<name key="name-423915" type="work">The Travels of Hildebrand Bowman, Esquire, into Carnovirria, Taupiniera, Olfactaria, and Auditante, in New-Zealand; in the Island of Bonhommica, and in the Powerful Kingdom of Luxo-Volupto, on the Great Southern Continent</name>

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The Travels of Hildebrand Bowman, Esquire, Into Carnovirria, Taupiniera, Olfactaria, and Auditante, in New-Zealand; in the Island of Bonhommica, and in the powerful Kingdom of Luxo-volupto, on the Great Southern Continent. Written by Himself; Who went on shore in the Adventure's large Cutter, at Queen Charlotte's Sound New-Zealand, the fatal 17th of December 1773; and escaped being cut off, and devoured, with the rest of the Boat's crew, by happening to be a-shooting in the woods; where he was afterwards unfortunately left behind by the Adventure. An Ape, and Savage (cavil all you can),Differ not more, than Man compared with Man. Anonymous. London: Printed for W. Strahan; and T. Cadell, in the Strand. 1778.

To Joseph Banks, Esq. And Daniel Charles Solander, M. D. LL. D. Gentlemen,

I Address these Travels to you, as the best judges of the veracity of some part of them; and as my friend Omai was indebted to your friendship and protection (before you could possibly discover his intrinsic merit), to the grateful remembrance of favours received in his native country; I flatter myself, you will not refuse your Patronage to one, who was adopted into a Nation, with whom you held a friendly intercourse in the Southern Hemisphere, because he was born in England.

The inhabitants of great part of New-Zealand, are certainly much less civilised than those of Otaheite and the other Paphian Isles; but had you been fortunate enough to have fallen in with the Auditantine coast, and could have conversed with the natives, I make no doubt but the fair Shepherdesses of that country, would have rivalled your favourite charmers, with this advantage, they scorn all pilfering, but that of hearts.

Should Government think proper to send any ships to cultivate friendship and commerce with the Nations I have discovered, and I am honoured with the command of one of them, no-thingnothing could add so much to my satisfaction on that event, as the company of two Gentlemen, who have set so laudable an example to all the European Literati, of braving the greatest dangers in the pursuit of useful knowledge.

I have the honour to be, with profound respect,

Gentlemen, Your most devoted, humble Servant,

St. Alban's-Street,

March, 20th, 1778. Hildebrand Bowman.

A Card.

Mr. Bowman presents his respectful compliments to the Public, and hopes they will not expect from one of his education and profession, purity of style, or correctness of composition. To these pleasing and elegant parts of writing, these high finishings, he makes no pretension; but in this Narrative, contents himself with a simple relation of facts; valuable only for an inviolable adherence to truth, without disguise and without ornament.

He slatters himself, some allowances will be made for the Plates, when it is observed, that they were drawn and etched by himself. Histalents in Design (though useful to him in his Travels), he is conscious are below mediocrity; and that these specimens now published, require an apology for their appearance in this country at present, when it abounds with excellent Artists. What he begs leave to say in excuse is, that one of moderate abilities in the art, might possibly represent a scene, in which he had been interested, either as a spectator or actor, with more truth, than another of superior merit could be able to do, only from meer description.

The Contents.

Chap. I. The Author's birth, and education. His entering into the Navy. Admitted on board the Adventure as a Midshipman. Voyage to the South-Seas. Visits New-Zealand, Outaheite, and other Islands. The, Adventure separated from the Resolution. Returns to New-Zealand, where the large Cutter and her Crew are cut off by the Cannibals. The Author escapes, and after wandering long in search of the Ship, sees her under sail, and out of his reach. Gets a-cross a Strait in a Canoe, into the Country of the Taupinierans. Page 1 Chap. II. The Miserable Condition of the Author in Taupiniera. An account of that extraordinary People. Page 40 Chap. III. Arrives in Olfactaria. Is adopted by that Nation. Marries. Irruption of the Carnovirrians. Conclusion of that War, The Author elected a Chief of the Third. Second, and First Orders. His ammunition exhausted, and he in fear of being degraded, from his want of practice with their weapons, as well as of a nose. Gets the command of a large Canoe going to Auditante, to exchange their Skins. Arrives at Seripante. 78 Chap. IV. Seripante a Factory of Bonhommican Merchants. The Author and his Collegues live at their houses. Very fair Traders. Visit the Tents of the Natives. He learns in a short time the Bonhommican and Auditantine languages. Makes a speech to the Olfactarian Chiefs at taking leave of them. By invitation lives sometime at a Horde of the Auditantines. Falls in love. Lucky discovery which cures him of it. The Fleet from Ludorow arrives. The Fair held in consequence of it. The Author embarks in it, on its return. Arrives at Ludorow. Page 117 Chap. V. The Author invited to reside with a near relation of his friend at Seripante. By the means of him, and others to whom he had letters, he is presented to the Lord Admiral, to the Lord Treasurer, and at last to the Queen. She settles a pension on him. He confers with Officers, Astronomers, Surveyors, Physicians, and Mechanics, on. the means of introducing the English improvements into the Bonhommican Navy. He is appointed a Post Captain, and is to command a ship of forty guns (going to the southern continent), under a Commodore. Has the fitting her out in the English manner. She is much admired. The Queen dines on board of her. They sail for Luxo-volupto. Arrive safely at Mirovolante. Page 165 Chap. VI. A Description of the Island of Bonhommica and its Inhabitants. Their. Moral Sense. Manners. Customs. Laws. Government. Religion, ct'c. ct'c. Page 210 Chap. VII. The Commanders of the ships of War invited to lie at the Merchants houses of the Bonhommican Factory at Mirovolante. Of the pretended superiority of the Luxo-voluptans in the sense of Taste. Commonness of Wheel Carriages in Mirovolante. A wonderful Stigma on failures in Chastity of both sexes. Sees Garrimond, a famous Actor, in one of Avonswan's Plays. The Commanders introduced at Court. The Author sought after by the Nobility as coming from a far country. Balls. Routs. Concerts. A Masquerade. Moraveres taken ill. Practice of Physic. State of Luxo-volupto, and neighbouring Kingdoms. The Bonhom-micanBonhommican sailors mobbed on a rejoicing night for the election of a Patriot. Page 253 Chap. VIII. Law. A Criminal Trial. Some account of the Country. Miro-volante. Army. Fleet. Manufactures. Court. Dress. Language. Learning. Hospitals. Summer Amusements. Summer Theatre. Rondelleva. Fairy Hall. Horse Rate. 320 Chap. IX. Every thing prepared for sailing. Take leave at Court; and of our Friends. Sail with a fair wind. Speak with some Armoserian Privateers. A Storm. Meet with a Dutch Frigate. The Captain of her gives the Author a passage to Batavia. Tender parting witb Mo-raveresMoraveres. His friendly behaviour to the Author; and humanity to the Dutch Crew. The Scurvy abates on board the Harlem Frigate, from the use of Malt and other things Moraveres spared them. Arrives at Batavia. Sent for by the Governor and Council, to interrogate him concerning the Island of Bonhommica. Ships fitted out for that discovery. The Author falls sick, but recovers. Sails to the Cape in a Dutch Indiaman. Gets a passage home in an English one. Arrives in Old England. Page 372

Errata. Page 173. line8. read opulence. 239. line 17. read Anjouvini. 266. line 19. read would do. 278. line 19. dele are. 328. line 18. for or read of. 346. line 2. read in a medium.

The Travels of Hildebrand Bowman, Esq.

Chap. I.

The Author's birth, and education. His entering into the Navy. Admitted on board the Adventure as a Midshipman. Voyage to the south Seas. Visits New Zealand, Otaheite, and other Islands. The Adventure separated from the Resolution. Returns to New Zealand, where the large Cutter and her Crew are cut off by the Cannibals. The Author escapes, and after wandering long in search of the ship, sees her under sail, and out of his reach. Gets across a Strait in a Canoe, into the Country of the Taupinierans.

