It is probably largely because of the nature of the Polynesian household that foreigners have been led to regard the Polynesian as overlooking the importance of the biological family as a unit of social structure. Western culture is individualistic, and from the Polynesian point of view, selfish. The European tendency is not to share dwellings, food, property, or children. Relatives are not encouraged to stay indefinitely with the European family, a procedure almost incomprehensible to the Polynesian. Europeans, except in families holding ancient titles or inherited social position, do not keep family pedigrees. Relationship terms are restricted to a few degrees, and collateral terms have no vital meaning. The idea of kinship obligation and coöperation has weakened. The unit of money has displaced community coöperation in supplying man power for tasks beyond the scope of the individual. Villages and towns are accumulations of individual family units, independent of each other and having no common blood tie to unite the whole community. When members of one family do establish their households in the same village or town, they become separate independent units. Although the separate households recognize close relationship and may coöperate more closely with one another than with unrelated households, they develop different occupations and interests, and one household cannot dictate the policy of another by right of kinship. In the course of time, when relationship becomes remote, the diluted blood tie assumes a merely historical interest. Migrations are frequent, and separation further weakens any influence that blood kinship might have exerted. Thus collateral relationship ceases to exercise an active influence in social structure.

The Polynesian household offers a marked contrast. Although the nucleus of the household is the puna, or single biological family, it is augmented in various ways. A son may elect to live with his parents after reaching adulthood. He marries and brings up his children in the same household, which thus comprises three generations. As the couple of the first generation grow old they relinquish the active management of the household to the couple of the second generation. The younger couple does the harder manual work in providing food and other necessities. The old people do the light tasks and take care of the grandchildren. Parental authority becomes divided, and the grandparents exercise an active share in the upbringing of the children of the third generation. Two brothers of the second generation or a sister with her husband may also remain with the parents. If the family is wealthy in land, some poor collateral may live in the household and assist in cultivating the land and procuring food supplies. Some of the children of the third generation may be adopted by other relatives and thus pass away from their own family. On the other hand, the family may adopt children of other relatives and bring them up in their own household. The household, through the recognition of the blood tie and the prevalence of adoption, is thus rarely confined to one biological family. The children come under the influence and instruction of grandparents, aunts, and uncles, so that the clean-cut parental control characteristic of Western culture is not sharply defined, though it is recognized. The composite household, comprising members of three and even four generations, is in a fluid state, affected by the ebb and flow of blood kin. Seniority of birth indicates the family head. The source of the complex household is the first biological family in occupation. The bilateral biological family is the unit on which family pedigrees are built up, and the position and relationship of each individual member is clearly defined by the family pedigree.

The household residence consists of separate buildings devoted to cooking and sleeping. The cooking house is shared by all. The food supplies are pooled, cooked in one earthen oven, and shared among the members of the household. The sleeping house accommodates all.

The great desire of the single biological family (puna) was to have male issue (kapi tane). The intensity of this desire led to incestuous marriages in the beginning of the history of the atolls. The general Polynesian attitude toward children was that females, through marriage, were likely to be lost to the local group or subtribe, whereas males, owing to the prevalence of patrilocal residence, strengthened their own community. In prominent families the desire for male issue was increased by the law of male succession to rank and title. A young married couple occupied by love and appreciation of each other's physical perfections probably dwelt less on the idea of male issue, though the desire must have existed. To the parents of the couple, however, the desire for male issue was dominant. The romantic side of the marriage did not affect them. The chiefly parents of the husband looked forward to a grandson to carry on the line, to succeed to the title, and to inherit the estate. A granddaughter would merely be a wife for some other family. The feeling was naturally shared by the husband's family and tribe. The desire for male issue, curious though it may seem, was also shared by the parents of the wife and her tribe. They were actuated by the wish to see one of their blood occupying a high position, even though it be in another tribe. Although the sex of the wife may have been regarded as a mistake at the time of birth by her people, once she was married to a high chief she assumed importance in their eyes. She was the potential mother of a chief who would be of their blood. Considerable friction occurred from time to time between the families of two wives married to one chief, owing to the interest taken in the first son born of each marriage, and led to the establishment of a land distributor (tuha whenua) in the 6th generation and of the dual ariki in the 11th generation.

