birds were about the ship this day.

20.

Lost another man.

24.

An Albatross seen, the first sign we have had of approaching the South again which we have for some days done pretty fast.

26.

Lost 3 more people today,

Cook writes (27 February, p. 452), ‘In the Am Died of the Flux Henry Jeffs, Emanuel Pharah and Peter Morgan Seamen, the last came Sick on Board at Batavia of which he never recoverd and the other two had long been past all hopes of recovery, so that the death of these three men in one day did not in the least alarm us; on the contrary we are in hopes that they will be the last that will fall a Sacrefice to this fatal desorder, for such as are now ill of it are in a fair way of recovering’. But these were not the last. One more died on the following day, and three at the Cape, and Molyneux the master just after sailing from the Cape. It may be remarked that there are some extraordinary discrepancies over the dates of death recorded in different sources—e.g. in the ship's muster books, Jeffs and Pereira are noted as dying on 6 March, and Morgan on 7 March.

and got the Wind at Ne for the first time it has varied from the true trade.

27.

At 4 this morn we were taken aback by a strong breeze of wind at Sw, not without some danger as our people yet only recovering from their late Illnesses had scarce strengh to get the ship before the wind. All morn it blew fresh from the same point but at night veerd round to South. Many Albatrosses and sheer-waters were about the ship all day.

28.

Wind still at south, blew fresh but weather dry and clear; in the Even came to Se. Several fish were about the ship.

March 1771

1. Light winds and variable all day.

2. Winds and weather much as yesterday. At night a Bank of Clouds were seen to the Wrd which had very much the appearance of Land.

3. Wind at Sw with dirty foggy weather. In the evening some of the people thought that they saw Land but that opinion was rejected almost without examination, as the journals in the ship which had been kept by the Log were still above a hundred leagues and those which had been corrected by Observations of the sun and moon full 40. The night was cheifiy calms and light breezes with fog and mist.

4. Day broke and shewd us at its earliest dawn how fortunate, we had been in the Calms of last night: what was then supposd to be land provd realy so and not above 5 miles from us, so that another hour would have infallibly have carried us upon it. But fortunate as we might think ourselves to be yet unshipwreckd we were still in extreme, danger, the wind blew right upon the shore and with it a heavy sea ran which broke mountains high on the rocks with which it was every where lind, so that tho some in the ship thought it possible the major part did not hope to be able to get off. Our anchors and cables were accordingly prepard but the sea ran too high to allow us a hope of the Cables holding should we be drove to the Necessity of making use of them, and should we be drove ashore the Breakers gave us as little hope of saving even our lives: at last however after 4 hours spent in the vicissitudes of hope and fear we found that we got gradualy off and before night were out of Danger.

Either Banks made far too much of this peril or Cook made far too little. Cook writes (p. 453), ‘In the evening some people thought they saw the appearence of land to the Northward, but this appear'd so improbable that I who was not on deck at this time was not acquainted with it untill dark when I order'd them to sound but found no ground with 80 fm upon which we concluded that no land was near, but day light in the Morning proved this to be a Mistake by shewing us the land at the Distance of a bout 2 Leagues off. We had now the wind at Se blowing fresh right upon the land. When we made the land we were standing to the westward, but thinking the other the best tack to get off on we wore and hauld off to Eastward and by now had got an offing of a bout 4 Leagues, the land at this time extending from NeBN to WSW’

The land from whence we so narrowly escapd is part of the Terra de Natal, laying between the rivers Sangue and Fourmis

Going on Cook's description and the position he gives, the ship was off Port St Johns, into the Sw part of which the St John or Umzimvubu river discharges. This is south of the present limits of Natal. Banks's rivers Sangue and Fourmis (properly des Fourmis) appear on the French Carte Parliculiere de la Côte d'Afrique depuis le Cap des Courans, jusqu’à la Baye de Ste Helene par Mr d'Aprés de Mannevillette, c. 1755—the former perhaps the Umzinto or Ant river, the latter probably the Umzimkulu.

about 20 Leagues to the southward of the Bay of Natal. The shore seemd every where steep and rocky but the hills inland rose in gradual slopes spotted here and there with woods, and where it was not lookd Green and pleasant.

5 For this day or two we have thought it rather colder than we should chuse; at noon today the Thermometer in the shade was at 70. Land today in sight and no more.

6. Foul wind and cloudy weather all day.

7. Fair wind accompanied with clear weather. Over the land however, at least in that direction, hung clouds and appearances of rain as indeed was generaly the case. For these some days past the seamen have found the ship to be Drove hither and thither by currents in a manner totaly unacountable to them.

8. Calmish. Many Birds were observd such as Albatrosses, black and grey Shearwaters

Both the Pediunker, Adamastor cinereus and the Cape Hen, Procellaria aequinoctialis are common here, and several other species of petrels occur.

cheifly setting upon the water. The surface was pretty thickly strewd with the substance that I have before often mentiond under the name of Sea Saw dust; the sea water likewise emitted a strong smell like that of Seaweeds rotting on the shore.

9. Struck soundings today on the Cape Bank,

‘From Cape Good Hope, along the south coast of Africa to Algoa Bay, a bank of soundings projects out a considerable distance from the land; from Cape Lagullas this bank extends a great way to S.S. Eastward, and is generally called the Cape Bank, or Bank of Lagullas. The southern extremity of the bank is nearly… in longitude 22° E. and is said to extend to about 37½ S. latitude in this part… .’—James Horsburgh, Directions for Sailing to and from the East Indies… . Pt I [1809], p. 72.

the Water on it appeard thick and muddy; many Birds especialy Gannetts

The Cape Gannet is Sula capensis (Lichtenstein).

were seen about the ship. In the Night especialy the fore part of it a very heavy dew fell.

10. In the morn the Water was clear and blue very unlike the muddy complexion it had yesterday. At 10 the Land was seen which provd to be to the Eastward of Cape Das Aguillas:

Cape Agulhas, the southernmost tip of Africa.

it appeard low and sandy near the shore with high land rising behind it inland resembling very some parts of New Holland. In the Evening Cape das Aguilas was not more than 6 Leagues off so that we doubted not at all of being round it before morn, at night fall however the wind came right ahead and threatned a gale.

11. All last night the wind was foul, the Current however assisted us a little. In the morn the water was clear but we saw Gannetts and Albatr[o]sses;

S has a note, ‘Seeing the Birds a sign of being near Land, notwithstanding the water was clear’.

soon after the wind favourd and we got round Cabo das Aguillas when we had the water again very thick and foul with many birds about the ship. At night were abreast of the high land between Cabo das Aguillas and Cabo Falzo;

False Cape. The ship was coming towards False Bay, on the eastern side of the Cape peninsula; the Cape of Good Hope thus forms the western point of the entrance to the bay. The corresponding eastern point is Cape Hangklip. This is only 10 feet high, but 1½ miles north of it rises up to 1448 feet the hill known as Hangklip Berg; this was called False Cape and is sometimes still so called.

the water was as full of shining insects as we have seen it in the Voyage. In the day several fires were seen ashore.

12. In the morn saw Cape Falso and soon after the Cape of Good Hope off which we observd a rock not laid down in the Charts; the breeze was fresh and fair, it carried us as far as Table Bay off which we anchord. In coming along shore we saw several smoaks upon the next hill before the Lions rump,

This is one of the hills to the northward of Table Mountain, i.e. on the northern end of the Cape peninsula. On its northwest side Table Mountain at first falls nearly perpendicularly and then slopes steeply to the base of the Lion's Head, a conical hill or mountain of 2193 feet. From the northern side of this, in turn, a rounded ridge stretches north-eastward for about 1½ miles to the Lion's Rump, 1153 feet.

and when at an anchor fires upon the side and near the top of the Table mountain. In the Bay were several ships, 4 French, 2 Danes, 1 English viz. the Admiral Pocoke Indiaman, and several Dutch.

13. Wind so fresh at Se that we could not attempt to go ashore; no boat indeed in the whole Harbour attempted to Stir — the Dutch Commodore Hauld down his broad Pennant a signal for all Boats belonging to him to keep on board. Jno Thomas died.

There was no John Thomas on board the Endeavour and Banks's date again seems at fault. (Below, at 28 April, he refers to ‘my irregular journal at the Cape’.) Nobody died on 13 March. Richard Thomas, entered at Batavia as A.B., according to Hicks died on 14 March (the last entry in Hicks's journal), and according to the muster books on 21 March.

14. In the Morn moderate so that the Ship was got under way and steerd into the Harbour to her proper birth. A Dutch boat came on board to enquire from whence we came, and brought with her a Surgeon who examind our Sick and then gave leave for them and us to come ashore, which we accordingly did at Dinner time.

16. Captn Riddle

Of the Admiral Pocock, ‘by whome’, says Cook, ‘I sent letters to the Admiralty and Royal Society’.—p. 460.

Saild this day for England.

17. Dr Solander who had been on board the Indiaman last night was this Morn taken violently ill with a fever and pain in his Bowels. A Countrey Physician

i.e. a physician from on shore.

was immediately sent for, who declard on hearing his Case that it was the common consequence of Batavia fevers, that the Dr would be much worse and would for some time suffer very much by his Bowel complaint, but upon the whole he declard that there was no danger. I could not however help being a good deal alarmd in my own opinion.

18. The Houghton Indiaman Captn Smith came into the road.

30. The Duke of Gloucester Indiaman Captn Lauder came into the Road.

31. Dr Solander after having been confind to his Bed or chamber ever since the 17 of this month with an irregularly intermitting fever and violent pains in his bowels, which alarmd me very much at several different times, this day came down stairs for the first time, very much emaciated by his tedious Illness.

April 1771

3. Theodosio seaman died very suddenly;

No one is elsewhere recorded as dying on 3 April. According to the muster book John Dozey, a native of ‘the Brazils’, died on 7 April.

he had enjoyd an uninterrupted state of Good health during all our times of sickness.

7. The Europa Indiaman Captn Pelley came into the Bay.

Of the four French vessels which we found in this Harbour 3 are now saild and the fourth is ready for sea. Of them two were 64 Gun ships, the other a large Snow

The largest two-masted vessels in the eighteenth century were rigged as snows— i.e. square rigged, but having close behind the mainmast a sort of supplementary small mast which carried a trysail. There were small snows, however—smaller than a large brig.

and the fourth which still remains a frigate. All these Came from the Isle de France for Provision, of which they carry away from hence a prodigious quantity and consequently must have many mouths to feed upon that Island, from whence it is probable they Meditate some stroke at our East Indian Settlements in the beginning of a future war; which however our India people are not at all alarmd at, trusting intirely to the vast standing armies which they constantly keep up, the support of which in the Bengall alone Costs 840000 eight hundred and forty thousand pounds a Year!

Mr De Bougainville pleasd with the Bea[u]ty of the Ladies of Otahite gave that Island the Name of Cypre.

The name given to Tahiti by Bougainville was la nouvlle Cythée, New Cythera. Cyprus as well as cythera had close associations with Venus in classical myth, and this report which Banks picked up from the French may indicate either a divided mind over names on Bougainville's part, or (more likely) some confusion of mind on the part of Banks's informant.

In his return home he touchd at Isle de France where the Person who went out with him in the character of Natural Historian

The Isle-de France was Mauritius. The ‘Person… in the character of Natural Historian’ was a person for whom Banks would presumably have shown greater respect had he known his name; for he was the celebrated botanist Philibert Commerson (1727–73), the correspondent of the great astronomer Lalande. Trained as a physician, he turned his energies to natural history, and formed the finest herbarium known up to that time. On Bougainville's homeward journey he was engaged to stay at Mauritius (where he died) to work on its botany and on that of the Isle de Bourbon and Madagascar. He was too much occupied in observing and collecting to finish any great work, but was eminent enough, in spite of not supplying memoirs to the Academie des Sciences, to be made a member before the news of his death reached France; while Jussieu and Lamarck both drew on his herbarium, drawings and Mss, and Forster named a genus of plants Commersonia. His epistolary style is so enthusiastic that his lack of literary production may be the less regretted—see for example his letter to Lalande on Tahiti, printed in Mercure de France, November 1769, and reprinted by Bolton Glanvill Corney, The Quest and Occupation of Tahiti, II, pp. 461–6.

was left and still remains. Otorroo the Indian whoom he brought from thence was known on board his ship by the name of Tootavee, a plain corruption of Bougainville,

Bougainville was known as Putaveri.

with whoom it may be supposed he meant to change names according to his Custom. This man is now at L'Isle de France, from whence a large ship is very soon to Sail and carry him back to his own countrey where she is to make a settlement, in doing which she must Necessarily follow the Tract of Abel Jansen Tasman and consequently if she does not discover Cooks Streights, which in all probability she will do, must make several discoveries on the Coast of New Zealand. Thus much the French who were here made no secret of.

This seems to be advance information of the voyage of Marion du Fresne (1729–72), a wealthy man who set out to return Ahutoru at his own expense, and incidentally to make discoveries. Ahutoru died at Madagascar. Marion did, roughly, follow Tasman's track; calling at the Cape in December 1771, he then sailed south and east, discovering the Prince Edward Islands and Crozet Islands and visiting Prince Henry Bay in Tasmania; but his New Zealand landfall was Mount Egmont and not any part of the South Island. He therefore missed Cook Strait. Turning the North Cape, he anchored in the Bay of Islands, where he, together with two officers and thirteen men, was massacred on 12 June 1772. His ship Mascarin reached home in 1773 via Tonga and Manila.

How necessary then will it be for us to publish an account of our voyage as soon as possible after our arrival if we mean that our own countrey shall have the Honour of our Discoveries! Should the French have publishd an account of Mr De Bougainvilles voyage before that of the second Dolphin how infallibly will they claim the Discovery of Cypre or Otahite as their own, and treat the Dolphins having seen it as a fiction, which we were enabled to set forth with some shew of truth as the Endeavour realy did See it, a twelvemonth however after Mr De Bougainville; which if England chuses to exert her Prior Claim to it, as she may hereafter do, if the French settle it may be productive of very disagreable consequences.

Banks is unjust to the French. There was no account published of the second voyage of the Dolphin, under Wallis, till Hawkes worth's volumes of 1773. Bougainville published his Voyage autour du monde in 1771, and naturally enough paid no attention to Wallis.

Some account of the Cape of Good Hope

Notwistanding Hydrographers limit the Cape of Good Hope to a single point of Land on the Sw end of Africa which is not the Southermost part of that immense continent I shall under that name speak of the Southern parts of Africa in general as far as Lat. 30.. 00 at least, which countrey was originaly inhabited by the Hottentots alone but is now settled by the Dutch, and from its conveniency of situation as a place of refreshment for ships sailing to and from India is visited perhaps by Europeans oftener than any other distant part of the Globe.