I Was born in Holderness, a district of Yorkshire, near the Borough of Heyden; of which my Father was a freeman. He was a man of great probity and industry in business, and had acquired a competent fortune by farming. A considerable farm of Squire Constable's, and a smaller of his own inheritance, were occupied by him. His family was large; consisting of four sons, and three daughters: of all of us he was equally fond, and spared no money on our education, according to his notions of things. I was the third of his sons in order of birth, and we were all taught to read English by our Mother, who was a very pious worthy woman. My Father also sometimes heard us say our lessons, and instilled early into our minds, the love of honesty and truth. These repeated instructions of his, made a deep impression on mine; to so great a degree, that I have always scrupulously adhered to truth, even in the most indifferent matters.

When I was eight years old, my Father sent my brother James (who was a year older) and me, to Pocklington grammar-school, which was then in considerable reputation in that country. I soon became a kind of favourite, both of the Master and the Usher's, from my good behaviour; not that I wanted sprightliness, or was not sometimes caught in unlucky tricks, like others of my age, but they were generally overlooked, as they never found me deviating from truth. But what greatly contributed also to it was, that I had a great facility in learning languages, and consequently was, what is called, a good scholar. This talent has been of great advantage to me in my travels.

I was taken from school at fifteen years old, having gone through that part of my education with some ap-plauseapplause;; and my Father desired me to consider maturely, what way of life would be most agreeable to my inclinations; as he was resolved to indulge his children in every thing which would not tend to their own detriment.

Having been born within a few miles of Hull, a considerable, sea-port; and by that means having frequent opportunities of seeing ships of all kinds; as well as of hearing of the different countries to which they traded; I conceived an early partiality for that way of life, which was strengthened and confirmed by reading books of Voyages and Travels, whenever I could meet with them. When I made this known to my Father, he did not oppose it; but as boys often conceive very false and inadequate notions of things, he resolved to send me a short voyage by way of trial, before my destination was absolutely fixed. A ship was going from Hull to the whale fishery; and, at my desire, that voyage was fixed on. And as there remained five or six months to be disposed of before she would sail, I was sent to that town to learn Mathematicks, Navigation, the French language, Dancing, and Drawing. Having a good ear and being fond of music, I also made some proficiency on the German Flute. My voyage to Greenland was very far from putting me out of conceit with a sea-life, and my Father had some thoughts of binding me apprentice to a Master of a ship of his acquaintance at Hull. But some of his friends represented to him, that having such a friend in the Navy as the worthy member for Heyden, Sir Charles Saunders, it would be a pity to stint the boy's genius, who probably might make a figure in the King's service, and become an Admiral himself in time. This pleased my little ambition too much, not to press my Father to consent; who, unwilling to baulk me in what was no way blameable, wrote to Sir Charles concerning it; desiring, if he approved of the scheme, to favour him with his interest in placing me properly. He received an answer in ten days, desiring I might be immediately sent to London, as he approved of my going into his Majesty's service. When I waited on him, he asked me a great many questions, with a design I suppose to try my genius; and seemed pleased with my answers. It being at that time a profound peace in the western parts of Europe, few ships of war were in commission, and it required good interest to procure a birth. But he very soon in-formedinformed me, that Captain Narbury, of the frigate Mermaid, had promised him to admit me on his quarter-deck, and desired me to wait on him, with his compliments, and acquaint him that I was the young man he had mentioned. The Captain received me very graciously, and said, the Mermaid would sail in a month to Newfoundland, and therefore the sooner I went on board her at Portsmouth, the better. I made all dispatch possible with my little equipment for the voyage, and after having waited on Sir Charles to return him thanks, set out for Portsmouth.

I continued two years on board this ship; every summer we went to Newfoundland, under the command of a Commodore, and returned by the end of November; but as nothing particular happened worth mentioning, I shall pass over these two voyages, taking notice only that I was very civilly treated by the Captain and the inferior officers.

When I returned the second time, I had letters from home, acquainting me with the melancholy news of the death of my dear Mother, whom I very sincerely lamented, as she justly deserved. Though I was very happy on board the Mermaid, there was no variety in our, voyages, and Sir Charles, when he knew my wish to change into another ship, very soon indulged me. I was rated midshipman on board the Fox, Captain Fortescue, going up the Mediterranean. Here I had an opportunity of seeing Marseilles, Barcelona, Genoa, Leghorn, and Naples. I continued on board her, till we came home in Autumn 1771. When we lay in Portsmouth harbour, I heard a vast deal of Captain Cooke's voyage round the world in the Endeavour bark, accompanied by Messrs. Banks and Solander. The wonderful relations Which were made concerning it, and the report of two ships fitting out to proceed in the Spring under the same commander on further discoveries, occasioned in me an eager desire to make one of the adventurers. I got leave in the winter for a month to see my friends; and when at home, could not be easy in my mind till I mentioned it to my Father, and asked his leave to apply to Sir Charles to get me a birth in one of them. I found him very averse to so long and unusual a voyage, but finding me so much bent on it, he at last reluctantly complied. Had my dear Mother been alive, I believe she never would have been prevailed on to give her consent.

Sir Charles Saunders, when applied to, entered warmly into the affair, applauding my spirit; for none knew better than he, the dangers and fatigues of such a voyage. Through his interest I was again rated Midshipman on board the Adventure, Captain Furneaux, and was made infinitely happy; little foreseeing the many distresses and hardships which were in store for me.

Of this voyage I shall give but a very short abstract, and that only during the time I was on board the Adventure; leaving the reader to receive further information, from the well wrote and candid relation of it, given to the Public by Captain Cooke.

The Resolution and Adventure sailed from Plymouth Sound on the 13th of July 1772, and anchored in Funchiale road in the island of Madeira the 29th. Here we took on board a sufficient quantity of wine; and left it August 1st. Not having water enough to carry us to the Cape of Good Hope, Captain Cooke thought proper to put into Port Praya in the island of St. Jago on the 10th; where we stayed till the 14th; and, on the 30th of October, came to an anchor in Table Bay.

Here we took in bread, spirits, and other necessaries; and sailed from the Cape of Good Hope the 22d of November, in search of a southern continent. We now stood to high southern latitudes, where nothing was to be seen but islands of ice, and sea birds; the former, however, or rather the loose ice, supplied us with excellent fresh water, after the external part had drained off. In this manner, and as far south as the ice would give us leave, did we surround one half of the southern hemisphere without seeing any continent. We separated from the Resolution in a gale of wind, on February 9th, 1773, and got into Queen Charlotte's Sound in New Zealand April the 10th, where the Resolution joined us May 18th. Both ships had been 117 days without seeing land, and had sailed 3660 leagues. Winter now beginning, we sailed from New Zealand June 7th, and arrived at Otaheite August 16th; where we were in great danger of running upon a reef of rocks, and the Advenventure lost three anchors irrecoverably, the Resolution being more fortunate.

At this, and the neighbouring islands, we continued till September 17th, getting all the fresh provisions we possibly could, wooding and wa-teringwatering. During this time Captain Furneaux took on board a native of Ulietea called Omai. From Ulietea we steered to the Friendly Islands, and arrived at that of Amsterdam October 3d. On the 7th, sailed toward New Zealand, and on the 30th, were again separated from the Resolution in a gale of wind. We were not able to fetch Queen Charlotte's Sound, but were obliged to anchor, November the 9th, in Tolaga Bay; and on the 30th, got at last into Charlotte Sound in New Zealand. There Captain Furneaux found, by a letter Captain Cooke had left for him, in a corked bottle hid under ground, with directions to dig for it, that the Resolution had been there, and sailed on the 24th. We immediately set about getting the ship ready for sea; and by the 17th of December she was so.

That day Captain Furneaux sent Mr. Rowe and Mr. Woodhouse, Midshipmen, with eight of his best hands, on shore, in the large cutter, to gather wild greens, such as cellery and scurvy-grass, to carry to sea with us. I being a keen sportsman, begged leave to go with them, to try if I could meet with any game; which being granted, I took a fusee with me, and sufficient ammunition, both ball and small shot; with some baubles to trade with the natives, if I met with any. I know not by what mistake Captain Furneaux, in his letter to Captain Cooke, which he left for him at the Cape, makes no mention of my being in the cutter. It proved, however, a happy one; for tho' my family have been in the greatest anxiety about my fate, they had no apprehensions of my being devoured by creatures of my own species.