When the news reached the parents of the newly married couple that the wife was pregnant, general satisfaction was expressed. Both mothers-in-law commenced to plait garments of split hala leaves (papa) for both the prospective mother and child. As the time of confinement arrived, the parents-in-law prepared to give a feast in celebration. If the child born was a male there was great rejoicing. The news was called (ka karangatia) throughout the village. A feast was the material expression of the general rejoicing. If the child was a girl, however, the disappointing news filtered out, but there was no public announcement. The food prepared was eaten, but there was no feast. It was stated by my informant that after the birth of a daughter the husband sometimes left his wife in disgust.

The accouchement was carried out in the squatting position. The patient sat on the floor reclining against a relative of experience. When labor pains came on the patient was pushed up into the squatting position, and she supported herself also by holding to a rope hanging down from a rafter. The support assisted her in bearing down. Older female relatives assisted her by massaging the back and lower limbs between pains. The child was received on a plaited mat held by an assistant.

The placenta was taken away and placed in a hole dug for it at some appropriate place. A little earth was filled in, and a coconut was planted above the placenta. Mr. Savage informs me that the coconut is always referred to as the weri of the afterbirth of the child. As the plant grew it was observed from time to time. Its manner of growth was supposed to indicate the nature of the growth of the child. If growth was vigorous the child would be healthy and strong, but if it was poor the child would be correspondingly weak and ailing.

When the umbilical cord was tied and cut, the short end which remained attached to the child was termed pito and when it dropped off the umbilicus was also termed pito. The short length of cord that dropped off in natural course of time was differently disposed of for the two sexes. The male pito was taken to the ocean side of the island and cast into the sea. This action, Mr. Savage informs me, was referred to as “titiri ki te moana roa” (casting into the long ocean). It was a form of sympathetic magic to insure that the child would develop into an expert fisherman or find success if he made voyages on the long ocean. The female pito was taken to the lagoon side of the island and cast into the lagoon waters. This was termed “titiri ki te tai roto” (casting into the inland waters). Man's sphere was in the ocean waters outside the bounding reef, but woman's sphere was in the waters of the lagoon. The treatment applied to the female pito insured that when she grew up the girl would become an expert diver in procuring pahua (Tridacna) and would be able to remain under water for a long time.

In addition to the placental tree (weri), one or more coconut trees were planted by the parents or an elder of the family on family land to commemorate the birth of the child. Such trees were regarded as the special property of particular children, to whose exclusive use they were reserved. The custom and the trees, which were to provide a beverage for the children in years to come, were termed wai (water, coconut fluid).

Children, as they grew up, were instructed in the observances of life as they came under the influence of the elder members in the composite household. Grandparents, who had more time than the parents, told them tales and myths and probably gave more instruction than the parents. The children played with tops and darts on land. Within the calm waters of the lagoon they early learned to swim and to handle canoes, and so laid the foundation to future success as fishermen and seamen.

Mr. Savage writes me that girls of high rank were specially cared for from childhood. A female child was kept in a private house and attended by an elder woman of the family. During the period of childhood she was carefully fed, and her limbs were massaged with the coconut oil (romonga) prepared from mature nuts. She received careful attention in early childhood as regards the processes of excretion. After micturition or defaecation the parts were washed and gently patted during the washing. Such action is the natural care of children during babyhood, but its continuance with a selected attendant went with higher rank. The careful feeding and massaging was influenced not only by affection, but in order that the girl should become well-favored for some future marriage of note.

The care lavished on a female child of rank was increased as she reached puberty. At about the age of the first menses she was kept guarded in a house by the mother and female attendants. This seclusion was for two purposes, to keep her from exposure to the hot sun to render her skin fair, and to prevent her from obtaining any premature sex experiences. When she was allowed outside for physiological reasons she was accompanied by female attendants to guard her from any love affairs that the desires of her age might dispose her to entertain. Walks for the purpose of exercise were taken in the evening, to protect her skin and also to prevent others from seeing her too closely. Always, she was guarded by female attendants.