This tract of Land, vast as it is, is settled by the Dutch who have also people much farther in land if their accounts can be credited; they have upon the whole of it however only one town which is generaly known by the Name of the Cape Town. It is situated on the Atlantick side, about 20 miles to the Northward of the Real Cape, on the Banks of a bay shelterd from the Se wind by a large mountain level at the top, from whence both itself and the bay have got the name of Tafel or Table. It is of late years very much increasd in size and consists of about a thousand houses neatly built of Brick and in general whited over; the Streets in general are broad and commodious all crossing each other at Right angles; in the Cheif of them is a Canal on each side of which is a row of Oak trees which flourish tolerably well and yeild an agreable shade to walkers. Besides this there is another Canal running through the town, but the slope of the Ground is so great that both are obligd to be furnishd with sluices at the intervals of little more than 50 yards.

In the Houses the same poverty of inventions exists here as at Batavia: they are almost universaly built upon one and the same plan whether small or large; in general they are low and universaly they are coverd with thatch, precautions said to be necessary against the violence of the Se winds which at some seasons of the year come down from the Table mountain with incredible violence.

Of the Inhabitants a far larger proportion are real Dutch than of those of Batavia. But as the whole town in a manner is supported by entertaining and supplying strangers, each man in some degree imitates the manners and customs of the Nation with which he is

therein; but there was no disposition on the French side to deny any English achievement when known. Banks's anxiety reflected the sort of journalism current in those years rather than reality; any Pacific fish that either the French or the English government just then gathered into its net would have to be a good deal bigger than Tahiti. The French did take over Tahiti, but not till 1843. There were disagreeable consequences, but in the Tahitian, not the international, sphere.

cheifly concernd: the Ladies however do not follow their husbands in this particular but so true are they to the customs of fatherland that scarce one of them will stir without a Sooterkin or Chaufett

Banks's use of ‘sooterkin’ is very odd. Wright's Dictionary of Obsolete and Provincial English (London 1904) defines it as ‘A moon-calf. It was pretended to be engendered in Dutchwomen, by the foot-stoves they were in the habit of putting under their petticoats’. See also O.E.D. Banks transfers the name of the result to the effective agent. Chaufferette, a sort of portable stove or iron box in which charcoal was burnt as a footwarmer. The Dutch ladies took their home comforts abroad with them. C. P. Thunberg, the natural historian and traveller, who visited the Cape in 1772, also noted that ‘The ladies have generally live coals in a kind of covered chaffing dish or stove, which in winter time they set on the ground under their clothes to warm them’.—Travels in Europe, Africa, and Asia, made between the years 1770 and 1779 (London, 2nd ed., 1795), I, p. 112.

ready to place under her feet whenever she shall set down; the Younger ones tho in general do not put any fire in them but seem to use them merely for shew. In general they are hansome with clear skins and high Complexions and when married (no reflextions upon my countrey women) are the best housekepers imaginable and great childbearers; had I been inclind for a wife I think this is the place of all others I have seen where I could have best suited myself.

One is forced to conclude that the spell of Miss Blosset had faded.

Their servants are in general Malay slaves who are brought here from Batavia. To these they behave much better than the Batavians in consequence of which these Malays are much quieter, honester, more diligent and less wicked than those in that place, in instance of which I need only say that there was never known an instance of running Amoc in this place.

The Town is governd by a Governor and Council who are quite independent of Batavia. The Present Governor is Ryck Tulback.

The incorruptible, just and humane Ryk Tulbagh was governor of the Cape colony from 1751 till his death in August 1771, taking control in a period of intense official corruption and holding his ground both through a time of ruinous economic difficulty and the period of the Seven Years’ War and after, when the Dutch could profit from the English and French shipping of the eastern naval struggle and the mounting Indian trade. The officials of the Dutch, as of the English, East India Company, had got well out of hand; ‘in due course Governor Ryk Tulbagh, the South African Clive, had to institute a twenty-year-long anti-corruption campaign, forbidding private trade, fixing fees, and setting a good example. But Father Tulbagh died, and before long the burghers raised their voices against renewed official corruption’.—Eric A. Walker, A History of South Africa, p. 85. It was during his governorship that the Company first allowed foreign ships to provision at the Cape.

He is very old and has long enjoyd his present station with a most universal good Character, which is easily explaind in this manner: he is unmarried and has no connections which may make him wish to make more money than his Salary furnishes him with, consequently not entering into trade he interferes with no man, and not wishing to be bribd does always to the best of his abilities strict justice on all occasions.

The Climate tho not at all too hot for those who come from India would doubtless appear sufficiently warm could any one be transported immediately from England to this place; upon the whole it seems much of the same temperature as the Island of Madera tho scarce quite so hot, this I judge from the productions in general. During the whole Summer the air is frequently fannd by Se winds which come off the hills above the town with vast violence and during the time of their blowing, especialy at the beginning, are very troublesome to such as are obligd to be abroad in them by raising the Sand with which the whole countrey abounds and filling their eyes with it; nor are the houses quite free from its effects however close they are shut up, the Sand will find an entrance and in a short time cover every kind of furniture with a thick dust.

Inconvenient as this certainly is it however does not seem to have any effect beyond the present moment, tho the inhabitants must in the course of a summer inspire an immence quantity of this sand, which has been thought by some Physicians to be productive of Ulcers in the Lungs &c &c; yet Consumptions are diseases scarcely known here and the healthy countenances, fresh complexions and above all the number of Children with which all ranks of people here are blessd abundantly prove that the Climate in general is very freindly to the human constitution.

Diseases brought here from Europe are said to be almost immediately cur'd but those of the Indies not so easily, which latter we ourselves experiencd, our sick recovering very little for the first fortnight and after that very slowly, so that after a months stay several of them were far from recruited.

The industry of the Dutch, so well known and so constantly exerted in all foreign settlements, has supplyd this place with a profusion of all kinds of European provisions. Wheat

S has here a note in Banks's hand: ‘They had the comfort of raising the most usefull and beneficial European productions. Wheat, Barley: and (see p. 654) Cabbages, Turnips, Potatoes, etc. etc.’ (Page 654 is the following page of S)

and barley is here as good as in Europe; hops however will not grow here so beer they cannot make even tolerable. Cattle are in great plenty and beef very tolerable, Sheep likewise in great plenty; both these the Native Hottentots had before the Dutch settled the place so they both differ a little in appearance from those of other places. The Oxen are lighter and more neatly made and have vast spreading horns; the Sheep instead of Wool are coverd with a kind of Substance between hair and wool, their tails are also very large — I have seen such as could not weigh less than 10 or 12 pounds and was told that they are often much larger.

This is a detail about the sheep Banks has not mentioned before. The fat-tailed sheep were a Malagasy breed, no doubt brought to the Cape from the East Indies by the Dutch themselves.

Of the Milk of their Cows they make very good butter but Cheese they know not how to make in any degree of Perfection.

Besides these they have Goats in plenty which however they never Eat, and hogs but these are less plentifull. Poultrey as Fowls, ducks, Geese &c are in tolerable plenty; besides they have wild game, as hares exactly like ours in Europe,

A form of the Brown Hare, Lepus europaeus saxatilis, does in fact occur in South Africa, but other species of the genus do so also. The Cape Hare is Lepus capensis.

partridges of two kinds,

Banks may have meant the Cape Pheasant, Francolinus capensis (Gm.) and the Greywing, Francolinus afer Latham.

Quails,

The African form of the common European Quail, and also the Harlequin Quail Coturnix delegorguei Delegorgue, both occur here in large numbers from time to time.

Antelopes of many kinds, Bustards

Several species of bustard are still found inland from the Cape, and in the eighteenth century they no doubt occurred nearer Cape Town than they do now.

in general very well flavourd but rather drier than those of the same kinds in Europe.

As their feild[s] produce European Wheat and barley, so their Gardens produce the same kinds of vegetables as we have in Europe — Cabbages, turnips, potatoes, Asparagus, Brocoli &c. &c. are all plentifull and excellent in their kinds. Their fruits are also the same, Apples, Pears, oranges, Peaches, apricots and figgs &c. Of Indian fruits they have plantains, Guavas and Jambu but neither of these in any kind of perfection. Besides these their vineyards produce a great quantity of Wine which they range into many sorts, calling one Madera another Frontiniac &c. None of these are comparable to the wines which we commonly drink in Europe yet they are all light, well cur'd and far from unpalatable in taste, not unlike some of the light French and Portugese white wines. The famous Constantia, so well known in Europe, is made genuine only at one vineyard which is about 10 miles distant from the Cape town; near that however is another vineyard which likewise is calld Constantia, where a wine not much inferior to it is made which is always to be had at an inferior price.

The common method of living is to lodge and board with some one of the inhabitants, many of whose houses are always open for the reception of Strangers; the prizes are 5, 4, 3, or 2 shillings a day for which all necessaries are found you according as your situation leads you to chuse a more or less expensive method of living, in what may truly be calld a profusion in proportion to the price you give. Besides this there is hardly an expence in the Place. Coaches are seldom or never usd but may be hird at the rate of 6 or Ilb 4s a day, Horses are at 6s a day but the Countrey is not tempting enough to induce any one often to make use of them. Publick entertainments there are none nor were there any private ones owing to the measles which broke out about the time of our arrival; at other times I was told that there were and that strangers were always welcome to them if of any rank.

At the farther end of the high street is the Companies garden which is near 2/3 of an English mile in lengh; the whole is divided by walks intersecting each other at right angles planted with Oaks which are clippd into wall hedges, except in the center walk where they are sufferd to grow to their size. This walk therefore at all times of the day furnishes an agreable shade no doubt highly beneficial to the sick, as the Countrey is not furnishd with the least degree of shade nor has nature given one tree to the soil capable of producing it at least within several miles round the town.

Infinitely the largest part of this Garden is employd in producing Cabbages, Carrots &c. Two small squares however are set apart for Botanical plants which are well taken care of and neatly kept.

The Dutch East India Company's garden was evidently chiefly devoted to vegetables from its establishment in 1652. It was Jan Andries Auge (1711–c.1805), the master gardener, who ‘raised the Company's garden above its original cabbage growing into something like a botanic garden. Actually the garden was to become the precursor of the National Botanic Gardens, established in 1913 at Kirstenbosch on the eastern slopes of Table Mountain’.—Mia C. Karsten, Old Company's Garden at the Cape and its Superintendents involving an historical account of early Cape Botany (Cape Town, 1951), p. 131. But Dampier admired the ‘stately Garden’ as it existed in 1691 (ed. Masefield, I, p. 515). Thunberg, who visited it exactly a year after Banks, describes it as ‘always open to the public. It is nine hundred and ninety-six paces long, two hundred and sixty-one broad, and has forty-four quarters, which are separated from each other by hedges, consisting, for the most part, of oaks or bays (Laurus nobilis), several yards in height’.— Travels, I, p. 114. On a return visit in 1774, Thunberg reported that ‘in the Company's garden there was a very beautiful covered walk, formed of chesnut-trees, which were now very thick and large. It was this year cut down root and branch by order of the governor, for the purpose of making different kinds of furniture of its elegant wood; and in its stead were planted oaks’.—ibid., II, p. 128.

At the time we were there the greatest part of the plants, as the annuals, Bulbs &c. were under ground; upon the whole however I am of opinion that the numbers now to be found there will not amount to above half of what they were when Oldenland

Heinrich Bernhard Oldenland (1663–97), Danish physician and botanist, pupil of Professor Paul Hermann at Leyden, master gardener for the Company, was preparing a catalogue of the Cape flora when he died. This, the Catalogi duo plantarum Africanarum, appeared in Thesaurus Zeylanicus, 1737. Many of his plants ultimately came to the British Museum (Nat. Hist.) with the Sloane collection, via James Petiver (cf. Karsten, op. cit., p. 72).

wrote his Catalogue; indeed at that time it is possible that more ground was imployd for the purpose.

At the farther end of the Garden is a vivarium or Menagerie, supported also at the expence of the Company, where rare Beasts and birds are kept: here were Ostrigdes, Cassowaris,

Cassowaries used to be widely distributed in Malaysia.

Antilopes of several kinds, Zebras and several other animals seldom or never seen in Europe, particularly that calld by the Hottentots Coedoe whose beautifull spiral horns are often brought over to Europe. This animal who was as large as a horse died while we were there but not before I had had time to get a description and drawing of him.

The Kudu, Traglaphus strepsceros Pallas, a large vertically striped antelope, does not live well in captivity. The drawing Banks refers to has not been traced.

Near this enclosure is another for birds, in which were the Crownd Pidgeons of Banda

Goura cristata Pallas. These, the largest pigeons extant, come from western New Guinea and the western Papuan Isles. Dampier appears to have been the first to figure them (Voyages, ed. Masefield, II, opposite p. 515), as ‘A Stately Land Fowl found on the Coast of New Guinea’. Governor Loten had taken some to England and one had been presented to the Dowager Princess of Orange. The Forsters made drawings and descriptions of a number of the birds and mammals in this Cape vivarium on Cook's second "oyage.

and several more rare birds especialy of the Duck kind, of which were indeed a very fine collection. Both birds and beasts were very carefully and well taken care of.

It remains now after having describd the town and its environs to say a little of the Countrey about it: of this indeed I can say but little and even for that little am obligd to depend intirely upon hearsay, not having had an opportunity of making even one excursion owing in great measure to Dr Solanders illness.

The Dutch say that they have settled the Countrey inland as far as 2200 miles, at least so far it is to the most distant habitations of Europeans; how far it may be however upon a straight line north and south is hard to say nor do they pretend to guess. Supposing it however the shortest distance possible, it is sufficient to prove the infinite and indeed to an European almost inconceivable barrenness of the Countrey in general, that the mere supplys of food should make it necessary for men to spread themselves over such an immense tract of countrey in order to find fertile spots capable of producing it. How far distant such spots are from each other may be concluded from what one farmer told us while there, on being askd why he brough[t] his young children with him to the Cape from whence he livd 15 days journey, and told that he had better have left them with his next neighbour. Neighbour? said he, my nearest neighbour lives 5 days Journey from me.

Nor does the Countrey immediately in the neighbourhood of the Cape give any reason to Contradict the idea of immense barrenness which must be formd from what I have said. The Countrey in general is either bare rock, shifting sand or grounds coverd with heath &c. like the Moors of Derbishire, Yorkshire &c. except the very banks of the few rivulets, where are a few plantations cheifly employd if well shelterd in raising Garden stuff, and if rather less so in vineyards; but if expos'd nothing can stand the violence of the winds which blow here through the whole summer or dry season. During my whole stay I did not see a tree in its native soil so tall as myself; indeed Housekeepers complain of the Dearnes of firewood as almost equal to that of provisi[o]ns, nothing being burnt here but roots which must be dug out of the ground. What indeed proves the influence of the wind in prejudice to vegetation is that a stem not thicker than my thumb will have a root as thick as my arm or leg and thicker they never are.