The cutter first went to East Bay; but what was wanted not being in plenty there, we proceeded to Grass Cove, where there was abundance. While the men were employed in gathering them, I walked into the woods, to try if I could meet with any game; not having the least suspicion of an attack from the natives. My sport happened to carry me farther from our men than I intended; and I was greatly alarmed with the report of some musket shot from that quarter. I immediately ran full speed to their assistance; but before I got half-way, the firing ceased; and a horrid scream was set up which could only come from the savages; and seemed not of distress, but victory. This stopped my career, and made self-preservation appear a ne-cessarynecessary duty. I therefore proceeded with caution towards the place; resolving, if possible, to keep myself unseen, by the covert of the woods, while I explored the scene of action. But, good God! what a horrid spectacle appeared! all our men lying dead on the place, and surrounded by some hundreds of savages, of both sexes and of all ages. I was at first tempted to fire among them; but considering that by so doing I should put them on searching for me, and it would be impossible to escape, I restrained my resentment; but continued sometime longer in my lurking-place, to observe their actions. But how shall I relate the horrid feast which was prepared for that multitude? the fire was kindled, and the mangled limbs of my poor countrymen and shipmates, were put on it to broil for their unnatural repast; nay even some parts I saw devoured. I could stand it no longer, horror seized me! my whole frame was in the most dreadful tremour! and scarcely able to support me in withdrawing into the woods: I staggered about without knowing what did, or meant to do; excepting only the getting at a distance from those vile cannibals.

By degrees as I effected that, my strength and spirits gradually recovered themselves; but still in great agitation of mind, I pressed forward with all my speed, listening to the least noise made by the wind among the trees; and often looking back to see if I was not pursued.

When I had got four or five miles from the fatal place, I began to consider how my getting back to the Ad-ventureAdventure was to be effected. Having come from her by water, I had given little attention to the course of the country; and the hurry of spirits I had been in, together with the thickness of the woods, made me utterly at a loss which way to direct my steps.

After reflecting for some time on what course I was to take, while I rested myself a little; the necessity of making an attempt to find her out, determined me to take the line of direction (for road or path there was none) which seemed most probable to lead me to Charlotte Sound. This I did with less hurry and more composure than before; but with a very heavy heart; considering the danger I run from the savages, the uncertainty of finding the ship, and the want of necessary subsistence in that dreary desart. Having pursued this resolution for some hours, and greatly fatigued, night came on; which called my attention, how it was to be passed in greatest safety from savage beasts (if any there were), or still more savage men. My deliberation was of short continuances; a tree presented itself to my view with thick spreading branches, which promised at least to preserve me from the former. I climbed up into it, and seated myself as commodiously as the nature of the place would admit; but such a dreary melancholy night, sure no mortal ever passed. The shocking scene was always present to my imagination; nor could I help reflecting on myself for the foolish ardour I had conceived for making this voyage; which was in some measure contrary to my Father's inclinations. These and similar reflections hindered me from closing my eyes the whole night; and when day appeared, it brought me but small comfort. The necessity of my situation, however, roused me to new exertions for finding out the Adventure; and, by putting my confidence in an all-seeing Providence, my resolution was wonderfully supported.

My hunger this day became very craving; and tho' there were birds flying about in great numbers, I was afraid the report of my gun, or the lighting of a fire might discover me. I therefore contented myself with nuts, berries, wild celery, and fern roots, which I found in the woods; venturing rather to run the risk of their being unwholesome, than to incur the other more imminent danger. I had yesterday charged my piece with ball, and kept con-stantlyconstantly on my guard, but was resolved not to fire but on the utmost necessity of self-defence; and happily during this whole day, tho' I saw some savages roaming about (probably in search of game), yet I was not observed by them.

Notwithstanding the unevenness of the ground, the thick underwood I had often to force my way through, and slender diet; by my computation I must that day have travelled seventeen or eighteen miles; and perhaps was not nearer the ship, than when I set out. Thus greatly fatigued, and very disconsolate, I again took up my lodgings for the night on a tree; but passed it more agreeably than the preceding one. For kind sleep came to my relief, and for a time lulled my cares; but even that was not without alloy, for the same idea which, a-wakeawake, affected me so much, was presented to me in my dreams. Much refreshed, I proceeded the third day on the same (as I feared) fruitless pursuit as before, keeping the line of direction I had hitherto followed, no reason appearing to me for altering it. My success that morning in procuring nourishment being very bad, about noon my hunger became intolerable; and to such a degree violent, that it even got the better of my fear of the savages. I was besides tempted with the fight of birds flying round me, without being alarmed at the human form; and was on the brink of a pure running stream to allay my thirst. I could resist no longer, but drawing the ball, charged with small shot, and let drive amongst them; three fell dead on the ground, which were a kind of wood pigeons. My piece was immediately charged again with ball; and then I kindled a fire with some dry leaves and bits of sticks; my birds were soon pulled, gutted and broiled. It was happy for me that I had loaded again, for scarcely had I voraciously devoured two of them, when I perceived two of the natives coming fiercely upon me with spears in their hands (being led to seek me out by the report of the gun, or the fight of the fire). I own that horror seized me at the sight of them, and scarcely doubting of sharing the fate of my ship-mates, I got presently on my legs, and cocked my piece; my courage recovered itself somewhat, and I stood ready to receive them. When they got within twenty yards of me I fired, and brought one of them to the ground; had the other rushed in upon me before I could charge, I was undone; but he immediately fled, which eased me of my fears. I also quitted the place in no small trepidation from the narrow escape I had made. When I had got to some distance from the place, and had in a great measure recovered myself; the necessity into which I had been brought of killing a human creature, gave me a good deal of concern. But when I considered that by all laws, human and divine, self-defence is allowed of; my mind was perfectly at ease on that score This train of thought led me to consider, the wide difference there is, in the manners and ways of thinking of different human beings. In nothing more remarkable than what I had beheld these savages guilty of, the devouring their own species; which all civilized nations hold in the utmost detestation; and even believe it an innate principle in our natures. I then concluded with myself, as that was not one, there was no such thing; but education and habit was all in all; and had I been born in that part of New Zealand, I most certainly should have been a cannibal. This served, in some measure, to soften, my resentment against these poor savages, tho' I was firmly resolved to keep out of their hands.

Having neither seen nor heard any fierce animals, but only such timid ones as a species of deer, hares and foxes; I ventured to lie this night on a dry spot of ground, well covered with withered grass, which I pulled and made a bed of, under a tree; which was quite luxury to what I had been used to.

To give a minute and uninteresting journal of my peregrinations, and subsistence in the woods, in search of the Adventure, would be full of repetitions, and tiresome to the reader: I shall only therefore say in general, that after several times changing my course, at last, on the 23d of December, I found myself on the side of Charlotte Sound, where she lay; which I knew by certain marks; but to my great mortification, found her there no longer. I got up on the highest ground near the sea, to look out for her; and saw her under sail about a league off; she having only sailed that morning, as the wind was fair and a fresh breeze; so that if I had come but an hour sooner, I should have got on board. My fear of the savages did not now prevent my firing, and hanging out my handkerchief, fastened to the end of a long stick, by way of signal to the people on board the Adventure; but they had not observed it, as they kept on their way, and were soon at a great distance.

The hope of being able to join the Adventure, had hitherto supported my spirits; but when I saw her irretrievably gone, my heart sunk into the most abject despondency. I sat motionless as a statue, eyeing her as she went from me, and death seemed, then, the most desirable event that could befall me. While in this situation of mind and body, I was alarmed with the hollowing of the natives at some dis-tancedistance from me. I started up in a manner mechanically, to view where-abouts they were, and how I should make my escape from them; for though death would have been desirable, the being eat by men shocked my nature, and I could not bear the thoughts of it. Fortunately they were not very near, and I had sufficient time to make my escape from them, on the contrary direction to that from whence their voices came. Some philosophical reader will perhaps cry out here; What was it to you, what became of your body after your death, whether it was eat by worms or savages? I grant it; but when a strong impression is made on the imagination, a man cannot think philosophically. And I question whether ever a philosopher of them all, in my situation, would not have endeavoured to preserve his earthly part from the jaws of the cannibals.