A third reason for the seclusion and night walks was to keep the form and beauty of the girl a secret from other families until she should make her public début. During the period of seclusion the best foods obtainable were contributed by the family and subtribe to make her well-nourished, for plumpness was one of the standards of beauty acquired and required by the upper classes. The greater the impression created at the official début of a girl of rank, the greater the credit and satisfaction to her family and subtribe. That a girl of high rank was being kept in seclusion was known throughout the village. All in the community, particularly the families of rank who had marriageable sons, were interested. Thus the whole population looked forward to the time when the girl would make her public appearance.

The public appearance of the girl took place at puberty. She had had her first menses and was considered fit for marriage. The ceremony of showing her to the people was termed whakahinga, according to Mr. Savage, and was associated with the father of the girl. Thus, if Mika was the father of the secluded girl, the approaching ceremony was promulgated through the village as “te whakahinga a Mika” (Mika's whakahinga). The event took place at a religious inclosure or marae at which the people gathered, after the announcement of time and place. The maid was dressed in a particular form of tipora garment, consisting of a sennit belt (tu kaha) supporting a small rectangular apron of plaited material (tautape) in front and a similar tautape behind. She was escorted to the gathering place by her family and on the marae was subjected to the scrutiny of the people, who appraised her physical beauty. It was stated that girls treated with seclusion and good feeding developed beautiful figures with skins of velvety softness. The brother of the girl's mother had the right to remove the maid's garment. He untied the tukaha belt and removed it, with the two tautape aprons. The girl thus stood entirely naked, but she folded her hands in front of her for concealment. The adults inspected her figure and shape. Viewed from the back, if her lower limbs were close together (piri) it was held that she had been virtuous. Her general demeanor was also observed. From the native point of view, no girl had any need to feel shame at the exposure of her naked form which custom allowed on such an occasion. If well formed, she had every reason to be proud, for the ceremony was a public honor from which she would derive the appreciation and admiration of the people. She was getting publicity that would insure an advantageous marriage. Her only cause for fear was that if she had managed to elude her guards and had given away her virginity, the fact might in some way become known to the public The shrewd onlookers studied her with the knowledge that guilt is sometimes manifested in psychological behavior.

During the ceremony on the marae the maid, from association with a religious structure, was tapu. During the period of seclusion she was also tapu, in the sense of being restricted from intercourse with outside people. After the inspection on the marae had been concluded, the maid was conducted through a complementary ceremony. Presumably her garments were restored to her, and she was taken to a place called Taipari. This excursion found expression in the words, “E ue haere ki to koutou whenua ko Taipari.” (Go to your land at Taipari.) There she was bathed, and a ceremony in which incantations and leaves were used was performed over her. No details were available, but I was informed that the ceremony made the girl noa (common), to enable her once more to mix with the public. I understood from my informants that the second ceremony was termed whakapu, but Mr. Savage seems to indicate that the word whakahinga used for the first part is an alternate term with whakapu. After the ceremony, though the girl moved about with fewer restrictions, she was still watched, as all the trouble taken was for the purpose not only of advertising the family but of making an advantageous marriage. A certain amount of restriction was enforced until the marriage was arranged and completed. The family and the social group had contributed food in order that she should be kept fair and virtuous for marriage. They had a share in her, and a worthy alliance was necessary to justify the interest and support they had given.

The whakahinga and whakapu ceremonies were observed in the few families of high rank, particularly for the high-born tapairu of the ariki families. Among the general mass of the people such restrictions were not imposed. Both sexes had early love affairs with sex experience. Sex restrictions were not actively imposed as a rule until after marriage.

I was informed that young men were also treated at puberty to seclusion and the subsequent public appearance on the marae. It was after or during the visit to Taipari that a father took his son to all the islands on which he owned property. He pointed out his shares of land and indicated the landmarks. The visit formed an instructional tour during which the boy committed the information to memory for future guidance. After this, the boy was qualified for marriage.