As their distant settlements are directly inland and the whole coast either is or is thought to be totaly destitute of Harbours their whole Communication is carried on by Land carriage. Waggons drawn by Oxen are employd in that service; they are however very light and the Cattle so much more nimble than ours in Europe that they assurd us that they sometimes traveld at the rate of 8 miles an hour. Traveling is also very cheap: as there are no inns upon the road every one must carry his own provision with him, and the Oxen must live upon the Heath or ling which they meet with upon the road and this indeed they are accustomd to do. But great as these conveniencies are the people who come from afar must do little more than live, as there is no trade here but for a few articles of provision which are sent to the East Indies, and curiosities, so they can bring nothing to market but a little butter, such skins of wild beasts as they have been able to procure, and some of them a few kinds of Drugs.

There remains nothing now but to say a word or two concerning the Hottentots so frequently spoken of by travelers, by whoom they are generaly represented as the outcast of the Human species, a race whose intellectual faculties are so little superior to those of Beasts that some have been inclind to suppose them more nearly related to Baboons than Men.

All this is extremely libellous, and seems to be the fruit of the fine old principle of giving a dog a bad name because you want to hang him. The Hottentots (the name was apparently conferred by the Dutch with some reference to the sound of their language—Hüttentüt, stammerer or stutterer—cf. Banks on the ‘Click or Cluck with their tonges’ below, p. 257)—were a nomadic pastoral race, not very warlike, apparently a mixture of a Hamitic people, forced down like the Bushmen towards the Cape by the general movement of African peoples, and themselves displacing and driving into the mountains to the eastward the ‘pure’ Bushmen, the aboriginal inhabitants in historic times of southernmost Africa. They in turn (and the remnants of the Bushmen) suffered from the ingression of the Dutch. They were a primitive race; but under different circumstances we might have had Banks lauding their life as he did that of the Australians, certainly no farther advanced in the scale of human perfectibility. He had not, as he goes on to say, any chance of meeting them in their original state; but he does not repeat the conventional travellers’ tales to which he refers. Cf. n. 1 on p. 20 above on the ‘chain of nature’.

Notwistanding I very much desird it I was not able to see any of their habitations, there being none as I was universaly informd within less than four days journey from the Cape in which they retaind their original Customs. Those who come to the Cape, which are in number not a few, are all servants of the Dutch farmers whose cattle they take care of and generaly run before their waggons; these no doubt are the lowest and meanest of them and those alone I can describe.

These were in general slim in make and rather lean than at all plump or fat, in size equal to Europeans, some as tall as 6 feet and more; their eyes not expressive of any liveliness but rather dull and unmeaning; the colour of their skins nearest to that of soot owing in great measure to the Dirt which by long use was ingraind into it, for I beleive that they never wash themselves; their hair curld in very fine rings like that of Negroes or a Persian Lambs skin, but hanging in falling ringlets 7 or 8 inches long. Their Cloths consisted of a skin, generaly of a sheep, under which for decency sake the men wore a small pouch and the women a broad leather flap fastned round their wastes by a belt, which in both Sexes was richly ornamented with beads and small peices of Copper; besides this both sexes wore necklaces and sometimes bracelets likewise of beads, and the women had round their legs certain rings made of Leather very hard which they said servd to defend them from the thorns with which the countrey every where abounds; under their feet some wore a kind of Sandal of wood or bark but the greatest number went intirely unshod. For bodily qualifications they were strong and appeard nimble and active in a high degree.

Their language which appears to an European but indistinctly articulated has this remarkable singularity, in that in the pronouncing a sentence they Click or Cluck with their tonges at very frequent intervals, so much so that these cliks do not seem to have any particular meaning except possibly to divide words or certain combinations of words. How this can be effected unless they can click with their tongues without inspiring their breath appears mysterious to a European, and yet I am told that many of the Dutch Farmers understand and speak their language very fluently.

The sounds which puzzled Banks were consonantal. ‘The reversed or implosive consonants, "in the production of which the whole or a portion of the movement of the speech organs reverses or draws the air inwards", are the famous and much-discussed "clicks". They are produced by rarefying the air between some outer closure or point of tongue articulation and an inner closure formed either at the velum or the glottis, and then releasing the outer closure so that the air is sucked in sharply. The inner closure is subsequently released for the following vowel.’—I. Schapera, The Khoisan Peoples of South Africa (London 1930), p. 421.

Almost all of them however speak Dutch which they do without clicking their tongues or any peculiarity whatsoever.

In general they have more false shame (Mauvais Honte) than any people I have seen, which I have often had occasion to experience when I have with the greatest dificulty persuaded them to dance or even to speak to each other in their own Language in my presence. Their songs and dances are in Extremes, some tolerably active consisting of brisk musick and quick motions generaly consisting of distortions of the body with unnatural leaps, crossing the legs backwards and forwards &c. and then again as dull and spiritless as can be imagind, one of which consists intirely of Beating the earth first with one foot and then with the other without moving their place at all, to the Cadences of a tune furnishd with little more variety than the Dance.

Smoaking is a custom most generaly usd among them, in doing which they do not as the Europeans admit the smoak no farther than their mouths but like the Chinese suck it into their Lungs, where they keep it for near a minute before they expire it. They commonly mix with their Tobacco the leaves of Hemp which they cultivate for that purpose or Phlomisleonurus which they call Dacha.

Within the boundaries of the Dutch settlements are many different nations of Hottentots differing from each other in customs very materialy. Of these some are far superior to others in arts in general, however all live peaceably with each other seldom fighting, except those who live to the Eastward who are much infested with people calld by the Dutch Bosch men, who live intirely upon plunder, stealing the Cattle of the Hottentots but never openly attacking them.

Strictly boschjesman, Bushmen, the aborigines of the Cape—apart from peoples for whose existence the evidence is archaeological. Their reputation for plunder was founded upon their only means of fighting back, as they were gradually squeezed out of existence. Cf. p. 256, n. 1 above. At the present time they survive in the Kalahari Desert and the northern half of South-West Africa.

Dagga, Cannabis sativa. This is a shrub with narcotic and intoxicating effects, still smoked either mixed with tobacco or by itself. ‘When taken in slight quantities the herb has no visible ill-effects, but excessive indulgence is most deleterious to the health, and if persisted in sometimes causes mental aberration and frenzy.’—Schapera, Khoisan Peoples, p. 102. The cultivation and sale are now officially restricted.

Their food is the same as that of the farmers, cheifly bread and coarse cheese, but they are immensely fond of spirituous liquors and will never fail to get drunk with them if they have an opportunity.

This little and no more of the customs of this much spoke of people Had I myself an opportunity of seeing. From the Dutch indeed I heard much, of which I select the following.

They are armd however with Lances or Assagays, arrows which they know how to poison, some with the juice of herbs others with the poison of the Snake calld Cobra di Capelo,

Cobra-di-capello (snake with hood), a Portuguese name applied to the ‘hood’-spreading cobras of the genus Naja. When irritated or alarmed, the snake spreads the skin of its neck outwards by the elongation of the ribs.

and stones which some particular tribes know so well how to throw that they will repeatedly strike a dollar or crown peice at the distance of 100 paces. Besides this they train up Bulls which they constantly place round their Crawls

Kraal, village. The word is not Hottentot but colonial Dutch, from the Portuguese corral.

or towns; in the night these will constantly Assemble and oppose either man or beast that aproaches them, nor will they desist till they hear the voices of their masters, who know how either to encourage them to fight or in an instant make them as tame and tractable as their other Cattle.

Some Nations know how to melt and prepare Copper, which is found among them probably native, and make of it broad plates with which they ornament their foreheads; others again, indeed most, know how to harden bitts of Iron which they procure from the Dutch and make of them knives of a temper superior to any the Dutch can sell them.

The Hottentots smelted iron as well as copper.

Their cheif people, many of whoom have a large quantity of Cattle of their own, are generaly clad in the skins of Lions, Tygers or Zebras &c. which they know how to fringe and ornament very prettily, especi[a]ly the Women who as in all other Countreys are fond of dress. Both sexes grease themselves very frequently but never use any stinking grease if they can possibly get either fresh mutton suet or sweet butter, which last made by shaking the milk in a bag made of skin is generaly usd by the richer sort.

The Ceremony of the Preist giving his Matrimonial benediction by a plentifull sprinkling of Urine often repeated I heard confirmd. The Dutch however universaly denied their having seen women whose legs were wrappd round with Sheeps gutts, which it has been supposd were to be a part of their food.

Possibly the story Banks refers to here was founded on the Hottentot women's fashion (already noted by him) of sewing strips of raw hide round their legs as rings; when dry these rattled against one another, producing a favoured noise.

Their Monorchides or semicastration was in general totaly denied; some however said that among the nation who knew how to melt copper were some who had undergone this ceremony, and that these were their best warriors and the individual people who so well knew how to throw stones.

Schapera, Khoisan Peoples, pp. 71–2, discusses this, with reference to Kolbe the early eighteenth century traveller (Caput Bonae Spei Hodienum … 1719), and other authorities. He remarks, ‘Circumcision, as in the case of the Bushmen, was altogether unknown to the Hottentots. Kolb and several other early writers on the Cape Hottentots, however, state that at or before puberty the left testicle of every boy was excised. It is difficult todecide how much truth there is in this statement… . Certainly in more recent times the custom of excision, if ever it did exist (and one is inclined to believe that the older writer may be trusted in this respect), has completely disappeared… .’

In regard to the Sinus Pudoris, that grand Quæere of Natural historians, Many whoom I askd both Dutch and Malays declard positively that it did not at all exist, and several of these Assurd me that they had during intrigues with Hottentot women had an opportunity of knowing which they had made use of. One however declard that something he had met with but what it was he could not tell; and above all a physician of the place declard that he had curd many Hundred Hottentot women of venereal Complaints, and that he never saw one without what he describd to be fleshy or rather skinny appendages proceeding from the upper part of the Labia, in appearance somewhat like Cows teats but flat which hung pendulous; these were very various in lengh, in some scarce half an inch, in others three or four; that those, which were the only particularities he knew of in those women, he apprehended to be what a[u]thours have calld sinus pudoris, tho some have describd it as a large skin equal to a garment for all purposes of decency, and others have thought it to be no more than an elongation of the Clytons in those women, which does not exist in those women at all more remarkable than in Europeans.

Many Hottentot women do in fact have an elongation or hypertrophy of the labia minora, on which this ‘grand Quaere’ was no doubt founded.

A table of the Value of Money Supposing a Styver Dutch equal to a penny Sterling £ S D A Guinea 00 18 00 half of D° 00 9 00 a Grown peice 0 4 0 half of D° 0 2 0 a Shilling 0 0 10 a Louis D'Or a French Crown 4 6 a Ducat 9 0 a Ducatoon 6 0 a Skilling 0 6 a Dubblechey 0 2 a Stuiver 0 1 an Imperial Rixdollar 4 0 Alberts D° 6 0 Danes Rixdollar 4 0 Spanish Dollar 4 6 a Quarter of D° 1 0

14. Saild from the Road but having very little wind were obligd to anchor abreast of Robben Island.

15. In the Morn it was quite calm so a boat was hoisted out in order to Land on the Island in hopes of purchasing some refreshments, especialy of Garden stuff and salletting

‘Salading’, i.e. the materials of salads or sallets.

with which two articles it is said to abound; but as soon as the boat came near the shore the Duch haild her and told the people in her at their peril to attempt Landing, bringing down at the same time 6 men with Musquets who paraded on the Beach as long as she stayd, which was but a short time not thinking it worth while to risk landing in opposition to them when a few Cabbages was the only reward to be expected.

This Island which is named after the Seals that formerly usd to frequent it, Galld in Dutch Robben, is low and sandy, situate in the mouth of Table bay. Here are confind such criminals as are judgd not worthy of Death for terms of Years proportiond to the heinou[s]ness of their Crimes; they are employd as Slaves in the Companies Service, cheifly in digging for Lime Stone which tho very scarce upon the Continent is plentifull here. Their reason for not letting foreigners land here is said to be this: formerly a Danish ship which by sickness had lost the greatest part of her crew came into the Cape and askd for assistance, which being refusd she came down to this Island, and sending her boats ashore securd the Guard and took on board as many of the Criminals as she thought proper to navigate the ship home.

In the evening we had a fair breeze of wind with which we put to sea. This night died Mr Molineux Master of the ship.

16. In the Course of this day we took our final leave of the table land, having a pleasant breeze and fair.

17. Many Birds such as Albatrosses and some shearwaters were about the ship, also many peices of Trumpet weed ()

Ecklonia maxima (Osbeck) Papenf. (Ecklonia buccinalis (L.) Hornem.). ‘Trombas’ or ‘Trompetgras’ from the use of the stipe for trumpets. When the Swedish explorer Peter Osbeck, pupil of Linnaeus, stood off the Cape of Good Hope, 10 March 1752, on his journey home from China, he noted that ‘a species of sea-weed swam by our ship several times this afternoon, and was called Trumpet-weed by our sailors. It was above a yard and half long, as thick as an Indian cane, and commonly some stalks were joined together: it formed as it were fly-flaps at the tops. My company on the ship thought it came from the islands west of the Cape of Good Hope. When the sailors see Trumpet-weed on their voyage, they are pretty certain that the Cape is not above ten Swedish miles off’.—A Voyage to China and the East Indies (London 1771), II, p. 73. For Osbeck cf. p. 270, n. 1 below.

floating by.

18. Moderate weather but a great rolling sea from the Southward.

19. Got the Wind at Nw right in our teeth, not strong however.

20. Wind and weather continuing just as yeste[r]day.

21. Got the Wind again astern with pleasant weather which already alterd much for the warmer.

23. Foul wind again very veerable.

25. Grossd the tropick this day with a fresh breeze of Wind at Sw. So far we are unlucky, not having as yet met with the trade wind which ships in general meet about Lat. 30 at this time of the year as we have been told.

26. Saw two Sternas, probably blown off from the Coast of Africa tho they seem little to regard the ship but flew towards the sea. In the even Dr Solander and several more heard a noise rumbling like distant thunder which was in general supposd to be a gun from some ship not in sight; the Dr however thought that its duration was considerably Longer than that of a gun fird in the open Sea where there is no Eccho.

27. A large Shoal of Whales passd us today Who seemd to keep a pretty regular course nearly in the same direction as the ship.