But to return to my travels. This alarm roused me from my languid despondency; and I resolved, With the assistance of a good providence, to struggle against all difficulties with fortitude; leaving the event to the all-disposing will of the creator and preserver of all mankind.

As I had now no farther business in that part of the country, and knew from charts, that New Zealand (as it is called by the Europeans) is a great extent of country, divided into islands, lying contiguous to each other, and separated by narrow seas; I therefore resolved to explore some other part of it, where perhaps men of more humanity might be found, than those I so much feared and detested. I therefore turned my face westward, and marched on with a good deal of spirit, but with great caution. The husbanding my amunition became now a matter of great concern, as I had not a great deal, and no possibility of a supply, but by what would make it unnecessary. I resolved therefore never to fire, but upon an absolute necessity, either in self-defence, or when subsistence could not otherwise be procured; and when I did, not to waste my shot on small birds, but always fire at large ones, deer or hares, that would subsist me several days.

As. I had got near the sea, it appeared most eligible to keep hold of the coast; but still a little way within the skirts of the woods. Five or six days passed, without any thing happening Which was material; at the end of that time, the coast turned a little to the left hand, as if it was going to form a Bay; and in three days more, I could see land on the other side, but at a great distance. As I proceeded on, the land still appeared nearer; until at last it seemed not to be above four or five leagues over, at the place I then was, but widened again farther on. I concluded that to be therefore the narrowest part of that channel.

As mortals know the present danger and disagreeableness of their situations, but what will happen by a change is wisely kept from them, they are always ready to grasp at any opportunity of freeing themselves, from the burdens with whose weight they are oppressed. This was my case, I looked on the opposite shore with desiring eyes, and hoped that if I could be conveyed thither, more hospitable people might be met with, whose friendly intercourse would make my life pass more agreeably; for the solitary state I was in was become almost insupportable.

The great inclination I had, to find some means of passing that strait, kept me near it; and set me on contriving how it might be effected; but as I had no better instruments than a knife and hanger to cut down trees, or fashion them afterwards into a raft or canoe, the thing appeared impossible, or would at least be the labour of months. And how that could be carried on for so long a time, without being discovered, was not easy to conceive.

I met here with a delicacy, of which I had been always very fond; it was very fine oysters; there happened to be a bed of them near the shore, to which I had frequent recourse. One day, as I was going to visit my hoard, as I thought it, a canoe with one of the natives in it, struck my eye-sight, and greatly surprised me. My caution had become so habitual, that I drew back, mechanically, out of his sight, and then considered seriously, on what was to be done. Providence seemed to have provided this canoe for my escape, as there was almost a certainty of shooting the owner, by my taking aim coolly from a rest. The morality however of this action did not seem quite blameless, notwithstanding my unfortunate situation; mur-dermurder and robbery appeared to me great crimes; and probably too, of a man who had no concern in the destruction of my countrymen. I rejected the idea, without being much tempted to do otherwise; resolving only to watch his motions, and observe to what place he carried it. He loaded it with oysters, and afterwards paddled it two or three miles along the coast, where several women met him; he then unloaded the canoe, and they carried the oysters away in baskets, very handsomely made. When that was done, he paddled it back again, and hid it in a small creek, not far from the oyster bank; which was very thick of under-wood, and departed. Though I scrupled shooting the savage, and robbing him of his canoe; the borrowing of it to cross the strait, did not, in my circumstances, appear so inexcusable; as it was possible he might recover it again, some time or other. The danger, however, of going four or five leagues, in so poor a vessel, deserved to be maturely weighed; especially as the waves might be very much agitated, in so broad a channel, if it should happen to blow any wind. This was soon over-ruled, the danger of being drowned, and made a feast for fishes, had little horror in it, when opposed to the risk I every day was exposed to. As the continuance of my voyage might be long, considering I had no sail; it was necessary to provide sea-stores: for which half a deer was dressed; and, together with fern roots and plenty of oysters, made up my stock. My greatest difficulty was about fresh water, having no vessel to hold any. This difficulty seemed insurmountable; but as I was resolved on the attempt, some shift must be made: no other occurred, after long thinking on the subject, but to fill my hat as full as it could hold; taking care to drink plentifully before I set out, that a longer time might elapse before my precious element was begun upon.

Thus victualled, I set out one fine morning on my voyage, when the wind was moderate, and with an ebb tide. Paddling, was what I had not been accustomed to, and therefore was awkward at; but a willing mind goes a great way in learning to paddle, as well as in every thing else. While the ebb conti-nuedcontinued, the water was smooth, and I made my way through it pretty fast; but about noon when it began to flow, there was a considerable agitation, and topling, owing to the narrowness of the channel; which made my labour much more difficult and fatiguing. I strained every nerve however to get on, though apparently much slower than before. Luckily for me, it proved a fine night; part of which was passed in resting myself, and taking some refreshment. In the morning I found myself half-way over; but the much desired country, had a very unpromising appearance; exhibiting bleak mountains covered over with heath, excepting near the shore, and scarcely a tree to be seen.

I now observed, that since the mid channel was passed, the flood carried me towards the shore, and the ebb on the contrary from it. To save my labour then, I rested myself during the former, and paddled stoutly during the latter, to prevent my losing the ground I had got. In the afternoon, it became squally with rain; the last was very agreeable, though it wet me to the skin, as it recruited my stock of water; but the squalls of wind put me often in great danger of oversetting. Though I had got within half a league of the shore, when night came on, surely never was one passed more disagreeably. It was extremely dark, and the wind increased to a storm; so that I expected every moment to be overset, or dashed against the rocks. Towards morning it abated, and when day appeared, I found myself within half a mile of a sandy beach: my whole force was exerted to reach it, and with success; for which I fell on my knees, and returned thanks to the all-powerful maker and governour of the world.

Chap. II.

The miserable condition of the Author in Taupiniera. An account of that extraordinary People.

The first thing I did, after getting on shore, was to take a view of the country, I had so anxiously longed to be an inhabitant of. But great was my disappointment! bleak and barren mountains only presented themselves to my sight. No houses for inhabitants of any kind, and only some stunted trees, here and there in the hollows, which afforded no shelter from either sun or rain. I roamed about with a heavy heart, as there seemed no possibility of subsisting, and was almost tempted to return in the canoe to the opposite shore: but that idea kept not its ground long; my detestation of it soon recurred to my imagination. But, besides, as all my provisions were expended, how could such a passage be undertaken without more, and where were they to be found? In this disconsolate state of mind, I wandered about, without any object in view; when happily a clear stream of excellent water presented itself. This gave me some consolation, and I drank freely of it. It then occurred to me, that though the land seemed to produce nothing for the support of human life, yet the sea might: recollecting the excellent oysters on the opposite shore. I examined then the beach carefully for shell-fish of any sort, but for some time with little success; at last cockles, muscles, and some other kinds with which I was unacquainted, were found in great plenty; and with them my hunger was allayed. While I was busy in fulfilling the most necessary of all duties, the preservation of the individual, I happened accidentally to cast my eyes on the sand, and was much surprised to observe great numbers of prints of human feet. This gave me inconceivable joy; but where these people dwelt, as no houses were to be seen, puzzled me greatly. It was plain to me, that many hours had not passed since they had been there, because the flood tide coming in, would have effaced the impressions. I then compared the size of their feet with my own, by making prints in the sand close by theirs, and found mine at least two inches longer. This made me conclude, that only children had been there; but where should they come from? The affair seemed inexplicable, and I resolved to keep thereabout 'till it was cleared up: but where else could I go, with any certainty of subsisting?