Primogeniture, or seniority in the male line, governs succession to rank and title in the Cook Islands and in the Society Islands. In the Cook Islands matahiapo is a general term for “eldest son,” but in certain family groups the matahiapo is a title held in the senior family. The ariki (chief) is simply the senior matahiapo of a number of family groups which have branched out from the original family. The more numerous the family groups, the greater the seniority and power of the ariki. The leaders of the expeditions which settled the islands must have had rank originally to enjoy the position of leadership. No matter, however, what their rank may have been in their original homeland, they have assumed the ariki title in the new lands on which they settled. The early use of the ariki title in Rakahanga shows that the institution was known to Toa and Tapairu and was introduced by them from their island of origin. In the later development of the dual ariki titles and the tribal titles, the names used indicate a local development and that the people were not guided in the formation of nomenclature by any memory of past tradition. The Rakahangans instituted new offices based on Polynesian principles but had to coin new local terms.

The term ariki was regarded as a taohanga (title). Toa was a warrior, as his name implies, and as Gill (10, vol. 2, p. 281) records. Toa himself may have had no title, but his wife, from her name, Tapairu, was evidently of high rank. The establishment of the ariki title dates from Toa's second family. The title-holders are shown in capitals in Table 5.

The Whainga-aitu title was a full ariki title, but the special term must have been developed locally, for it does not appear, so far as I know, in any other part of Polynesia. The term is said to be derived from the words whai (to follow), nga (the), and aitu (gods). The title thus stresses the priestly functions of the office, for the Whainga-aitu was the principal medium between his people and the gods. The word whai has been translated “to follow,” but it seems to carry the additional meaning conveyed by the Tongarevan word “hai” which means to recite in the religious inclosures ritual whereby the gods are placated and success is assured. Thus the phrase, “kua whai i to ratou atua,” does not mean so much “to follow,” as that “they had conducted the regular ritual to their god.” Of the powers of the Whainga-aitu it was stated, “Te Whainga-aitu nona te papa.” (The Whainga-aitu, his was the lower stratum.) The papa is here translated as the lower stratum because it includes the sea as well as the land. The Whainga-aitu had powers over things terrestrial, as opposed to things celestial. He was supposed to concern himself with the welfare of the land and the food growing thereon, as well as with promoting the food-productivity of the sea. He ruled over the two tribes, Heahiro and Mokopuwai, but did not interfere in the sharing out of land, which was left to the tribal heads, or whakamaru. The Whainga-aitu was the spiritual head and could command the assistance of the supernormal powers that commanded the productivity of land and sea. The whakamaru were the executives who superintended economic details.

The list of Whainga-aitu from Temu-matua is given in Table 6.

The list shows 15 title-holders, but Mr. Savage, in a table compiled for me, omits Munokoa, Utua, and Putuhonu and makes the next holder of the title Maraerau, a son of the first ariki, Temu-matua, by a wife named Teraro-puka. In evidence given before the Court, Haumata-tua gave Munokoa and Utua as sons of Temu-matua and title-holders. The relationship of Putuhonu was not given. From Putuhonu to Whaitika the names follow as a list, but from Whaitika the pedigrees are given. The pedigrees illustrate the rules governing succession to the title, which eliminated female succession and considered male seniority.

The 9th holder, Whaitika, had three children. The first-born was a female, so succession went to the senior male child, Whairoa-enemea. The 10th holder, Whairoa-enemea, had four children, but as the first two were females, the title went to the third child, Whaireka. Whaireka, the 11th holder, had two families, but as his younger brother, Whaipoto, appears on the list as the 12th title-holder, Whaireka must have died before his children were old enough to hold office. Whaipoto would thus have succeeded as a regent until the heir of the senior line was old enough to assume office. The title went to the family of Whaireki's first wife, of which the first two were females. The third child, a son named Tupou-ma-te-tika, succeeded as the 13th holder. He had three wives. The first wife had one daughter, and the second wife had five daughters. Neither had a son. The succession therefore passed to the family of the third wife, Makirau, who had a son named Tupou-aporo. Before Tupou-aporo was old enough to assume office, his father died. The privilege of maintaining the position was thereupon assumed by Whaireka's second family, and Ieremia acted as regent for ten years. Tupou-aporo and Ieremia really acted together, and at the end of ten years Tupou-aporo, having reached man's estate, took over full control of the office. Ieremia objected, but as he was not supported by the families concerned, he left the island.