28. This day we crossd our first meridian and Compleated the Circumnavigation of the Globe,

‘Our first meridian’ was that of Greenwich. By ‘crossed our first meridian’ he means sailed over 360 degrees of longitude. Cook for noon on the 28th gives the longitude as 358° 54′ W, on the 29th o° 50′ W. He adds to this last observation, ‘In the Am cross'd the line of our first Meredean, viz. that of Greenwich having now circumnavigated the Globe in a west direction.’—p. 467.

in doing which we as usual lost a day which I should upon this occasion have expended properly had not I Lost it the second time I know not how in my irregular journal at the Cape.

Hence his journal proceeded straight from 28 April to 1 May.

May 1771

1. In the Morn at daybreak saw the Island of St Helena about six Leagues ahead; consequently before noon arrivd in the Road where we found his Majesties ship Portland Capt Elliot, sent out to convoy home the India men on account of the likeleyhood of a breach with Spain, also his Majesties sloop Swallow which had the day before brought word of the Pacifick measures adopted by that Court,

One of the things that bedevilled international politics in the second half of the 1760’s were claims and counter-claims to the Falkland Islands, over which Spain claimed sovereignty and where both the French and the English had made settlements. Bougainville handed over his settlement to Spain in 1766. In the autumn of 1770, after forcible removal of the English at Port Egmont by an expedition from Buenos Aires, Spain and Britain were very close to war, with public opinion much inflamed in both countries. France, however, could not support Spain, and Lord North, then prime minister, was conciliatory, so that peace was maintained. In January 1771, a Spanish declaration disavowed the Buenos Aires action and promised full and immediate restoration of Port Egmont and everything seized—though this restoration was not to affect the question of the prior right of sovereignty. (These are no doubt the ‘Pacific measures’ to which Banks refers.) The British government formally accepted this declaration as satisfaction for the injury received, and secretly promised that, once the Port Egmont garrison had been restored, it should be withdrawn. A British force accordingly landed in September 1771, but did not leave again till May 1774.

also 12 Sail of Indiamen.

2. As the fleet was to sail immediately and our ship to accompany it, it became necessary to make as much of a short time as possible, so this whole day was employd in riding about the Island, in the course of which we made very nearly the Compleat Circuit of it visiting all the most remarkable places that we had been told of.

3. Spent this day in Botanizing on the Ridge where the Cabbage trees grow,

Five endemic ‘cabbage trees’, all Compositae, occur on St Helena: (1) red or ‘she cabbage tree’, also called Sparwood by Solander, Senecio prenanthifolia Benth. & amp; Hook. f.; (2) white or ‘he cabbage tree’, S. leucadendron Benth. & amp; Hook. f.; (3) black, Melano dendron integrifolium DC; (4) whitewood, Petrobium arboreum R. Br. and (5) Psiadia rotundifolia Hook, f., without a folk name.

visiting Cuckolds point and Dianas peak, the Highest land in the Island as settled by the Observations of Mr Maskelyne, who was sent out to this Island by the Royal Society for the Purpose of Observing the transit of Venus in the Year [1761].

Nevil Maskelyne (1732–1811), one of the great names in English science in the eighteenth century, Astronomer Royal from 1764 to his death, and a moving force behind the Endeavour’s, voyage. Sent to St Helena to observe the transit of 6 June 1761, he had been disappointed, as the phenomenon was concealed by clouds, but remained on the island for ten months keeping tidal records and making other scientific observations. On his voyage home he experimented in taking longitudes by lunar distances, and on his return published The British Mariner's Guide (1763). This, and his subsequent Nautical Almanac of 1767, provided the foundation for the accurate work in determining longitudes carried out by Cook and Green in the Endeavour.

Some account of St Helena

This small Island, which is no more than twelve miles long and seven broad, is situated in a manner in the Middle of the Vast Atlantick Ocean being 400 Lgs. distant from the Coast of Africa and above 600 from that of America. It appears to be or rather is the summit of some immence mountain which towering far above the level of the Earth (in this part of the Globe very much depressd) elevates itself even considerably above the surface of the Sea, which covers its highest neigbours with a body of water even to this time unfathomable to the researches of Mankind.

The researches of mankind have been active since Banks's time. St Helena lies towards the western edge of what oceanographers call the West African depression, in which the depths vary from between 16,000 and 17,000 feet to between 19,000 and 20,000.

The higher parts of all Countreys have been observd almost without exception to be the seats of Volcanoes while the lower parts are much seldomer found to be so. Etna and Vesuvius have no land higher than themselves in their neigbourhood; Heckla is the highest hill in Iceland; in the highest part of the Andes in South America volcanoes are frequent; and the Pike of Teneriffe still is on fire.

A few years later the Forsters, who enjoyed contradicting Hawkesworth, fell on his rendering of this passage. See, e.g., George Forster, in his Voyage, II, p. 562, n. ‘These [i.e. the Forster] observations do not agree with those in Dr. Hawkesworth's Compilation, vol. III. p. 795. That volcanos are always seated in the highest mountains of the country where they are found, is an opinion contradicted by many facts; and the correspondence of angles in opposite mountains, is not more evident to critical observers, than landscapes on Florentine marbles. Dr. Hawkesworth has generally been unfortunate in his remarks on Nature, as well as in his philosophical digressions, and often misunderstood M. Pauw and de Buffon, from whom he has freely copied without making the least acknowledgment….’ Poor Hawkesworth had been dead four years when this onslaught was made, and so could not lament the fidelity with which he had followed the ‘remarks on Nature’, and the free copies from ‘M. Pauw and de Buffon’, which he had found in Mr Banks.

These still Continue to burn, but numberless others have been found to shew evident marks of Fires now extinct and which have been so from the times of Our Earliest traditions.

That this has been the Case with St Helena and that the great inequalities of the ground there have been originaly causd by the sinking of the ground, easily appears to an observing eye who compares the opposite ridges, which tho seperated always by deep and sometimes by tolerably broad Valleys, have such a perfect similarity in appearance as well as direction as scarce leaves room for a doubt that they formerly made a part of a much less uneven surface; and that this sinking in of the Earth has been occasiond by subterraneous fires the stones Abundantly testifie, as they universaly shew marks of having been some time or other exposd to the effects of a great degree of heat.

Banks was perfectly correct on the obviously volcanic nature of St Helena—Diana's Peak is the northern rim of a great crater; but the gorges are water-cut.

Some are Evidently burnt almost to a cinder, especialy those which are found near the bottoms of Valleys, as may be seen in going up Side Path and probably Ladder Hill also; others shew small bubbles as is seen in glass which has been urgd almost to fusion; again others which perhaps from their situation on the tops of Ridges have been exposd to a far less degree of heat or from their own apyrous qualities shew scarce any signs of having been in fire: yet in many of these if carefully examind are found small peices of extraneous bodies such as Mundics

The Cornish miners’ name for pyrites.

&c which have submitted to the fire, tho it was not able to make any alteration in the appearance of the stone which containd them.

Thus much for these Suggestions, fit only for those who can beleive a Babilonian Chronology.

‘Babylonian’, I take it, in the sense of huge or vast; aeons of time are needed for such changes.

I Pass now to the present state of the Island, a subject which would afford much entertainment to a contemplative mind and more food to an inquisitive one than the shortness of my stay gave me opportunity to collect.

Making it as we did and indeed most ships do on the windward side it is a rude heap of Rocks bounded by precipecis of an amazing height, composd of a kind of half friable rocks which however shew not the Least sign of vegetation, nor does a nearer view apear more promising. In sailing along the shore ships come uncommonly near it so that the huge Glifts seem almost to overhang and threaten destruction by the apparent probability of their giving way: in this manner they Sail till they open Chappel Valley where stands the small town. Even that valley resembles a large trench, in the bottom of which a few plants are to be seen, but its sides are as bare as the cliff next the Sea. Such is the apparent barrenness of the Island in its present cultivated state, nor do you see any signs of fertility till you have penetrated beyond the first hills; then the Vallies begin to be green and tho every where inconceivably steep produce a great deal of good herbage. Among these are the planters houses, near each of which is a small plantation of Gocos, the only vegetable they seem to labour much in the Cultivation of.

The Town stands just by the sea side, very small and except a few houses ill built. The Church which originaly has been a very-poor building is now almost in ruins, and the Market house is advancing by quick steps to the same situation.

The White inhabitants are almost to a man English, who as they are not allowd to have any trade or commerce of their own live intirely by supplying such ships as touch at the Place with refreshments, of which however to their Shame be it spoken they appear to have by no means a supply equal to the extent as well as fertility of their soil, as well as the fortunate situation of their Island seem to promise. Situate in a degree between temperate and warm their Soil might produce most if not all the vegetables of Europe together with the fruits of the Indies, Yet both are almost totaly neglected. Cabbages indeed and garden stuff in general is very good, but so far from being in plenty so as to supply the ships who touch here a scanty allowance only of them are to be got, cheifly by favour from the greater people who totaly monopolize every article producd by the Island, excepting only beef and mutton which the Company keep in their own hands; and tho there is a market house in the town yet nothing is sold publickly, nor could either of the three Kings ships that were there get greens for their Tables except only Captn Elliot the Commanding Officer who was furnishd by order of the Governor out of his own garden.

Here are Plantains, Peaches, Lemons, Apples, Guavas and I beleive scarce any other fruits, tho probably very few kinds exist in either Indies which might not be cultivated here and brought to at least a great degree of perfection. But while their Pastures lay as they realy do as much neglected as their Gardens there can be little hopes of Amendment; in short the Custom of the Indias Captains, who always make very hansome presents to the families where they are entertaind besides paying any extravagant prizes for the few refreshments they get, seem to have inspird the People with a degree of Lazyness: were refreshments cheap they would probably upon the whole receive not much more money for them by the year and the present would be the same, so at least they seem to think. In short the Cape of Good Hope, which tho by nature a mere desart supplys abundantly refreshments of all kinds to ships of all nations who touch there, contrasted with this Island, which tho highly favourd by nature, shews not unaptly the Genius's of the two nations in making Colonies: nor do I think I go too far in asserting that was die Cape now in the Hands of the English it would be a desart, as St Helena in the hands of the Dutch would as infallibly become a paradise.

Small as this Island is and not raisd very much above the surface of the Sea it enjoys a varity of Climates hardly to be beléivd. The Cabbage trees, as they are calld, which grow on the highest ridges can by no art be cultivated on the lower ones where the red wood

Melhania erythroxylon Ait.

and Gum wood

Commidendron robustum DC., once the most abundant plant on the island.

grow, both which in their turns refuse the high ridges,

George Forster again contradicted Hawkesworth, over both the statement about variety of climates and that on the places where different trees grew.—Voyage, II, p. 563, n.

and neither of the three are to be found in the Vallies, which indeed are in general coverd with European plants or the more common ones of the Indies — in all probability originaly brought here by ships, and the more so as much the largest proportion of them are natives of England, among which I may recon the Meadow grass Anthoxanthum odoratum

Hemsley says this grass is common on the island; Banks and Solander evidently did not preserve a coll. of it from St Helena.

which is the cheif covering of their pastures and to which I am much inclind to atribute the verdure of the Island, which far exceeds any thing I have before seen in equaly low latitudes. The Furze also, Ulex Europeus, the seeds of which were brought over in the beginning of this Century, Thrives wonderfully and is highly praisd by the Islanders as a great improvement, tho they make no use of it except heating their ovens.

Barley has been sown upon this Island about 40 years ago. It producd sufficient to supply itself without any being sent from home; its cultivation was however suddenly drop'd, for what reason I could not find out, and since that time has never been atempted. Yams, the same as are calld Cocos in the West Indies, is what they cheifly depend upon to supply their numerous slaves with provision: these however are not cultivated in half the perfect[i] on that I have seen in the South Sea Islands, nor have they like the Indians several sorts many of which are very palatable, but are confind to only one and that one of the Worst.

All kinds of Labour is here performd by Man, indeed he is the only animal that works except a few Saddle Horses nor has he the least assistance of art to enable him to perform his task. Supposing the Roads to be too steep and narrow for Carts, an objection which lies against only one part of the Island, yet the simple contrivance of Wheelbarrows would Doub[t]less be far preferable to carrying burthens upon the head, and yet even that expedient was never tried. Their slaves indeed are very numerous: they have them from most parts of the World, but they appeard to me a miserable race worn out almost with the severity of the punishments of which they frequently complaind. I am sorry to say that it appeard to me that far more frequent and more wanton Cruelty were excercisd by my countrey men over these unfortunate people than even their neighbours the Dutch, fam'd for inhumanity, are guilty of. One rule however they strictly observe which is never to Punish when ships are there.

Banks does not seem ever to have been held to account for his criticisms of St Helena; but they got Cook into trouble. Hawkesworth, writing in the first person in Cook's name, incorporated them in his final pages, and in due course the damning print reached the island. When Cook in his turn reached it again, on the home stretch of his second voyage in May 1775, he was treated to a very good view of wheeled vehicles. He writes, ‘The next day [18 May] the two Mr Forsters and my self dined with a party at the Country house of one Mr Masons, at a remote part of the island which gave me an oppertunity to see the greatest part of it, and I am well convinced that the island in many particulars has been misrepresented. It is no wonder that the account which is given of it in the narrative of my former Voyage should have given offence to all the principle Inhabitents. It was not less mortifying to me when I first read it, which was not till I arrived now at the Cape of Good Hope… . In the narrative, my Country men at St Helena are charged with exercizing a wanton cruelty over their Slaves, they are also charged with want of ingenuity in not having Wheel Carriages, Wheel Barrow's and Porters Knotts to facilitate the task of the labourer… . How these things came to be thus missrepresented, I can not say, as they came not from me, but if they had I should have been equally open to conviction and ready to have contridicted any thing, that upon proof, like this, appeared to be ill-founded, and I am not a little obliged to some people in the isle for the obligeing manner they pointed out these Mistakes’. He also conscientiously points out that ‘Within these three years a new Church has been built, a neat edifice and sufficiently large’. Cook's own criticism, made on this second visit, was that more crops might well be planted, ‘articles that are always wanting to Shipping, and where they would meet with a good market and reward the Planter for his industry’.—II, pp. 661–3. Cf. George Forster: ‘There are many wheel-barrows and several carts on the island, some of which seemed to be studiously placed before captain Cook's lodgings every day’.—Voyage, II, p. 560, n. Also, ‘Mrs. Skottowe, the sprightliest lady on the island, displayed to advantage her witty and satirical talents, from which there was no other escape left, than to lay the blame on the absent philosophers whose papers had been consulted’.—ibid., pp. 560–1.