My thoughts were next employed, about the means of passing the night, in some sort of comfort and safety: to which end I pitched upon a spot, above high-water mark, betwixt two rocks; leaving just room for my bed, which I intended making of the heath which grew upon the mountains. Climbing up then the nearest, I pulled a sufficient quantity for my intention; but, upon examining the shrub with attention, it seemed of a different species from what we have in England, though for my purpose preferable, being softer, and of a more agreeable smell. When night came on, I lay down upon it; hoping (notwithstanding many anxious thoughts about my situation) that sleep would for a time, release me from my cares; more especially, as the two preceding nights had scarcely afforded me any rest. About an hour after, when it was, as I judged, low water, a noise something betwixt the human voice, and grunt of a hog disturbed me. I immediafely started up, when there appeared (though the night was dark) about a dozen of human creatures of a low size, catching shell-fish on the beach. Their small size made me imagine they were children, as I had before done, from the impression of their feet on the sand; I therefore went boldly up to them, and in the Otaheite language asked them where they lived. In place of any answer to my question, they ran away full speed: I followed them, and called with a tone of authority to stop; but it only increased their haste to get from me. Both my curiosity and interest were so much concerned, to know who they were, that I resolved to try if the report of my fusee, would intimidate them enough to stop their flight. I fired it up in the air, upon which they all fell down, and lay without motion, thinking no doubt they were killed. Going up to them, I said kindly, and without any signs of anger, that they were in no danger from me, as I wanted their assistance both in food and lodging. The poor creatures then recovered themselves a little; and upon their knees, holding up both their hands, seemed to implore my mercy. I spoke again to them in the same mild manner, that they need fear nothing, but there was no appearance of their understanding me. Seeing that I had only signs left, by which they might be made to understand me, I tried to make them comprehend, by different gestures, that they should return to their former occupations, and with much difficulty succeeded; whilst I carefully observed them, as well as the darkness of the night would permit. My first discovery was, that they were not children, but full grown persons of a thick, squat make, and only about four foot and a half high. Some young ones there also were; and all were busy in gathering shell-fish, and carrying them without high-water mark; where they laid them in separate heaps, as if belonging to different families. My next observation was, that they seemed to go about their business, with as much ease and regularity, as if it was broad day-light. But I was still more surprised, when many of them threw themselves into the water; and swimming for a little while, dived, bringing always up with, them one or two fish. These things I could not comprehend, but concluded it was owing to habit, which produces surprising effects. What next came into my thoughts, was, why these people had not come also at the former ebb tide in the day-time; but that was soon accounted for, by the fear they might be in of the cannibals from the opposite shore; and seemed a convincing reason to me, that I ought to be upon my guard, against their attacks even there.

When the ebb was spent, and the flood coming in, the natives having finished for the present, all came to me, and made an offer of what they had got in rude baskets, which I declined. One of the men then made me understand by signs, that he intreated me to go home with him. This invitation was accepted, as I was curious to see their habitations. We set out for his abode about two hours before day, attended by another grown person (probably a female) and a child, and walked but ter of a mile, before we entered a cave of a pretty large size, dug in the side of the mountain. It had a narrow entrance of eight or ten feet long, and then grew much wider in a roundish form; this I learned from my feeling, for it was much darker in it than in the open air. The roof was so low, that I was obliged to stand almost double; and my sense of smelling was more offended than it could have been in any pig-stye in England. All this my curiosity made me bear for some time, in hopes some kind of light would be produced: but as I heard by the motion of their jaws, they had begun to eat their fish raw, and felt some pressed against my hands, hearing at the same time an articulate grunt of invitation, (as I supposed), I could stand it no longer, but groped my way out again; and happy I thought, myself when refreshed by the open air. One of them followed me, and said something, which I supposed was pressing me to return, but was civilly excused by me. I took as good notice of the situation of the cave, as the darkness would permit, and made the best of my way to the heath bed, where I sleeped comfortably till noon.

When sleep left me, my cares returned; and my thoughts were for some time employed on the disappointment of my hopes, in meeting with a sociable people on this coast. For what society could I have with such stupid, and nasty animals? whose language, seemed to differ little, from the simple and uniform sounds, with which nature has endued many brutes; and whose habitations were not to be endured by a human creature, bred in decency and cleanliness. The only thing with respect to them which was favourable, was, that they did not seem fierce or dangerous, and had conceived a great respect for me; which I might improve to my advantage. When I arose, and walked on the beach, it, was quite as solitary as the day before, though it was then ebb tide, not the least appearance of a human creature. This was accounted for by me, in the same manner as the night before; from the fear of irruptions of the cannibals from the opposite coast; and I concluded it necessary to be in more security from them, than where my bed at present was placed. After mature delibera-tiondeliberation, I could fall on no better contrivance, than imitating the natives; either in finding an uninhabited cave, which I might get cleaned out, or setting them to work to dig me a new one, if I observed by day-light, that those in use were not damp or unwholesome. Having come to this resolution, after satisfying my hunger with some shell-fish, and my thirst at the limpid stream, I set out in quest of my host's habitation, and after no very long search luckily found it.

I entered without ceremony, and having got to the bottom of the cave, which was nearly as dark as the night before; I found the three inhabitants fast asleep, lying on the bare ground, snorting and snoring, in the midst of putrid fish, and their own nasti-nessnastiness, which different nauseous smells had almost overcome me. My haste to be gone, made me shake and rouse one of the full grown persons, with very little ceremony, and I at last succeeded in waking him, for it happened to be a male. I made him get up, and taking his hand, in a manner forced him out of the cave. When he was in the light, what first drew my attention, was his face; which, though of the human form, had some resemblance to a hog; like caricature drawings I had seen. He had a thick bushy beard, and (dirt excepted) was as naked as when he came into the world. No tattoings, nor ear or nose ornaments, these people being too sluggish, to have any vanity of that sort. After having satisfied my curiosity, with regard to his form, I made signs to him, that I wanted a cave to sleep in; but he took not the least notice of them, either by word or gesture; nor had frequent repetitions of those and others, any more effect upon him. Suspecting then that he was still asleep, I spoke loud, but not in a threatening tone: this affected him, and convinced me he was awake. After this I tried all the means I could think of, to make him go along with me, but without success. This appearing the effects of sulkiness, I took him by the hand and forced him on; but though he followed me, it was like a blind man who depends entirely on his guide. Being much surprised at this phenomenon, I examined his eyes; and to my great surprise, found they resembled those of a mole, more than of

Hild Bowman delt: et sculpt: See Page 54a human creature. This discovery seemed to account for the blindness of these people in a full light, and their clear-sightedness in the dark; but it was so much out of the common course of nature, that I knew not how to credit it, and therefore left it for further examination. As this man could be of no assistance to me, I led him back to his cave, and laid him down in his stye.

Seeing my dependance (at least in the day-time) must be upon myself, I began to examine the nature of the cave; and found it was dug out of a soft rock, was very dry, and consequently wholesome. My next endeavours were used, towards finding an empty one, which might be appropriated to my own use; but as they were few in number, all that I could see were inhabited, and all as nasty as the first. After almost despairing of success, I saw, at some distance, the mouth of one not yet examined: it proved to be only half made, and for some reason or other never completed, but was perfectly sweet and clean. This charmed me, and was the more agreeable, as it was not so deep, but that the external air would breathe upon me, to whose open exposure I had been so long accustomed. My bed of heath was my next care, which was easily removed to my new habitation; and as no other fewel could be got to dress the fish, (which I had no doubt the natives would supply me with) but the same heath: I pulled a sufficient quantity of it, and laid it in my cave; resolving that night, to treat the natives with a feast of their own catching, while I at the same time made an experiment on their organs of sight.

At the usual time I went to the beach, where a much greater number of the natives were assembled, than the night before; there were near forty persons, of all ages, and of both sexes; probably from the report which had been spread of my wonderful appearance.

As soon as they saw me approaching, they all came and made their submissions on their knees, and with uplifted hands; which I most graciously received, and then made signs to them to go on with their fishing. Every thing passed in the same manner as the night before, and they catched a great many fish, of different kinds and sizes, but all unknown to me; which however I found afterwards were all wholesome and well tasted. I was now thoroughly convinced, that the sight of these people was so good in the dark, that they saw the fish lying asleep at the bottom of the water, and consequently had little difficulty in seizing them, when they dived.