A story in connection with the first Whainga-aitu, Temu-matua, illustrates the connection between the temporal and religious sides of the office. Temu-matua was a weakly child, so his maternal uncle, Rikiriki, was sent for. Rikiriki was the male representative of the Matangaro stock, which again shows how the Matangaro division had concentrated attention on Temumatua as their particular representative in the ariki families of his father, Tautape. Rikiriki took the child before the god Hikahara. The child recovered health. Some time afterwards, Rikiriki built a voyaging canoe (kua tuki pahi) with the object of visiting foreign lands (heaheake). He selected his party (tere), which included his nephew, Temu-matua, and went through the appropriate ritual before the god Hikahara to insure success (kua hakairo ia ratou i mua i taua atua). On the date of departure from Tauhunu in Manihiki they sang a song (pehe) in the channel or lagoon at Awanui. The tribe then realized that Rikiriki was taking the boy away with him on his travels, so the people begged him to allow the boy ashore that they might press noses (hohongi) with him in farewell.

This story has a significant bearing on the creation of the Whainga aitu title. The Polynesian historians have a habit, at times, of telling a straight narrative of a historical incident instead of discussing the details of the origin of an institution. Rikiriki was the eldest brother of Hei-tutae and the eldest son of Poupou-whenua's first wife. (See p. 47.) He was therefore head of the strong Matangaro group, and he cured his nephew Temu-matua. That he had prepared to go on a voyage to other lands and take his nephew with him shows that the dual arikiship had not been established at that time. It is probable that the ambition Rikiriki may have entertained for his nephew had not received sufficient whole-hearted support to result in tribal action. The intended voyage, therefore, may have been due to spleen. The singing of the song in the channel drew full attention to the voyaging canoe. When it was perceived that Temu-matua was on board, the two Matangaro tribes realized that they were about to lose him. They were galvanized into action then by the imminence of a disaster. They begged that the boy be allowed ashore that they might press noses with him in farewell. The historian states that, on getting him ashore, “Kua tohi te matakeinanga.” The matakeinanga is the large group or tribe, and the tribe evidently went through a ceremony termed tohi in order to detain Temu-matua. Rikiriki, seeing what was happening, called out, “Ka tohi kotou, ono reka iho. Kua whakairo au i taua tamaiti ki te atua.” (You are doing the tohi, he may remain. I have, however, already dedicated that boy to the god.) I did not get the full meaning of tohi in Rakahanga. In New Zealand tohi refers to ceremony performed over a new-born infant or over adults on certain occasions to make them successful. The tohi over Temu-matua was undoubtedly a ceremony proclaiming him high chief over the Matangaro matakeinanga, and so making it impossible for him to leave. Rikiriki had probably achieved what he desired, to establish Temu-matua, and he volunteered the further information that the child was already in close connection with the god and so fitted for his position.

At this time the two Matangaro tribes, Heahiro and Mokopuwai, were affected by a serious sickness (uiha). No one had been able to relieve (tunoko) them. The tribes, as shown by the story, were living on Tauhunu. Temu-matua then devised a plan for alleviating their distress. He went to the island of Te Puka and sought out a coconut that grew singly on one flower stalk. This nut (tautahi) he took, with some puraka, to Tukou as an offering to the god Hikahara. The disease thereupon cleared up (moki). This incident established the custom of traveling from Tauhunu to Tukou via Te Puka. The marked success of Temu-matua proved that he had power with the god and confirmed his authority. He became kana or tutara to the gods, or in other words, he became priest as well as ariki.