Nature has blessd this Island with very few Productions either usefull for the support or conducive to the Luxury of Mankind. Partriges and Doves

Partridges: according to J. C. Melliss (Ibis, 1870, p. 170) the Indian Chukar, Alectoris gracca chukar (J. E. Gray) had been introduced into St Helena and had become abundant as early as 1588, when Cavendish mentioned it in his Travels. Sclater (Syst. Av. Aethiop. 1924) also records it as an introduced species. The doves may have been the European Rock Dove, Columba livia Gm., also recorded in St Helena by Melliss as both a wild and domestic species, probably introduced.

are the only animals except possibly rats and mice, much more probably brought here by ships. Among vegetables Purslain, Celery, Water Cresses, wild mint and Tobacco, tho now common among the rocks, I doubt much whether they were so before people came here as none except the last are found in paralel latitudes; the first indeed is found on Ascention and many Parts equ[a]ly unlikely to have originaly producd it, but that [is] accounted for by the ancient custom of the Portugese, who finding this herb particularly beneficial in complaints contracted in long voyages made a point of sewing it wherever they went ashore, a custom from whence all nations have since reapd no small benefit. Amongst its native products however Ebony

Melhania melanoxylon Ait.

must be recond, tho the trees that produce it are now nearly extinct

Melliss saw the last living Ebony trees in 1850, and in 1875 ornaments made of its wood were fetching good prices. He remarks, ‘That this tree once formed a considerable portion of the vegetation clothing the Island in those parts that are now quite barren, is strongly evidenced by the many references to it in the local records’. St. Helena (London 1875), p. 245. Ebonywood was used to burn lime with. Its bark and that of the related redwood were both used in tanning leather. Melliss quotes an Ms record of 1709 that their destruction was hastened ‘by the Tanners, that for lasieness never took the paines to barke the whole trees but only the bodys, leaving the best of the bark on the branches, by which means has [sic] destroyed all those trees, at least three for one …’ .—ibid., pp. 226–7 n.

and no one remembers the time when they were at all plentifull, yet peices of the wood are frequently found in the vallies of a fine black Colour and a hardness almost equal to Iron; these however are almost always so short and so crooked that no use has yet been made of them. Whether the tree is the same as that which produces Ebony on the Isle of Bourbon and its adjacent Islands is impossible to know as the French have not yet publishd any account of it.

Milbert (Voyage pittoresque à l'Ile de France (1812), II, p. 127), describes the Mauritius ebony under Diospyros ebeneum, distinguishing four principal ‘species’ under that name. J. E. Smith discusses the problem of identities on different islands under ‘ebony’ in Rees’ Cyclopedia.

Other species of trees and plants which seem to have been originaly natives of the Island are few in number.

J. D. Hooker recognized ‘about’ 50 indigenous spp., of which 40 were endemic ‘with scarcely an exception [lacking] very close specific allies of any other plants at all’. Seventeen genera were endemic. Once one of the most singular insular floras of the world, it is now, through its destruction by vandals, fuel-gatherers and goats, a mere vestige.

Insects there are also a few, and one species of Snails who inhabit only the tops of the Highest ridges and probably have been there ever since their original creation.

It does not seem possible to identify this snail. Melliss (St. Helena, p. 121) remarks on ‘The great extinct Land Snail of St. Helena’, Chilonopsis aurisvulpina (Chemnitz), as a ‘true native’, found only in a semi-fossil condition at an altitude of 1611 feet. But in Banks's next paragraph he talks of ‘a little Snail’. No specimens from St Helena are in the Banksian shell collection discussed by Wilkins, and we do not know whether Banks found a living or a fossil snail. E. A. Smith (Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond., 1892: 258–70) lists 27 species of endemic snails, 18 of which have become extinct since the destruction of the forests.

Had our stay upon the Island been Longer we should in all probability have discoverd some more natural productions but in all likelyhood not many. Secluded as this rock is from the rest of the World by seas of immence extent it is dificult to imagine how any thing not originaly created in that spot could by any accident arrive at it; for my part I confess I feel more wonder in the finding a little Snail on the top of the Ridges of St Helena than in finding people upon America or any other part of the Globe.

As the benefits of the Land are so limited the Sea must often be applied to by the natives of this little rock, nor is she unmindfull of their necessities which she constantly supplies with immence plenty and no less variety of Fish. She indeed would be culpable did she do otherwise: she never met with a calamity equal to that of the earth in the General Deluge, and her sons have moreover the advantage of a free intercourse with all parts of the globe Habitable to them without being driven to the Necessity of tempting the dangers of an element unsuited to their natures — a fatal necessity under which too many even of us Lords of the Creation Yearly perish, and of all others through the wide bounds of Creation how vast a proportion must. The seed of a thistle supported by its down, the Insect by its weak and the Bird by its more able wing, may tempt the dangers of the sea, but of these how many milions must perish for one who arrives at the Distance of twelve hundred miles from the place of his rest; it appears indeed far more dificult to account for the passage of one individual than to bel[e]ive the destruction of all that ever may have been by their ill fate hurried into such an attempt.

Money of all nations passes here according to its real intrinsick European value, therefore there is no kind of trouble on that head as in all the Dutch Settlements.

4. Saild after dinner in company with 12 Indiamen and his Majesties ship Portland, resolvd to steer homewards with all expedition in Order (if possible) to bring home the first news of our voyage, as we found that many Particulars of it has transpird and particularly that a copy of the Latitudes and Longitudes of most or all the principal places we had been at had been taken by the Captns Clerk from the Captns own Journals and Given or Sold to one of the India Captns. War we had no longer the least suspicion of: the India men being orderd to sail immediately without waiting for the few who were not yet arrivd was a sufficient proof that our freinds at home were not at all apprehensive of it.

6. Pleasant breeze but our ship very far astern; she certainly sails worse than any one of the fleet yet as she keeps up with [them] at least in sight hope they will not get home much before us.

7. Still kept company and today were abreast of the headmost ship. Many flying fish were seen and some few Birds.

10. This day we saw the Island of Ascencion which is tolerably high Land; Our Captn however did not chuse to anchor unwilling to give the fleet so much start of him. Those who have been ashore upon this Island say that it is little more than a heap of Cinders, the remains of a Volcano which burnt even since the discovery of the Indies. Osbeck

Pehr or Peter Osbeck (1723-1805), a Swedish naturalist and theologian, was a pupil of Linnaeus, on whose recommendation he was appointed chaplain of a vessel of the Swedish East India Company, in which he visited China and Ascension on a voyage from 1750–52. He makes the remarks Banks refers to in his Dagbok öfwer en ostindinsk Resa med anmärkn. uti Naturkun digheten … (Stockholm 1757), p. 298. Solander must have had a copy of this on board. Osbeck followed the rules laid down by Linnaeus for reporting on every aspect of a foreign people, but natural history was his strong point. His book appeared in 1765 in a German translation; from this J. R. Forster made an English version with additions by Osbeck, which appeared in two volumes in 1772. Linnaeus did him the honour of calling a genus Osbeckia.

who was ashore upon it found only 5 species of plants but I am much inclind to beleive that there are others which escapd his notice, as he certainly was not on the side of the Island where the French land, in which place I have been informd is a pretty wide plain coverd with herbage among which grows Cactus Opuntia, a plant not seen by that gentleman.

15. Our trade begins now to slacken very much. A man of war bird

Possibly the Ascension Frigate Bird, Fregata aquila (Linn.).

Sereno Watson reported 16 vascular spp. collected on the U.S. Eclipse Expedition of 1889.

11. Pleasant weather. Saw Holothuria Physalis which our seamen call Portugese man of war for the first time since we left these seas in going out.

12. Rainy misty weather, the air very damp and unwholesome, the breeze however continues. was seen.

16. Caugh[t] a small Shark.

17. Struck one bonito weighing near 20 pounds.

18. Our trade wind gone to day, the winds variable and very light.

19. Squally with frequent calms, such weather as ships never fail to meet with in passing from one trade wind to the other: to make the most however of this disagreable weather we went on Board the Portland and spent the day with Captn Elliot.

Banks's dates have now again become quite unreliable, and he ignores one or two events which we should have thought him naturally susceptible to, such as the fate of Hicks. Cook records no visit to the Portland on this day, but says (p. 470), ‘Hoisted a boat out and sent on board the Houghton for the Surgeon Mr Carret in order to look at Mr Hicks who is so far gone in a Consumption that his Life is despaired of’. The visit to the Portland, according to Cook, was in a calm on the 21st, to inspect a ‘Machine’ which excited his curiosity. It is possible of course that Banks experienced Captain Elliot's hospitality more than once—see his next entry for the 23rd; but on the 23rd the two ships do not seem to have been in touch.

23. Calms still continued. Dind on board the Portland with Captn Elliot; while on board her saw a common house martin flying about the Ship.

26. Heavy rain and frequent squalls from the Ne gave us great reason to expect the trade very quickly. During the day we were very much ahead of the Fleet, at night however they came up with us fast.

27. In the night the wind settled at Ne and in the morn to our great [surprize]

Word omitted in Ms, and supplied from S and P.

we had no sight of the Fleet even from our mast heads so were obligd to jogg on by ourselves.

Cook's entry corresponding to this is for the 24th. His entry for the 26th, ‘about one oClock in the pm’, records the death of Hicks; and for the 27th, the promotion of Clerke, who had become very friendly with Banks.

A bird something like a gannet but darker

An immature Sula sp.

was seen about the ship which settled upon the water and remaind there till out of sight.

29.

Banks is now back again to the correct dates.

Fresh trade which quickly releivd every body from the depression of spirits &c. which is the constant companions of the Damp Calms we have now passd through.

30. Trade very fresh indeed with a heavy sea, so that the Ship pitchd and tumbled very disagreably to us whoom a continuance of fine weather has made almost unfit for a Gale.

June 1771

1. Trade more moderate and pleasant weather.

2. Saw some Gulph-weed

Any one of several species of Sargassum, a most prolific species being S. natans (L.) Meyen, a species known only in the free-floating condition and one which has never been found with reproductive organs. Peter Osbeck noted that ‘the Grass-Sea is that part of the ocean in which the East India sailors meet with seaweed (Fucus natans) swimming in greater or less quantities; though all sorts of Fucus are called sea-weeds’.—Voyage, II, p. 109. Osbeck entered the Grass-Sea in lat. 17½° N and long. 22½° from Ascension Island, and 37° 21′ W from London; the algae lasted to lat. 24½° N and long. 24½° W from Ascension, and 39° 9′ W from London.

today for the first time.

3. This day passd under the Sun and were for the last time Ascii.

A rather high-flown way of signifying that the ship had passed the Tropic of Cancer. Cook gives the latitude for June 3 as 22° 21′ N, and for June 4 as 23° 40′. Ascius, a not very common word in Latin, from the Greek askios, shadowless. Pliny, Natural History, Bk II, chap. 75, attributes to Onesicritus, the Greek historian and geographer, the information that the constellation of the Bears ‘is not visible at the places in India where there are no shadows, and that these places are called Shadeless (ascia), and no reckoning is kept of the hours there’. (Loeb ed., 1938, H. Rackham, I, p. 319). The word is also used by St Ambrose. It is unlikely that Banks was acquainted with either Onesicritus or the early Christian Fathers, but it is quite probable that he had picked up some Pliny in his general scientific reading, and, passing ‘under the sun’, extended the term ascii to mean dwellers in the tropics generally.—I owe light on this rather recondite allusion to my colleague, Professor H. A. Murray. S has the note, ‘Being perpendicularly under the Sun: consequently they had no shadows’.

Showers and squalls of Wind; saw more Gulph weed.

4. Gulph-Weed rather increasd.

5. Less Gulph weed than yesterday, so least we should leave its station we began to catch it by means of a pole with 6 large hooks fastned to its end. Out of it we took Scyllæa pelagica,

A nudibranch mollusc given this scientific name by Linnaeus.

Medusa Porpita

Porpita porpita. See 30 September 1768.

Syngnathus pelagicus

Syngnathus pelagicus Linn. This fish is still known by the same name.

and Lophius pelagicus

Probably Histrio histrio, a frog-fish.

and Cancer minutus.

Planes minutus.

6. More Gulf-weed in which took up several individuals of the aformentiond species, besides which were caught Cancer pelagicus

Neptunus pelagicus.

and a shrimp not describd. Several tropick birds were seen

Both the Red-billed and the White-tailed Tropic Birds occur in this region.

all of which flew in a strait line towards the Coast of Africa.

7. Still more Gulph-weed, in general laying in long lines upon the water of a very small breadth but extending in lengh as far as the eye could reach. More Tropick birds were seen most of which flew as yesterday and one black shearwater.

Possibly Bulweria bulwerii (Jardine and Selby), Bulwer's Petrel. This bird breeds at Madeira, the Canary and the Cape Verde Islands.

8. Less Gulph-Weed; 2 Tropick birds flying as before.

9. Scarce any weed, the water smooth as if there had been no wind for some time in these Lat.

10. Still Light winds and no sea; very little weed.

11. Rather more weed than lately. Quite calm so that I went out in the boat and took up many individuals of all the species mentiond before but nothing new.

12. Water as smooth as in a harbour: were we in an unknown sea we should build much on the probability of some Land in the neighbourhood. Some Porpoises and Skipjacks were seen but very little weed.

14. Light winds and smooth water; two turtle were seen and a little Gulph-weed.

15. Saw a small sloop which we soon outsaild and left behind. No weed at all today.

16. Spoke an homeward-bound Brazil-man

Cook (p. 474): ‘a Portuguese ship from Rio de Janeiro bound to Lisbon’.

and soon left him.

17. Saw two Ships very far off.

18. Saw 3 New En[g]Iand Schooners cruising for whales. Sent a boat on board one who told us that he had yesterday spoke an outward bound Englishman, who told him that all was peace in Europe, and that the Spanyards had agreed to pay the Manilla ransom with interest in one year and a million of Dollars for damages done at Falklands Islands.

These last reports seem to have been ‘exaggerated’. Manila had been taken by a British fleet and an East India Company force in the closing stages of the Seven Years’ War, 6 October 1762. The Spanish authorities there agreed to ransom the city and its contents for 4 million dollars, paying half in money and drawing bills for the rest on the Treasury at Madrid. But the news of the conquest reached Europe only after the conclusion of the peace negotiations. England handed back the Philippines and the Spanish government refused to honour the bills. The ‘Manila ransom’ became a standing source of irritation, and in fact was never paid.

The vessel had by their own account been out 5 weeks and caught nothing; they had chasd a whale 60 Leagues into Fyall

Fayal.

harbour into which they could not follow it as the Portugese suffer no Whaler to go into any of their Ports in the Western Islands.

The Azores.

They had they said no meat on board but livd upon what they could catch; they sold us readily 4 large Albacores saying that they could catch more. As for American news King George they said had behavd very ill for some time but they had brought him to terms at last.