When all was over, they came to me as before, and made an offer of what they had caught: I took a little from each family, and made signs for them all to follow me; which was immediately complied with. The scene was at the front of my cave. My first operation was gutting the fish with my knife; which seemed new to them, as it occasioned much grunting in the circle around me. I then lighted a fire, and made a considera-bleconsiderable blaze, to see what effect it would have on their sight; and, as I expected, they seemed all struck blind immediately; running from it in great confusion, and tumbling one over another. As soon as the blaze was over, they came around me again, when putting the fish on the embers 'till they were sufficiently done, I began to eat them, and offered some to every one; but few accepted, and fewer, after tasting, seemed to approve my cookery; so powerful is custom, however contrary to reason and nature it may be. As soon as the repast was over, I dismissed my guests with great kindness; who no doubt wondered very much at what they had seen, and could not take me for any thing less than a divinity.

I was now settled in the neighbourhood of these wretched creatures; and though there seemed nothing to be feared from their malevolence or treachery; yet, excepting the fish they gave me to sustain a miserable life, as to any society, I had better have had as many dogs or horses for my companions; much more cleanly, and very near as sensible, animals. Those would have been near me whenever I chose; but I was obliged to imitate these, in my hours of rest as well as in my habitation; for in the daytime all was solitary and dismal, nor was there a possibility of any intercourse with them in their vile habitations.

Being resolved however to make the most of my situation, I cultivated a kind of intimacy with the natives at the beach, and before my cave; the better to examine into their bodily peculiarities, and mental facul-tiesfaculties. For that purpose I endeavoured to learn the language, which seemed to be no very difficult matter, being a very simple one; and how could it be otherwise with people who necessarily must have so few ideas. The poor creatures were willing to oblige me, as far as their capacities would permit; and when they once understood, that by pointing to any particular part of the body or thing, I meant they should name it in their language, they immediately complied. By this common and simple method we made some progress, for I also named it to them in English.

In the course of my schooling with different masters, I learnt that they had no word for fire; they always shaking their heads whenever I pointed to it; which was a convincing proof to me, that they were entirely igno-rantignorant of it before. Their blindness in the day, and clear-sightedness in the dark, became from repeated observations a fact not to be doubted by me; however contrary it may be to the common course of nature all over the world, both in men and most kinds of animals. I shall not pretend to account for this phenomenon, unless the resemblance of their eyes to those of moles, may be thought sufficient for that purpose. But it may be asked, Did nature form these people's eyes, on purpose for their peculiar way of living in the side of that mountain? To that I shall not pretend to give an answer, but leave it to naturalists to discuss. I have been told by a learned Physician since my return, to whom I had given an account of these extraordinary mortals, that there is a disorder in the eyes (but a very rare one) called nycta lopia, which exactly resembles the sight of this species of people. But it is not to be imagined, that a whole people (tho' far from numerous) can be equally diseased in that manner. It was a considerable time before I could find out, whether these people had any name they distinguished themselves by; and at last I learned that they called themselves Taupinierans; but to write it in the manner it is pronounced by them, would far exceed my power, and I shall therefore leave it to the imagination of the reader.

Having still some anxiety about a visit from the cannibals of the opposite coast, I one night carried several of my friends to the place where the canoe lay, letting them know that I had come in it from the opposite coast. This seemed another novelty to them, and they had no name for it; which gave me no small satisfaction, as I might now sleep in quiet, without fearing such disagreeable guests. It had lain a little on my conscience, that I had not been able to return that canoe; but as there was no possibility of doing it, I was obliged to leave the restoration of it to fortune.

The only Taupinieran whom I suffered to enter my habitation, was a boy of five or six years old from the next cave to me. All animals when young, are prettier, and more playful, than those come to maturity; this child diverted me, and had taken a particular fancy to my com-panycompany. He sometimes stole to my cave in the dusk of the evening, (which was their morning) before it was quite dark, when we used to play together. One evening when we were at romps, I discovered to my great surprise, that he had a short tail, like that of a young pig; being scarcely able to believe my own feeling, I examined it over and over, and found it an undoubted truth. Though I had no doubt of finding the whole race formed in the same manner, it would have been inexcusable in me, to have neglected ascertaining the fact incontestably; especially when it might be done with so little trouble: the result was, that both sexes were furnished with these small appendages. I am apprehensive that my veracity may be here liable to suspicion; which has set me on reading books of travels, and examining the opinions of authors on that subject, since my return home. Great was my joy, to find that several travellers had seen men with such rear appendixes; which a learned judge in the northern part of this island has made a collection of, and, after a thorough examination, gives entire credit to. It is also very satisfactory to me, that this my account of the Taupinierans, will give a singular pleasure to this learned gentleman; who has been sneered at by some smatterers in knowledge, on this very account.

The females were no ways distinguished from the males in their dress; the love of show supposed to be innate in that sex, took not place here; perhaps from a want of the possibility of gratifying it. But I must do these ladies the justice to declare, that on seeing some glass beads, which all savages are fond of, they took no pleasure in them, and declined their acceptance. By the advances which several of them made me, they however seemed to have no objection to a tender connection; but I gave none of them any encouragement, as it was always my opinion, that wronging another in his bed was a very great crime. It may be perhaps said, that my virtue was put under no great temptation. I grant it; but considering my youth, health, and long absence from Otaheite, many in my circumstances might not have withstood it.

Marriage amongst these people is contracted with little ceremony, there being neither priest nor magistrate; and is as easily dissolved, both being dependent on the will of the parties.

Paternal government in each family, is the only one known; all being alike in authority; and if any dispute happens about their fish, it is referred to their male neighbours, whose verdict is always decisive. I could not learn that they had any religion, except a kind of veneration for the moon; which they pay when first seen after the change, by falling down on their faces for some moments. It did not appear to me to be on account of the light she gave, as that they would willingly be excused from; but because it was the finest sight, which came within their sphere of vision; for they have not the least idea of the sun.

The number of that singular species of men at this place, was under fifty; but whether there were any at other beaches on the coast I could not learn. They are so surrounded, with mountains, that these people have no communication with them, if there are.

I had now lived about six weeks with these wretched mortals, and had learned a great many words of their language. It may be easily imagined, that I did not pass my time so agreeably among them, as not to frequently turn in my thoughts how to get out of their country. But great difficulties attended every resolution I could take. The idea of returning to the land from whence I came, could never get the least entrance; there was then no other alternative, but to cross the mountains, or coast along in the canoe, till some flat country appeared, which might promise inhabitants, and a supply of provisions. The simple inhabitants could give me no information with respect to either. If I crossed the mountains, being entirely ignorant of their extent, what danger might I run for want of provisions and water? and if on the other hand, my determination was for the coasting voyage, equal danger of the above wants presented themselves; especially as I had observed in coming over the strait, that the coast on each hand continued mountainous as far as I could see. The chance of meeting with barbarous inhabitants, I thought was equal either way, and must be risked.

At last I came to a resolution of crossing the mountains; and could think of no other provisions to carry with me, but fish dried in the sun, which I immediately set about preparing. My walks for some days before I set out, were up different parts of the mountains, to reconnoitre the properest course to be taken. When my friends were informed of my resolution, they shewed as much concern for losing me, as their sluggish dispositions were capable of; and when I took leave of them, almost the whole shed tears, and wished me success.

I set out then on this arduous undertaking on the 28th of February, 1774, and recommending myself to the protection of a kind providence, began slowly to ascend the mountain; knowing that the way to hold out long in any undertaking, was to pursue it with steadiness and moderation; the weather was fine, and my spirits good. For three hours I laboured up the first mountain, and after taking breath a little, and viewing the still higher ones before me, began to descend, and continued so doing for two hours more. At the bottom of this vale appeared a stream of running water, which tempted me to stop there to recruit my strength with rest, and such refreshment as my fish and the stream afforded. Here I loaded my piece with small shot, believing there was nothing to fear from enemies of any kind; and that I might possibly meet with growse or some other game, which would be a great regale.