The term Whakaheo is said to be derived from waka (canoe) and heo (to surround). In the voyages made by the whole population between the two atolls, the ariki holding the title surrounded the canoes with his priestly and supernormal powers and thus insured safe transport. The ariki was therefore termed originally the “waka-heo.” In the course of time waka (canoe) became changed to whaka (the causative prefix), but the title of whakaheo has not changed materially in meaning. It now means “to cause to surround with priestly influence,” and its original application to the voyaging canoes is understood. Of the powers of the position it is said, “Te Whaka-heo, nona te tira.” (The Whaka-heo, his is the tira.) The tira is in contradistinction to the papa of the Whainga-aitu. Just as the papa refers to things terrestrial, so the tira refers to things celestial. The Whakaheo had power over the phenomena of nature. He could demonstrate his power by causing the lightning to flash, the thunder to sound, and the rain to fall. He thus controlled the winds and storms, and it was through this power that he was able to surround the voyaging canoes with his priestly protection and insure a safe passage between the atolls.

The Whakaheo trace their descent through Tianewa-matua, the first of the dual ariki who represented the Huku-tahu division of the people. Under his arikiship were the two tribes, Nu-matua and Tia-ngaro-tonga. Patrilineal descent and seniority decided succession to the title, and women could not succeed to it. The list of title-holders is given in Table 8.

It was held that each ariki had his hui rangatira (assembly of chiefs). The term hui rangatira is a Rarotongan one which includes the heads of families who are closely related to the ruling ariki. It is probable that the term was adopted from Rarotonga but that the principle involved was in force. Thus, the younger brothers and paternal uncles of the ariki were of high rank and would be closely associated with the official head of the family who held the title. Associated with the ariki were certain chiefs who had to deal with the economic details within the tribes. We have seen that the special office of tuha whenua was given to Huku-potiki in the 6th generation. When the spread of population resulted in family groups or tribes, the heads of the tribes functioned as tuha whenua, but the special title, whakamaru, was evolved. The tuha-whenua title that was instituted in the 6th generation became merged in one of the whakamaru titles that were evolved about the 11th generation.

Whakamaru was the local taohanga (title) given to the heads of tribes. It corresponds to the Rarotongan title, mata(h)iapo, which was not known in the atolls until after the introduction of Christianity. Whakamaru (to give shelter or shade) is thus an expressive term, as the head of the tribe ought to shelter his people. According to some informants, there were two whakamaru under each of the dual ariki, thus making one representative for each of the four tribes. Others seemed to think that the heads of subtribes were also whakamaru. Some of the subtribes must have been fairly small in number, and it is hardly likely that the term would have been applied to the heads of many subtribes. It was stated that on the death of a whakamaru, his relatives (huanga) elected (mono) his successor. Others held that the whakamaru was elected by the subtribes, as he had power over their lands. It is unfortunate that no tribe was able to give a list of its whakamaru. No check data are available for pedigrees to indicate on what principles the whakamaru was really appointed. It is to be presumed, however, that the whakamaru was appointed by succession in the male line from the leading family in each group. Relatives and heads of subtribes probably met to discuss the pedigree and ratify the election of the person who was entitled by birth to succeed.

The duties of the whakamaru were to act as public custodian over tribal lands, to settle disputes, and to prevent outside interference from another tribe. He had to do with directing the planting of food crops and the protection of the coconut plantations and puraka swamps from theft. He had power also over the redistribution of tribal lands which had to be adjusted to the ebb and flow of population. His decision was final, and not even his ariki could interfere with him in matters that concerned the interior economy of the tribe. His status was as high or even higher than that of the ariki in local matters. When it came to questions which concerned the intervention of the tribal gods, however, the ariki was superior, owing to his special priestly functions. From a modern point of view, the whakamaru in his own tribal district was judge of the native land court, Crown ranger, and director of agriculture. He also had a priestly function. When the whole population crossed from one atoll to the other the whakamaru from the tribes went first to the marae to conduct the appropriate ritual to the god (ka whai i to ratou atua). It was also stated that certain lesser tribal gods were in the keeping of the whakamaru.

The moa was a speaker or messenger between the whakamaru and the ariki. He was a whakamaru appointed by whakamaru. In discussions among the whakamaru he assumed seniority, and his decision was final. The title-holder seemed to be associated particularly with the Whainga-aitu.

The tira was an honorific title applied to the Whakaheo on account of his supernormal powers in dealing with natural phenomena. He was the astronomer who studied the heavens with regard to star signs of the seasons and the advent of winds.