This seems to refer to the repeal in 1770 of the ‘Townshend duties’ on colonial imports, as a result of the American non-importation measures and devotion to homespun—a repeal which gave great satisfaction in the colonies. Cook adds (p. 474), ‘to Confirm this the Master [of a Rhode Island schooner] said that the Coat on his back was made in Old England’.

20. Saw a large ship ahead which on our lowering our foretopsail hoisted a flag at her maintopmast head; she soon however made sail and left us.

21. About noon we discoverd a fleet of 13 sail of large ships on our weather quarter; these we doubted not were our consorts the India fleet. One Shearwater was seen.

22. The Fleet held so much better a wind than us that the[y] fairly went out of sight to windward of us, who indeed had split both our Topgallant sails in a squall.

23. Wind very foul. Saw one Shearwater: the reason of so few having been seen this passage may be that during their breeding time they do not wander far out at Sea.

30. Both yesterday- and today a few Shearwaters were seen; in the night many were about the ship crying very much.

July 1771

4. My Bitch Lady was found dead in my Cabbin laying upon a stool on which she generaly slept. She had been remarkably well for some days; in the night she shreikd out very loud so that we who slept in the great Cabbin heard her, but becoming quiet immediately no one regarded it. Whatever disease was the cause of her death it was the most sudden that ever came under my Observation. Many Shearwaters were seen about the ship.

Probably Puffinus puffinus (Brünnich), the Manx Shearwater, some of which were shot on 8 July following.

5. In the night the ship passd through a shoal of Macarels and in the Morning many Grabs and some seaweed was observd with many Shearwaters.

6. Several shearwaters and one Gannet

Sula bassana bassana.

were seen; much sea weed like tape

Though here called a ‘seaweed’ almost certainly Zostera marina, a marine angiosperm characterized by tape-like leaves. A significant point is the grouping of Zostera with marine algae in travel commentaries; for example, Osbeck wrote, ‘We at last saw the Scilly Islands in the forenoon … Fucus divaricatus, vesiculosus et Zostera, came swimming from the shore’.—Voyage, II, p. 122.

flattish and narrow.

7. Several shearwaters and much Tapeweed; the water a little discolourd. Caught Lepas Cygnifera floating upon the water in round conjeries's, some of which were large enough to fill a mans hat.

Lepas fascicularis Ellis and Sol. 1786.

8. Calm: went in boat and shot Fulmar and Manks Puffin

Manks’=Manx; the bird was probably Puffinus puffinus (Brünnich), the Manx Shearwater, seen on 4 July.

of Pennants British Zoology. Much sea weed but no more Lepades.

10. This Morning the land was discoverd by Young Nick the same boy who first saw New Zeland: it provd to be the Lizzard.

Cook says (p. 477), ‘At Noon we saw Land from the Mast head bearing North which we judged to be about the Lands end’. They saw the Lizard in the afternoon of the 11th-still the 10th for Banks.

12. At 3 O'Glock landed at Deal.

Appendix I Interpolations in the Journal

1. Electricity

Octr 25.1768 five miles South of the Line by guess Long….

Machine

Made by Ramsden. Workd by a flat plate 8 inches diameter the Phial used was 6½ inches in hight and 5½ in diameter without the neck; the distance between the stopper and coating 3 inches; the stopper made of wood and fastned to the glass on the inside by a red cement probably sealing wax. The Electrometer was divided into 30 parts making in all 1½ inches nearest. About nine in the Morn the machine was set up, when we suppos'd ourselves to be somewhat more than five miles south of the line; the day pleasant, but rather cloudy; the ship going between three and four Knotts.

When the plate was first turnd round the Cushions appeard to be damp, adhering to the glass so that it was with dificulty made to move very slowly round, tho the cushions were screwd on as lightly as possible. After wiping them very well the plate was made to go round, and in about ten minutes Electricity was excited, tho but in a small degree. The motion of the ship, and the shaking of the table causd by turning the machine, made the Electrometer (which was a very unsteady one) move backwards and forwards visibly to the eye; so that it was impossible to ascertain exactly at what distance it dischargd the Phial: it however was guessd to be about a line when at the greatest distance.

It continued to work in this manner about half an hour, in which time several attempts were made to give the shock; which succeeded very ill, the shocks being very small, tho given with the greatest quantity of Electricity that could be got into the Phial. It then, (after having grown by degrees weaker and weaker) ceasd to work intirely; upon which water was applied to the cushions, but without any effect: every thing was then wiped and dried as well as could be done in our situation, the cushions being carried to fire; but no Electric[i]ty perceivable to the touch was communicated to the conductor: whether any was then excited on the surface of the plate we did not then observe. An amalgama of Lead was then applied, which causd a small degree of Electricity, much smaller than at first, which very soon ceasd also, from that time no electric[i]ty perceivable (except by Cantons Electrometer)

John Canton (1718-72), one of the most distinguished electrical experimenters of the time; F.R.S. 1749; he invented among other things the electrometer and the electroscope.

could be communicated to the conductor, tho the machine was workd near an hour.

In the course of these experiments two thing[s] were observd, differing from the Phænomena usualy seen. First, the Phial when filld with Electricity as full as the Machine could; would not contain it more than a very few seconds, 3 or 4 by guess; (for no opportunity of measuring by a watch was given, the Machine Leaving off working without any warning when it was not expected.) At the end of this time not the smallest quantity of Electricity was left tho I tried all my Phials 5 in number two of which were such as were describd above: the others were small ones, made much in the same manner, but instead of being coated on the inside filld with leaf gold.

Secondly, the floor of the Cabbin in which the experiments were tried, was coverd with a red floor cloth of painted Canvas, that had been issued to the ship from his majesties stores at Debtford; which was usually washed with salt water every morning, and sufferd to dry without being ever taken up. This provd as good a conductor of Electricity as any we could make use of; so that a man standing on one side the machine, and touching the coating of the Phial, was shockd by another who touchd the conductor w[i]thout having any communication with the first, except by the floor cloth under his feet. This Dr Solander and myself tried several ways, but made more experiments afterwards with Mr Greens Machine as taken notice of in the next paper.

The ill success of these experiments seems to me to have arisen cheifly from the uncommon dampness of the circumambient air which had been observd by everybody since we crossd the tropick and is largely taken notice of in my Journal. By this solution alone all the Phænomena that appeard may be accounted for.

Air charged with particles of damp is well known to be of all others the greatest enemy to Electricity, it immediately attracts and dissipates all the electrical matter which is collected by the machine; the machine therefore worked faintly for a little while till the damp was condensed on the conductor and cheifly on the surface of the glass Phial and then ceas'd intirely. A small quantity was however always perceivable upon the surface of the plate and even to the end of the conductor.

The Phial tho chargd as full as the machine would fill it even at the time of its best working would not contain the Electrical matter scarce at all owing doubtless to the Communication made by the condensed damp between the Coating and stopper of the Phial; this increasd every moment so that at last it would not contain Electricity at all.

The situation on board a ship would not allow the making use of a fire at least to warm the whole machine as should have been done and would have been a great satisfaction but the motion of the ship, the distance of the galley from the Cabbin and the number of people who are constantly busy there made that impossible.

The dampness of the air compland of here has not been observd now for the first time. Piso in his account of the Brazils p. 5 mentions it and says that victuals &c. which have kept well before spoil immediately here. This therefore may account for the general opinion of Electrical machines failing to work when near the line as the fault could not be in my machine which workd remarkably well in London and full as well as I expected in Madeira.

Octr 25. 1768. 17 Miles south of the line Mr Greens machine

The machine was made by Watkins;

Presumably F. Watkins, a London instrument-maker, of whom little seems to be known.

it workd with a flat plate of Glass inches in diameter; the Jar was of Glass 8 inches high and 7 deep coated with varnish between the Lead and the stopper which was of cork, no varnish comeing between that and the neck; the Electrometer was divided into 30 parts which containd 1 inch and ⅛.

[1] The plate at first refusd to go round as mine had before done the cushions being drawn together by the Glass which they seemd to adhere to probably from their dampness. After some time turning however this went off and in about 10 minutes Electripity was excited.

The Electrometer was then applied which went off at No 7.

2 Electricity was kept in the Phial 30 seconds without loosing any sensible part

3 a hole was struck through two cards by the discharging wyer.

4 Shocks were given to several people much greater than any that could be Given by my machine.

Presumably F. Watkins, a London instrument-maker, of whom little seems to be known.

5 the Phænomenon of the floor cloth proving a conductor was tried more fully than before. A wyer (b) was passd round the Phial (a) the two ends of which were taken hold of by two people (cc) who each took hold of another person (dd). The operator (e) then touched the Phial with his discharging wyer and receivd the shock through both his arms as did (cc) and (dd) sometimes, tho at others (dd) felt it only in the arms by which they held (cc). The comparative force of the blows which each felt was very dificult to ascertain but we supposd that (cc) felt more than (dd) and probably the operator most of all.

The chief reason why this machine workd better than mine seems to me to be that the bottle was coated with varnish between the stopper and coating of Lead. This probably did not condense the damp of the air near so readily as Glass and consequently the machine workd well when mine refusd to work at all.

Monday March ye 19th 1770 of the Coast of [New Zealand] Lat. S. Long.

The machine on being taken out of the Box was found to have had by some accident the plate and one of the Phials broken; the former was replacd by a spare one. Every part of it was perfectly dry and workd with great freedom; a small proportion of Electricity only could be excited, the most enough to strike through one card. During all our experiments the floor cloth conductd as it had done before tho it had not been washd for some weeks our experiment[s] were soon cut short by the wind which was foul freshning so much that we could not with safety let the Machine stand. — The day was rather hazey.

Friday March 23d 1770. Lat. Long.

All the day was clear and the evening also very fine. At sunset the machine was set up; it at first intirely refusd to work but after about ¼ of an hour some sparks were excited, the greatest however that we could raise it to was only a slight shock. The floor cloth conducted as usual which we ascertaind by resting upon a table or chair in which case we did not feel the shock which standing upon the ground we always did.

2. Madeira Fish

In this list, and the lists of plants that follow, Banks's abbreviations ‘Mss’ and ‘Mscr’ (I have standardized the capital M) both signify ‘Manuscript’—i.e. new discoveries described in Solander's Mss. The abbreviation ‘Lus’ seems to stand for ‘Lusitanian’, or whatever Latin form Banks used for that—i.e. he was giving the Portuguese vernacular name. The equivalent of Banks's underlinings has been attempted by italicizing the names of his authorities rather than his binomials; but his practice, and his punctuation, have been regularized.

Muræna guttata Mss Merca Lus.

Murenophis angusti (Kaup) Moray. Parkinson II, pl. 1; Solander p. 201.

—– Anguilla Linn.

The Common Eel, Anguilla anguilla. Lowe (1839) says that eels are the only indigenous freshwater fish of the island.

Trachinus Draco Linn. Aranha Lus.

The Greater Weever. According to Lowe its vernacular name is ‘Aranha do Mar’, and ‘Aranha’ is used for Trachinus vipera, the Lesser Weever.

Coryphæna Novacula Linn. Papagaya Lus.

Xyrichthys novacula. Parkinson II, pl. 8; Solander p. 217.

Scorpæna Patriarcha Mscr.

Scorpaena porcus. Parkinson II, pl. 15; Solander p. 217.

—– Chorrista Mscr Menino do coro Lus.

Pontinus kuhlii (Bowdich). Parkinson II, pl. 18, upper figure; Solander pp. 213–5. One of Banks's specimens of this very handsome fish is still in the collection at the British Museum.

Pleuronectes Rhomboides Mscr Solha Lus.

Bothuspodas (Delaroche).

Chætodon luridus Mss Castanpeta Lus.

Abudefduf luridus (Guy.). See Parkinson II, pl. 29, lower figure, and Solander p. 227. Cuvier founded this species on a Madeiran specimen labelled C. luridus in Broussonet's collection. Broussonet was a great friend of Banks and, like him, primarily a botanist but with many other interests.

Sparus sarghus Linn. Sargho.

Diplodus sargus. There is a painting by Buchan in Parkinson II, pl. 37, lower figure; Solander p. 229.

—– griseus Mss.

Pagellus bogaraveo (Brünnich), Spanish Bream. Painted by Buchan in Parkinson II, pl. 51, lower figure; Solander p. 233.

—– mundus Mss.

It has not been possible to identify this species, although there is a long description by Solander, pp. 235–6, with a reference to a painting which has not been found. It is possible that the latter was given another Ms name: this has happened in one or two other cases.

Callyodon rubiginosus Mss Budiam Lus.

Sparisoma cretensis. Parkinson II, pl. 43; Solander p. 239. Cuvier and Valenciennes published the name Seaus rubiginosus in 1840 (Hist. Nat. Poissons, 14, p. 171) from the Solander Ms and Parkinson drawings; they also cited other authors, such as Lowe, Webb and Berthelot.

Labrus lunaris Linn. Peixe verde Lus.

Thalassoma pavo. Parkinson II, pl. 47, upper figure; Solander p. 243.

Sciena angustata Mss. Bocavoens Lus.

Centracanthus cirrus (Rafinesque). Parkinson II, pl. 63, lower figure; Solander p. 245. In 1830 Cuvier and Valenciennes wrote (op. cit. 6, p. 421) ‘Nous avons trouvé dans les dessins de Parkinson une figure faite à Madère.—–Solander avait nommé cette espèce Sciaena angustata’.

Perca decorata Mss.

Paracentropristis atrkauda (Günther). Parkinson II, pl. 83; Solander p. 255. Mr A. C. Wheeler has recently discovered Banks's specimen in the British Museum collections.

—– Imperator Mss Emperador Lus.

Anthias anthias. Parkinson II, pi. 79; Solander p. 257. There are two paintings of this fish: on the back of one is written ‘Mr. B. thinks it too pale’, so apparently Parkinson made the second one, which is most beautiful, to satisfy Banks. The specimen collected then is still in the British Museum.

Scomber scombrus Linn.

Mackerel.

—– Trachurus Linn.

Trachurus trachurus (Linn.). The Scad or Horse Mackerel.

3. Plants of Madeira

This list, hitherto unpublished, constitutes the first florula of Madeira, and is notable particularly for its record of early introductions. Contemporary naturalists such as Bory de St Vincent (Essais sur les Isles Fortunés, 1803) notice Cook's visit but have evidently no knowledge of the Ms catalogue. The first published plant list (1825) was based on the collections of Leopold von Buch (1774-1853), made in Madeira in 1816.—The abbreviations ‘fig. pict.’ or ‘f.p.’ (figura picta) refer to drawings by Parkinson of the plants so noted. The list is here printed from the Ms verbatim et literatim.