I now pursued my journey, and laboured up a higher mountain than the former, but without seeing either bird or beast; at the top there was a sensible alteration in the air, which was become much colder, tho' the wind had not changed. I could here see before me mountains piled on mountains, and the hoary heads of the highest, covered with eternal snow, which almost staggered my resolution.

But taking courage, I descended to another vale of small depth, for an hour brought me to its bottom; here I again found water, and being very much fatigued, resolved to take up my quarters there for the night. Heath for my bed, was found in plenty, the same was my covering, and kept me tolerably warm in those bleak regions; fatigue lulled me to balmy rest, where I slept as soundly, as in the best chamber in England on a bed of down. Next morning much refreshed, I renewed my labours, which seemed to have no end; and the cold began to be very intense. This day I had the luck to shoot a brace of growse, which made my dinner; and delicious morsels they were. I fortunately found a lake of fresh water on the very summit of a mountain, or I should have been entirely destitute; for the higher the mountains, the vales became more and more shallow. The second night was passed more disagreeably than the former, owing to the cold; nor could I make myself comfortable, with all the heath I spread on me and around my bed.

I now approached the snowy region, and was not without appre-hensionsapprehensions from the danger of passing it; but considering with myself that this danger overcome, the worst would certainly be past, and I should begin to descend on the other side; my resolution was strengthened, and I advanced boldly to the undertaking. The snow was hard enough to bear my weight, and for some time I made a considerable progress towards the summit; the walking briskly keeping me warm: but to my great grief, a shower of snow came on, at first gently and in small drops; but afterwards in large flakes and attended with wind. While the snow shower continued moderate, I pushed on, and believed myself at the very top of the mountain; but when it became heavy, the air was so filled with it, and the atmosphere so cloudy, that I durst not venture to stir a step farther, for fear of losing my way, or tumbling down some precipice. Keeping then nearly in the same spot, I walked backwards and forwards to keep myself warm, but with very melancholy reflections; for should it continue till night, my fate was inevitable. In about an hour and a half however, it gave over snowing to my great joy; the sky cleared up, and I was entertained with the sight (tho' at a considerable distance), of a country well wooded and watered, which promised better days I got clear of the snowy part of the mountain on the opposite side before night, and cook up my quarters in the best manner I could. Game was more plentiful on this side, than the other; for besides the species of growse I had killed before; there were some black cocks, and a few hares. The cold decreased as I got nearer the flat country, and in two days I reached it, to my great satisfaction.

Chap. III.

Arrives in Olfactaria. Is adopted by that nation. Marries. Irruption of the Carnovirrians. Conclusion of that war. The Author elected a chief of the 3d, 2d, and 1st, orders. His ammunition exhausted and he in fear of being degraded, from his want of practice with their weapons, as well as of a nose; gets the command of a large canoe, going to Auditante to exchange their skins. Arrives at Seripante.

Before my descent into the flat country, I had loaded my fusee with ball, but with a resolution of not using it but on the utmost necessity; intending to run all risks for the mending of my condition; as my way of life for some time past was become intolerably irksome. The design I formed, was to apply to the first human creature, I met with, in an open fearless manner as if in a civilised country, to tell them my situation, and desire their friendship. I hoped the Otaheite language which I had acquired in a tolerable degree, both by conversing with the natives of that and the other islands when there, and with Omai, on board the Adventure, would enable me to put it in execution; as many of the natives of New Zealand understood it, from the affinity it had with their own.

I entered then boldly into the woods, and looked out for their habitations. It was not long before a village (as it may be called) appeared; consisting of ten or twelve huts.

Going into one of the largest of them, I found four of the natives lying on the ground, who seemed surprised at seeing me. I spoke to them in the Otaheite language with seeming unconcern, that I had belonged to a large canoe, which came from the farthest part of the world, and by a misfortune which happened to a smaller one on that coast, had been left behind. The oldest of the men answered me in their own language (which I understood) that I was welcome, and might depend on the friendship of the Olfactarian nation. He then invited me to lie down by them, and said, we have seen men like you in a large canoe on this coast many moons ago; they were our good friends, and traded honestly with us. His description answered so exactly with the Endeavour that I assured him they were my countrymen; and he that commanded the large canoe then, had been lately on the coast with two much larger ones; in one of which I had been. I now recollected that I had some beads, nails, and other trade in my pockets, and taking them out, made an offer of some to each of the Olfactarians, (as they called themselves) beginning with the eldest who had conversed with me. They all received my presents with seeming pleasure, but especially the nails. I was now asked if I was hungry, and chose to eat; and having answered in the affirmative, a young man was desired to call one of the women, to bring me some venison and set it before me which she did, in a more decent manner than I expected. My appetite was good, which no doubt helped me to relish the food; for I never remember to have eat any thing with so much pleasure. After that, the same elderly man (whose name I afterwards learned was Uncomia, and one of their chiefs) said, that I had mentioned a misfortune, which had happened to a small canoe, desiring to know what it was. Upon this I gave him a circumstantial account of the whole affair, and of what had happened to me since, describing as well as I could Charlotte Sound, where the Adventure lay. When I had done speaking, he said, the nation who had used us so cruelly, was the Carnovirrians, who were their mortal enemies, and if I stayed long with them, I might have an opportunity of being revenged. I answered him, that the religion professed in my country, forbid the revenging of injuries; but seeing he did not approve such tenets, I added with spirit, But did not forbid us assisting our friends in a just war; and that therefore he might depend on me, to the last drop of my blood. This had the effect I desired; and he said, Young man your behaviour pleases me; you are at a vast distance from your own country, and perhaps may never have an opportunity of returning to it; I have some influence with the Olfactarians, and if you have no objection, will propose your adoption among us; when I shall always look upon you with the same affection, as I do on Ulopeia there present, who I desire you will embrace and love.

After having embraced his son, I told him his offer was so friendly, that provided I might think as I pleased in religious matters, and be excused from ornamenting my face in their manner, I warmly embraced it, and should always look on him as a father. In these indifferent points, he said, he durst venture to say the nation would dispense with me. This was not a resolution of mine taken up on the sudden, without having been thought of before, in case such a proposal should be made to me. In my circumstances what could I do better? It gave me some weight with the people I was to live with; and my refusal might have had disagreeable consequences. I lay at his house, and next day he introduced me to all the warriors of the village, who received me graciously, and promised to promote my adoption. In a week after, an assembly of the nation was held, when I was unanimously admitted an Olfactarian, by the name of Bowmania, with the abovementioned reservations. I was now dressed like my new countrymen, which, to say the truth, was very convenient for me; my shoes being in very bad condition, my single shirt almost rotten on my back; and the rest of my clothes, with lying so long rough, almost quite wore out.

Some of my readers will no doubt wonder, that no notice is yet taken of my fusee, by these savages, or at least not mentioned by me; but he will be pleased to recollect, that they were not quite strangers to fire-arms. They had now however an oppor-tunityopportunity of examining one, more narrowly than ever they had before; and I gave them all the intelligence concerning every part of it, that I could. As savages who live upon hunting and fishing, subsist in a manner from hand to mouth; it was soon necessary for them to recruit their stock of provisions; and as I proposed accompanying them, they desired that my fusee might be my only weapon, as they wanted to see what advantage it had over theirs. This I readily complied with for this once, but told them, as my ammunition was not in abundance, it was necessary to be sparing of it, that a sufficient reserve might be made for the more essential services of war. This was acquiesced in, and in future huntings, I was to use the bow and spear in their manner; after having learned the use of them by repeated exercise. Ulopeia and I were become intimate friends; at first, gratitude to my benefactor, made me shew him a greater attachment than any other warrior; but, upon knowing him better, I found him worthy of my warmest affection; having a generosity and humanity uncommon to savages. For two days before we were to set out on our hunting, he snuffed up the powder of an herb, which occasioned a discharge from his nose, and desired me to do the same: I complied, but not without asking him for what purpose it was used. He replied, to quicken my smelling faculty, that the scent of the animals we were to destroy, might be more strongly impressed on our noses. This surprised me greatly; what, thought I! have these people the faculty of hounds or pointers? If they have, it is very convenient, as I see none of these animals in this country, and believe it would not be an easy matter for them to procure a breed.