N.B. the mark of a star * in the margin signifies that the plant so markd is not wild but cultivated a cross + that for want of fructification the plant could not certainly be determi[n]d.

Monandria

Canna indica Linn. Bananeira brava. Conteira preta

* Amomum Zingiber Linn.

Callitriche verna Linn.

Diandria

* Nyctanthes sambac Linn. flore pleno

* Jasminum officinale Linn.

* —– grandiflorum Linn.

+ Olea europæa Linn.

Veronica anagallis Linn.

Verbena officinalis Linn.

* Rosmarinus officinalis Linn.

* Salvia officinalis Linn.

Triandria

Gladiolus communis Linn. Alho brabo

Iris

Cyperus rotundus Linn.

—– flavescens Linn.

Scirpus setaceus Linn.

* Saccharum officinarura Linn.

Phalaris canariensis Linn.

—– oblongata Mss.

Panicum Junceum. Mscr. Grama

Panicum glaucum Linn.

—– sanguinale Linn.

—– Crus Gorvi Linn. Milhaa Lus.

Milium paradoxum Linn.

Agrostis linearis Mscr.

—– bromoides Linn.

—– sanguinalis Mscr.

—– pallida Mscr.

—– sylvatica Linn.

Poa annua Linn.

Briza minor Linn.

—– maxima Linn. Xucalheira Lus.

Cynosurus indicus Linn.

—– echinatus Linn.

Festuca sylvatica Mscr. Bromus pinnatus Linn.

Bromus geniculatus Linn.

Avena fatua Linn. Balanco Lus.

—– elatior Linn.

—– nodosa Linn.

Arundo donax Linn. Canavieira Lus.

Aristida Adscentionis Linn.

Lolium perenne Linn.

—– temulentum Linn.

Hordeum murinum Linn.

Triticum repens Linn. Forscapa Lus.

Polycarpon tetraphyllum Linn. Saboira Lus.

Tetrandria

Alyssum angustifolium Fig. pict. Mscr. Malforada Lus.

Sherardia arvensis Linn.

Galium mollugo Linn. Var. angustifolia

—– vesiculosum Mscr.

Plantago lanceolata Linn.

—– media Linn. Tanxage Lus.

—– albicans Linn.

Eleagnus angustifolia Linn. Oleveira Lus.

Ilex Perado Mss. Perado Lus. fig. pict.

+ — Azevinho Mss. Azevinho Lus. fig. pict.

Sagina procumbens Linn.

Pentandria

Heliotropium europæum Linn.

Myosotis scorpoides palustris Linn.

—– arvensis Linn.

Cynoglossum cheirifolium Linn. Masarogueira Lus.

—– officinale Linn.

Echum vulgare Linn.

Anagallis arvensis Linn.

Convolvulus flexuosus Mss.

* —– Batatas Linn. Batata Lus.

—– arvensis Linn. corriola Lus.

—– altheoides Linn.

Campanula erinus Linn.

Lonicera caprifolium Linn.

Mirabilis Jalapa Linn. Boninas Lus.

Datura Stramonium Linn. Bufarcira Lus.

Hyocyamus albus Linn. Maimondro Lus.

Nicotiana Tabacum Linn. Erva santa Lus.

* Solanum tuberosum Linn.

Solanum nigrum Linn.

—– pseudocapsicum Linn. Pimenteira Lus.

—– Lycopersicum Linn. Tomatos Lus.

Capsicum frutescens a Linn.

Heberdenia excelsa Mscr. Aderno Lus. fig. pict.

Lycium barbarum Linn. Espinheiro Lus.

* Mangifera indica Linn. Mangoira Lus.

* Ribes rubrum Linn.

* —– grossularia Linn.

Hedera helix Linn.

* Vitis vinifera Linn.

Achyranthes aspera Sicula Linn.

* Celosia cristata Linn.

* Gardenia florida Linn.

Chenopodium murale Linn.

—– album Linn.

—– ambrosoides Linn.

Caucalis arvensis Mss.

Daucus visnaga Linn. Bisnaga Lus.

Ammi majus Linn. Margaca Lus.

Sium nodifioruim? Linn. Rabassa Lus.

Anethum Fœniculum Linn. Funcho Lus.

Apium petroselinum Linn.

Rhus ceriaria Linn. Sumagre Lus.

Sambucus obulus Linn.

Alsine media Linn.

Linum perenne Linn.

Hexandria

* Bromelia Ananas Linn.

Amaryllis belladonna Linn.

Allium oleraceum Linn. Sabolinho bracco Lus.

* —– cepa Linn.

Lilium candidum Linn.

Dracæna Draco Linn.

Aloe perfoliata Linn.

* Agave Americana Linn.

Juncus Effusus Linn.

—– tenax Mscr.

Meadia repens Mscr. Erva branca. Erva terra Lus. fig. pict.

Rumex aquaticus Linn. Azeda Lus.

—– scutatus Linn. Labassa Lus.

Mermulano Heb[erden] Mss.

Octandria

Tropæolum minus Linn.

Vaccinium elevatum Mss. Uveira Lus.

Erica cinerea? Linn.

Polygonum aviculare Linn. Sempre noiva Lus.

—– Hydropiper Linn. Polgueira Lus.

—– Barbatum Linn.

Erneandria

Laurus nobilis Linn.

—– indica Linn.

—– nitida Mscr. fig. pict.

* —– fœtens Mscr. fig. pict. Til. Lus.

* —– cinnamomum Linn.

Decandria

Cassia bicapsularis Linn.

Ruta graveolens Linn. Arvuda Lus.

Glethra arborea Mscr. Folhada Lus. fig. pict.

Dianthus prolifer Linn.

* —– cariophyllus Linn.

Cucubalus Behen Linn. Estralho Lus.

Silene gallica Linn.

—– inaperta Linn.

Stellaria graminea Linn.

Cotyledon umbelicus Linn.

Oxalis corniculata Linn. Pedepassaro Bolsa de pastor Lus.

Cerastium viscosum Linn.

* Phytolacca decandra Linn.

Dodecandria

Portulacca oleracea Linn. Baldruegas Lus.

Lythrum Hyssopifolia Linn.

Agrimonia eupatoria Linn.

Reseda luteola Linn.

Euphorbia peplus Linn.

—– verrucosa Linn. Truirisco Lus.

Sempervivum arboreum Linn.

Icosandria

Cactus Ficus indica Linn.

* Psidium pyriferum Linn.

* Eugenia Jambos Linn.

Myrtus communis Lusitanica Linn. Myrto Lus.

—– tarentina Linn.

* pulposa Mss.

Punica Granatum Linn.

* Amygdalus persica Linn.

* Prunus armenaica Linn.

* —– cerasus Linn.

* Prunus domestica Linn.

* Mespilus germanica Linn.

* Pyrus communis Linn.

* —– Malus Linn.

* —– Cydonia Linn.

* Rosa gallica Linn. flore albo

Rubus pedatus Mss. Silva Lus.

—– fruticosus Linn.

* Fragaria vesca Linn.

Potentilla reptans Linn.

Polyandria

Chelidonium majus Linn. Seredonia Celedonia Lus.

Delphinium consolida Linn.

Nigella damascena Linn.

* Liriodendrum tulipifera Linn.

Ranunculus repens Linn. Solda da terra Lus.

Didynamia

Lavandula pinnata Mss. Criceta de gallo fig. pict.

Sideritis canariensis Linn.

Mentha pulegium Linn. Poejo Lus.

—– rotundifolia Linn.

Stachys arvensis Linn.

Ballota nigra Linn.

Clinopodium vulgare Linn.

Origanum creticum Linn. Ouregas Lus.

* Thymus vulgaris Linn.

Melissa calamintha Linn.

Dracocephalum canariense Linn.

* Ocymum Basilicum Linn.

Prunella vulgaris Linn.

Antirrhinum cordatum Mss. fig. pict. Orelhas de gato Lus.

Serophularia Scorodonia Linn.

Digitalis purpurea Linn. Tegeira Lus.

* Bignonia radicans Linn.

Acanthus spinosus Linn.

Tetradynamia

* Lepidium sativum Linn.

Cochlearia coronopus Linn.

Sisymbrium Nasturtium Linn. Agriao Lus.

Erysimum officinale Linn.

* Brassica oleracea Linn.

* —– rapa Linn.

* Sinapis alba Linn. Mustarda Lus.

Isatis tinctoria Linn.

Monadelphia

Geranium robertianum Linn. Agulheta Lus.

—– cicutarium Linn.

Sida Rhombifolia Linn. Bertonha Lus.

Malva rotundifolia Linn. Malva Lus.

—– mauritanica Linn.

* Hibiscus rosa sinensis Linn.

Diadelphia

Fumaria officinalis Linn. Molharinha Lus.

Spartium scoparium Linn.

Genista canariensis Linn. Piorno Lus.

* Lupinus albus Linn.

* Phaseolus vulgaris a Linn.

* —– coccineus Linn.

* Pisum sativum Linn.

Vicia gracilis Mss.

Ervum hirsutum Linn. Ervilhata Lus.

Cicer arietinum Linn.

Ornithopus perpusillus Linn.

Scorpiurus vermiculata Linn.

Psoralea bituminosa Linn. Fudigocos Lus.

—– americana Linn.

Trifolium glomeratum Linn.

—– agrarium Linn.

—– repens Linn.

—– Melilotus Italica Linn.

—– angustifolium Linn. Pesegaja Lus.

Lotus glaucus Mscr. fig. pict.

Medicago polymorpha muricata Linn.

—– lupulina Linn.

Polyadelphia

* Citrus medica Linn.

—– Aurantium Linn.

Hypericum canariense Linn. Sepiao Lus.

—– perforatum Linn. Peseguiero Lus.

—– humifusum Linn.

—– glandulosum Mscr.

—– evectum Mscr.

Syngenesia

Picris Echioides Linn. Kapasaya Lus.

Sonchus oleraceus Linn. Peseguiro Lus.

Lactuca sativa Linn.

Leontodon nudicaule Mss. Letubra Lus.

Crepis tenuifolia Mss.

Lapsana stellata Linn.

Cicoreum Intybus Linn.

Scolymus hispanicus Linn.

Arctium Lappa Linn.

Carduus pycnocephalus Linn.

Carthamus tinctorius Linn. Cardo brabo Lus.

Carthamus lanatus Linn.

Gnaphalium crassifolium Linn. fig. pict.

—– luteo albidum Linn.

Conyza Saxatilis Linn. Murnaneira Lus.

Erigeron canadense Linn.

Senecio viscosus Linn.

* Aster chinensis Linn.

* Tagetes erecta Linn.

Chrysanthemum segetum Linn.

Matricaria parthenium Linn. Artemigo Lus.

Anthemis cotula Linn.

* Helianthus annutis Linn.

Coreopsis Leucanthema Linn. Malpica Don Andrera Lus.

Centaurea calcitrapa Linn.

Calendula arvensis Linn.

Lobelia Longifolia Mscr.

Viola odorata Linn. Viola Lus.

* Impatiens balsamina Linn.

* Gynandria

Passiflora quadrangularis Linn.

* Arum colocasia Linn. Inhame Lus.

—– sagittifolium Linn.

—– pictum Mss. Inhame de Bresil Lus. fig. pict.

Monoecia

Lemna minor Linn.

Zea Mays Linn.

Coix Lacryma Jobi Linn. Conteiras brancas Lus.

Carex muricata Linn.

* Buxus sempervirens Linn.

Urtica urens Linn.

* Morus nigra Linn.

Amaranthus hybridus Linn.

—– blitum Linn. Bredos Lus.

Poterium sanguisorba Linn.

Juglans regia Linn.

Fagus castanea Linn.

Pinus pinea Linn. Pinheira

* Cupressus sempervirens Linn.

* Cucurbita lagenaria Linn.

* Cucurbita pepo Linn.

* —– citrullus Linn.

* Cucumis Melo Linn.

* Sativus Linn.

Dioecia

Salix purpurea Linn. Venae Lus.

—– Helix Linn. Seiseiro Lus.

Smilax latifolia Mss. Alegecadela Lus. fig. pict.

Populus alba Linn. Alimo Lus.

Mercurialis ambigua Linn.

* Carica Papya Linn.

Juniperus oxycedrus Linn.

Taxus baccata Linn.

* Ruscus androgynus Linn. Alegacam Lus.

Polygamia

Musa sapientum Linn.

Andropogon hirtum Linn.

Holcus halepensis Linn. Scabracha Lus.

—– mollis Linn.

Cenchrus setosus Mscr.

Parietaria officinalis Linn. Alfavaca Lus.

* Mimosa Farnesiana Linn.

* Diospyrus Lotus Linn. fig. pict.

* Ficus carica Linn.

Cryptogamia

Equisetum arvense Linn.

+ Osmunda Maderensis Mscr. fig. pict.

—– spicant Linn.

Pteris aquilina Linn. Feiteira Lus.

Asplenium adiantum nigrum Linn.

—– marinum Linn.

—– monanthes Linn. fig. pict.

Polypodium Thelypteris Mscr. Acrosticum Th. Linn. fig. pict.

—– lineatum Mscr.

—– fragile Linn.

Adiantum trapeziforme Linn. Cabreira Lus.

Trichomanes canariense Linn.

Mnium politrichoides Linn.

Hypnum rugosum Mscr.

Jungermannia tamariscifolia Linn.

Lichen articulatus Linn. Barba Lus.

—– calicaris Linn.

—– digitatus Linn.

Marchantia polymorpha Linn. Patinha Lus.

Lichen geographicus Linn.

Lichen calicaris Linn.

Byssus aurea Linn.

Phoenix dactyfera Linn.

Appendix

Faya Lus.

Pao branco Lus.

Salvia major folio glauco serrato Stoane Hist. Jam. p.17. T.3. fig.3

4. Plantæ Brasilienses

Though botanical notes on Brazil begin with Lery (1578) and continue with Piso (1648), mentioned by Banks, Dampier (1717), and Gomes (1803), the first published enumeration, in the sense of a flora, was that of Vellosa, 1827—though he had carried out his work three decades earlier. Banks's list, arranged on the Linnaean system, is therefore an important account. His Ms names, attached to the specimens in the Pocket Book, were taken up by Aiton and others. The majority of the numbers given in the list are references to Linnaeus, mainly to the second edition of the Species Plantarum; e.g. the first entry signifies Sp[ecies] pl[antarum], [p.] 1, [no.] 1. Similarly Syst[ema] nat[urae]; Mant[issa plantarum]. Jacq. Hist. is a reference to Nicolas Joseph Jacquin, Selectarum Stirpium Americanorum Historia (1763). Hort. denotes a garden-grown plant. The list is here printed from the Ms verbatim et literatim.

Monandria

Canna Indica Sp. pl. 1.1

—– lævicapsularis Mscr.

Thalia geniculata 3.1

Boerhavia scandens 4.3

Salicornia procumbens Mscr.

Diandria

Nyctanthes Sambac 8.2.fl.pl.

—– Jasminum officinale 9.1

Verbena Jamaicencis 27.3

—– varietas glabra

—– hirsuta

Rosmarinus officinalis 33.1

Piper Amalago 41.6

—– hispidum Mscr.

—– lævigatum Mscr.

Triandria

Iris Ensata Mscr.

Commelina communis 60.1

—– Zannonia 61.7

Schœnus glomeratus 65.11

—– squarrosus Mscr.

Cyperus minimus 66.2. Mscr.

—– sessilis Mscr.

—– strigosus 69.18. Mscr.

—– compressus 68.14. Mscr.

—– elegans 68.11. Mscr.

Cyperus rotundus 67.6. Mscr.

—– ligularis 69.19. Mscr.

—– Comosus Mscr.

—– exaltatus Mscr.

Scirpus spadiceus 74.20. Mscr.

Paspalum virgatum 81.2

Panicum glaucum 83.4. Mscr.

—– setosum Mscr.

—– Italicum 83.6. Mscr.

—– pallidum Mscr.

—– sanguinale 84.73. Mscr.

Milium villosum Mscr.

—– punctatum 91.5

Agrostis indica 94.13

—– cruciata 94.15

—– linearis 85. 16. Mscr.

Aira cappillaris Mscr.

Poa ciliaris 102.20

Briza eragrostis 103.5. Mscr.

Gynosurus virgatus 106.6

—– indicus 106.8. Mscr.

Mollugo verticilata 131.5

Tetrandria

Spermacoce tenuior 147.1

—– hirta 148.3

—– Capitata Mscr. fig. pict.

Plantago major 163.1

Scoparia dulcis 168.1

Cissus Sycioides 170.3

—– quinquefolia Mscr.

Ludwigia hirta Mscr.

Rivina humilis 177.1

Lygistum capitatum Mscr.

—– pentandrum Mscr.

Pentandria

Heliotropium peruvianum 181.1. fig. pict.

—– scabrosum Mscr.

Anagallis Monelli 211.2

Convolvulus blandus Mscr.

—– umbellatus 221.13

—– sarmentosus Mscr.

—– humifusus Mscr.

—– amœnus Mscr. fig. pict.

—– brasiliensis 226.41

Conocarpus racemosa 251.2

Nicotiana Tabacum 258.3

Physalis angulata 262.7

Solanum verbascifolum 263.1

—– hirsutum Mscr.

—– rigidum Mscr.

—– Lycopersicum 265.11

—– nigrum patulum 266.15.B.

—– campechiense 267.18

—– panniculatum 267.10

Capsicum annuum 270.1

Wheleria oppositifolia Mscr.

—– alternifolia

Cordia? macrophylla 274.4?

Varronia scabrosa Mscr.

—– curassavica 276.4

Ceratites amœna Mscr. fig. pict.

Cestrum nocturnum 277.1

Sideroxylon lævigatum Mscr.

Rhamnus Iguaneus 282.17. Mscr.

Celastrus myrtifolius 285.3. Mscr.

—– lævigatus Mscr.

Physiphora lævigata Mscr.

Celosia cristata 297.3

Illicebrum vermiculatum 300.10

—– glabratum Mscr.

Echites pubescens Mscr. fig. pict.

—– tomentosa Mscr.

Tabernemontana cymosa L. Mant. 53

Cynanchum suaveolens Mscr. fig. pict.

—– crassifolium Mscr. fig. pict.

Asclepias suaveolens Mscr. fig. pict.

Chenopodium album 319.6.

—– ambrosioides 320.10

Gomphrœna globosa 326.1. Hort.

Coriandrum sativum 367.1. Hort.

Anethum graveolens 371.1. Hort.

Rhus obtusatum Mscr.

Turnera ulmifolia 387.1

Evolvulus nummularius 391.1

Pocockia lucida Mscr.

Hexandria

Bromelia Ananas 408.1

—– pseudo ananas Mscr. f.p.

—– Karratas 408.3. Mscr.

—– bracteata Mscr. fig. pict.

Tillandsia utriculata 409

—– stricta Mscr. fig. pict.

—– argentea Mscr. fig. pict.

—– usneoides 411.9

Amaryllis Reginae 421 . 5

Alstroemeria salsilla 462.3. Mscr. fig. pict.

—– pulchella Mscr. fig. pict.

Loranthus sessilis Mscr.

—– decussatus Mscr.

Octandria

Calyxis ternaria Mscr. fig. pict.

Dirca cymosa Mscr.

Polygonum barbatum

Paulinia pinnata 525.7

—– pilosa Mscr.

—– Endecaphylla Mscr.

—– mexicana 525.4. Mscr.

—– tenera Mscr.

Sapindus saponaria 526.1

Cardiospermum Halicacabum 525.1

—– latifolium Mscr. fig. pict.

Enneandria

Laurus Cinnamomum 528.1

Decandria

Sophora occidentalis 533.1

Cassia bifolia Mscr.

Poinciana pulcherrima 544.3

Guilandina Bonduccella 545.2

Anacardium occidentale 548.1

Melia sempervirens Mscr.

Trichilia glabrata Mscr.

—– Havannensis Jacq. Hist. 129.t.175.f.38

Melastoma hirta 559.5

—– viscida Mscr.

—– holosericea 559.6

—– quadrangularis Mscr. fig. pict.

—– laevigata 559.8

Malpighia nitida 609.3. fig. pict.

—– sericea Mscr.

—– crysophyllum Mscr.

Banisteria ciliata Mscr. fig. pict.

—– atriplicifolia Mscr. fig. pict.

—– emarginata Mscr. f. p.

—– diffusa Mscr.

—– fulgens Mscr. fig. pict.

Cotyledon laciniata 615.7

Oxalis macrophylla Mscr.

Dodecandria

Triumfetta rhombea Mscr.

—– semitriloba L. Mant. 73?

Portulacca oleracea 638.1

—– pilosa 639.1

Lythrum Melanium 641.7

Icosandria

Cactus triqueter Mscr.

—– quadrangularis 667.4

—– triangularis 669.14

—– polygonus Mscr.

—– Tuna 669.18

—– Phyllanthus 670. 21

Psidium pyriferum 672.1

Eugenia Jambos 672.2. Variet.

—– coronata Mscr.

—– latifolia Mscr.

—– pulposa Mscr.

Myrtus attenuata Mscr.

Punica granatum 676.1

Chrysobalanus oppositifolius Mscr. f.p.

Sesuvium portulacastrum 684.1. fig. pict.

Rosa centifolia 704.7. variet.

—– sempervirens 704.9. variet.

Polyandria

Capparis racemosa Mscr.

—– flexuosa 722.9

Annona myrtina Mscr.

Didynamia

Nepeta pectinata 799.14

Ocymum Basilicum 833.3

—– minimum 833.4

Doodia campestris Mscr.

Bignonia aequinoctialis 869.4 ? Mscr.

—– panniculata 869.5. Mscr.

—– Capreolata 870.7. Mscr.

—– pubescens 870.8. Mscr.

—– ornata Mscr.

—– extensa Mscr.

—– venusta Mscr.

—– Caerulea 872.17. Mscr.

Lantana mista Mscr. fig. pict.

Lantana alba Mscr.

—– stricta Mscr.

Bontia cuneata Mscr.

Tetradynamia

Brassica oleracea 932.5. Hort.

Raphanus sativus 935.1. Hort.

Cleome triphylla 938.4. Mscr.

—– spinosa 939.9. Mscr.

Monadelphia

Waltheria indica 941.2

——- angustifolia 941.3

Sida spinosa 960.1

—– Juncea Mscr.

—– Rhombifolia 961.3

—– fruticosa Mscr.

—– panniculata 962.11. Mscr.

Malva spicata 967.1

—– pilosa Mscr.

Gossypium arboreum 975.3

Hibiscus tiliaceus 976.4. Mscr,

—– mutabilis 977.7. fl. pl. Hort.

—– sabdariffa 978.14

—– Abelmoschus 980.18

—– esculentus 980.19

Diadelphia

Cedera spicata Mscr.

Securidacca scandens 992.1. Mscr.

—– erecta 992.2

Abrus precatorius Syst. nat. 472. 1025

Erythrina Corallodendron occ. 992.2

Clitoria brasiliana 1026.2

Cytissus Cajan 1041.4

Hedysarum canescens 1054.21

—– hamatum 1056.31.B

Indigofera tinctoria 1061.1

Trigonella minax Mscr.

Polyadelphia

Citrus medica 1100.1a

—– Limon 1100.B

—– aurantium 1100.2

Syngenesia

Sonchus oleraceus 1165.5

Serratula oppositifolia Mscr.

Bidens calyculata Mscr.

Eupatorium succulentum Mscr. fig. pict.

Ageratum Conyzoides 1175.1

Chrysocoma albiflora Mscr. fig. pict.

Caleaa trinervia Mscr.

Gnaphalium arenarium 1195.18

—– decurrens Mscr.

Baccharis Ivaefolia 1204.1

Conyza sessiliflora Mscr

—– scabra Mscr.

—– aromatica Mscr.

Erigeron canadense 1210.5

—– brasiliense Mscr.

Tussilago albida Mscr.

Senecio tinctus Mscr.

—– viscosus?

Tagetes patula 1249.1. Hort.

Matricaria Parthenium 1255.1

Zinnia multiflora 1269.2

Buthalmum scabrosum Mscr

Verbesina Acmella 1271.5. Mscr.

Calendula officinalis 1304.3. Hort.

Elephatopus angustifolius Mscr.

Impatiens Balsamina 1328.3. Hort.

Gynandria

Epidendrum secundum 1349.7. fig. pict.

—– bifolium Mscr. fig. pict.

—– corniculatum Mscr. fig. pict.

Passiflora humifusa Mscr.

—– setacea Mscr.

Pothos lanceolata 1373.1. Mscr.

Monoecia

Olyra latifolia 1379.1. Mscr.

Phyllanthus Niruri 1393.3

Ambrosia elatior 1403.1

—– frutescens Mscr.

Amaranthus viridis 1405.12

—– caudatus 1406.14

Plukenetia tricocca Mscr.

Dalechampia scandens 1423.1.Mscr.

Acalypha virginica 1423.1.Mscr.

Croton glandulosum 1425.7

—– balsamiferum L.Mant. 125. Mscr.

—– reticulatum Mscr. fig. pict.

—– virgatum Mscr.

Jatropha Manihot 1429.5

Jatropha Janipha L.Mant.125. Mscr. f.p. fruct.

—– urens 1429.6

Ricinus communis 1430.1

Momordica Balsamina 1433.1

Cucumis Anguria 1436.3

—– sativus

Cucurbita Pepo 1435.2

—– Citrullus 1435.5

Dioecia

Cecropia peltata 1449.1

Smilax macrophylla Mscr.

—– oblongata Mscr.

Dioscoraea subenervia Mscr.

Alchornea rigida Mscr. fig. pict

Polygamia

Andropogon lanatum Mscr.

—– bicorne 1482.12. Mscr.

—– polydactylon 1483.18. Mscr.

—– virgatum Mscr.

Cenchrus setosus Mscr.

—– tribuloides 1489.5

Celtis asperrima Mscr. f. p.

Clusia dodecapetala Mscr.fig. pict.

Begonia obliqua 1487.1

Mimosa tortuosa 1505.13

—– pavonina Mscr.

—– polyphylla Mscr.

—– pigra 1507.37. Mscr.

Cryptogamia

Ophioglossum scandens 1518.6. f.p.

Osmunda adiantifolia 1520.7

Acrostichum aureum 1525.12

Pteris dichotoma Mscr. f.p.

—– ciliata Mscr. f.p.

Asplenium glabratum Mscr. f.p.

Polypodium reptans Mscr.

—– plumosum Mscr.

—– reticulatum 1549.34. f.p.

Adiantum radiatum 1556.8

Lichen prunastri 1614.39

—– compressus Mscr.

Palmae

Cocos nucifera

Bactris minor L. Mant. 137. Mscr.

5. Plants Of Terra Del Fuego

Only Bougainville preceded Cook in a scientific exploration of Tierra del Fuego (1763). Bougainville's chaplain Pernety left many natural history notes (Histoire d'un Voyage aux isles Maluines fait en 1763 & amp; 1764, Paris 1770) but no enumeration of plants. Bougainville was again in the Strait in 1767, this time with Commerson, who collected many plants preserved today at Paris in the Natural History Museum, but wrote no account of his collections. Bougainville himself generalized on the likeness of the Magellan flora to that of the Patagonian coast and the Falklands (Voyage, p. 150) but left no list. This list of Banks therefore has considerable importance. What Banks intended by the ‘A’ prefixed to so many of the names is uncertain. Possibly it refers to William Anderson, surgeon's mate in the Resolution on Cook's second voyage, and an ardent natural historian. Banks certainly reworked his list at a later date; the device may denote species also collected by Anderson. But this is a guess only, put forward with hesitation. This list also is printed from the Ms verbatim et literatim.

Diandria A.

Lasiocarpus humilis Mscr. fig. pict.

Pinguicula alpina Linn. fig. pict.

Triandria A.

Carpha schoenoides Mscr. fig. pict.

Scirpus setaceus Linn.

Phleum alpinum Linn.

Alopecurus pratensis Linn.

Agrostis densa Mscr.

—– canina Linn.

Aira spicata Linn.

—– caespitosa Linn.

A.—–montana Linn.

Poa alpina vivipara Linn.

— pratensis Linn.

Festuca pusilla Mscr.

—– rubra Linn.

—– spadicea Mscr.

—– purpurascens Mscr.

—– phalaroides Mscr.

Bromus australis Mscr.

Arundo aristata Mscr.

Triticum repens Linn.

Orites depressa Mscr. fig. pict.

Tetrandria A.

Drapetes muscosus Mscr. fig. pict.

Nertera depressa Mscr. fig. pict.

Galium debile Mscr.

—– australe Mscr. fig. pict.

Plantago polymorpha Mscr. fig. pict.

Ancistrum decumbens Mscr. fig. pict.

Sagina muscosa Mscr. fig. pict.

Tillæa pulchella Mscr. fig. pict.

Pentandria

Myosotis albiflora Mscr. fig. pict.

Primula antarctica Mscr.

Azalea bullata Mscr. fig. pict.

Celastrus venustus Mscr. fig. pict.

Ribes antarcticum Mscr. fig. pict.

Euparæ amoena Mscr. fig. pict.

Chamitis integrefolia Mscr. fig. pict.

A.—– tricuspidata Mscr. fig. pict.