When we set out, we kept together for some time, and it much surprised and diverted me, to see them snuffing up the scent from the ground; but soon after, every one went off in full cry, after the track they had fixed on, like a pack of beagles; and we saw no more of them till night, when we met at the general rendezvous. Ulopeia did not hunt that day, but kept with me, to observe the effects of my gun; and to conduct me to the rendezvous. Fortunately I was very successful, exerting myself, that my new friends and countrymen might not refuse me their esteem; I did not miss a shot. Six deer and four foxes were killed by me alone; besides many birds which were shot while they were flying; which Ulopeia chiefly admired, as being uncommon with their weapons. We were obliged to leave the greatest part of our dead game, at certain stations appointed for that purpose; and repaired to the rendezvous, where all the hunters collected themselves. The whole conversation turned on the different success of each particular, and mine was allowed to be far superior to any other. A deer and some of the birds which I had shot, were dressed for our suppers, when, after eating heartily, we all went to sleep round a great fire, till day-light next morn-ingmorning. The ammunition which I had allotted for this experiment being all spent, the rest of the time we were out, I attended and observed my friend Ulopeia. It was really wonderful to see how he pursued the scent, with an undeviating certainty and persevering ardour till he destroyed the animal with his weapons. I often tried if my nose could discover any thing particular to me, but was always disappointed. I therefore concluded, that theirs must either be strengthened by constant use, or formed differently from the rest of mankind. We continued out on this hunting occupation (for it is to them of the greatest consequence) for ten days; and having got a sufficient stock of provisions, returned home; giving ourselves no trouble about our game; that was left to the women, who came daily to the places appointed in the woods for leaving it; and with great labour carried it home to the villages. Indeed, that part of the species is very hardly treated by these people; they are looked upon as infinitely inferior in their nature to the men; and though of a size and strength less fit for laborious offices, all the drudgeries of life fall to their share; in short, they are used like perfect slaves. This may be seen in their appearance; they have a languid tameness in their looks, which shows they expect no court paid to them by the other sex, but that their lot is implicitly to serve and obey.

A life of perfect idleness succeeded our hunting; lying asleep on the ground, or conversing with one another, and sometimes dancing, filled up our time; but the women were never suffered to join in our recreations. One day Uncomia proposed to me that I should take a wife; your constitution must certainly require one, said he, so young as you are; and she will be of great use in serving and waiting on you. My reply was, that marriage was a very serious affair; and that an engagement for life should not be entered into, without a mutual affection, and a prudence of character in the female. —Whilst I was going on, he burst out a laughing; and said, What is all this you are talking of? you are making marriage a very serious thing indeed; but we love freedom too well to be so shackled. With us it is the loosest knot possible; a man takes the woman who best pleases him, to live with him while she continues so to do; and when that no longer is the case, he turns her off and takes another. They are true to one another while together; and when they part, the woman is not liked the worse for having been another's.

The children are the father's care, or rather that of the nation; for if their father should die, they are not the less taken care of. You see, continued he, there is nothing formidable in it; and as we think it every man's duty to raise children for the state, I would advise you to it. Examine the women that are not engaged, and whichever of them pleases you best, you may have; with us they have no liberty of refusing.

After weighing this affair with some attention, it appeared to me, that, as I had voluntarily entered into this society, I ought to fulfil the duties of it; especially as there was nothing burthensome in them. I then examined the women who were unengaged, with more attention than I had hitherto done, and fixed on one called Tauropa, as being the least disagreeable in my eyes. This being known, a hut was prepared for us; and my friends presented me with the few necessaries I wanted for house-keeping; so that without further ceremony I took her home. My choice was so fortunate, that I never had occasion to repent, or change; for though not handsome to my European taste, she was very good tempered and obedient; two qualifications much more material in that state. She had also another excellent quality, in common with all the wo-menwomen of that country; which was cleanliness, both in her own person, and every thing about the house. In this, they certainly far excel our English women, and perhaps all Europeans (if the Dutch be not excepted, amongst whom I never was). What I conceived to be the reason of it, was the very acute sense of smelling, with which the men were endued.

Though I daily applied close to my exercises, of shooting with a bow and arrow at a mark, brandishing my spear, and handling the Patapatoo with dexterity, a great deal of spare time lay upon my hands. This was usually spent in conversation with my friends, or the other warriors; the to-picks of which, generally turned on the customs and manners of my country; or inquiries concerning particulars relating to theirs, of which I was not yet well informed. Sometimes religion was spoke of, and I learned, that their adoration was paid to the sun and moon; but without any images of them in their houses (as they had these luminaries themselves so often in view), or sacrifices offered at their altars. I took some pains to persuade them to turn their worship, from the creature to the creator; and endeavoured to explain to them, the mysteries of the Christian Religion, but could not possibly make them understand me.

Their answers and objections were sometimes so shrewd, that it might be looked on, as impiety in me to relate them; and therefore I shall only say, that they often puzzled me (who am indeed no deep divine) to answer them.

I had taken notice, that the Olfactarians had some coarse woollen cloths for their winter dress (though I have seen none of this sort in London amongst the curiosities brought from thence), and it came into my thoughts one day, to ask where they got the wool; as I saw no sheep in the country. The answer made me was, that part of the sea-coast was in their teritories; and the inhabitants next it were fishermen as well as huntsmen. That there were many large canoes belonging to the nation, which held between twenty and thirty men upon occasion: two or three of these were sent twice a year loaded with deer, foxes, and other skins, to a country about a week's sail from thence, where they exchanged them for wool; and the skins of a large animal which these people had, of which they made soles for their shoes. I cannot help owning, that though my situation was far from disagreeable at that time, yet this account caused a longing in me, to see a people, who I thought must be more civilised than those with whom I at present lived.

While we were thus passing our time in sloth and idleness, (for a savage's life is always in extremes), a great alarm was spread over all the nation, that fix large canoes full of Carnovirrians, had made a descent in the country, under the command of their famous chief Tearabolo, and were carrying destruction wherever they came. Every one now ran to arms, the war dance was seen in every village, and my benefactor Ucomia cried out, Now the time is come, when you may have your revenge of those men-eaters who devoured your countrymen. I replied, That I was now a member of another nation which was attacked, and whom it was my duty to defend, at the hazard of my life. He then said to me, What would your countrymen do in our present situation? I answered, It was impossible to say that, as different men judged differently; and one man better than another, according as he had sense and judgment. But what is your opinion said he, of the conduct we should hold in driving them out of our country? Not to drive them out at all, rejoined I. What do you mean; let me understand you?— Give me leave first to ask you a question or two?—As many as you please. My first then is, said I, If your nation can follow the scent of men, and distinguish your friends from your foes, as well as they do that of deer and other game?—His answer being in the affirmative:—My second then is, If your enemies are endued with the same powers?—He replied, They were not.

As that is the case, said I, to prevent continual attacks of a similar kind, from so inhuman a people; those now in our country should be utterly destroyed. And the way to effect that, in my opinion, is to cut off their retreat. In the first place then, march a strong party to the seaside, where their canoes are lying, and burn them; and after leaving a sufficient body to prevent others from landing; hunt them down like any other game, till they are utterly destroyed. In doing this, you will have infinite advantages, from your superiority of numbers, and the excellency of your noses. He relished my advice, and said, he would propose it in the council of their chiefs. But Bowmania, said he, do not fear that I should take the honour of it to myself; depend upon it they shall know its author, and your zeal for the service of our country. My advice was taken, and gained me considerable reputation, for I was immediately elected, by unanimous consent, a chief of the third order; and went second in command to put the first part of it in execution, the burning the canoes. Tlulapeia commanded this detachment, and as he was my very good friend, we had no disagreement in the execution of our orders. What made our success the more easy and certain was, they had left them but slenderly guarded, not expecting so bold a stroke. We surprised the guard,— took them prisoners, and with all expedition set the vessels in a blaze. What gave us great satisfaction on the execution of this small exploit was, that two others full of men were within two leagues of the coast, coming to join their friends; but seeing the canoes in a flame, first stopped to consult what they should do, and soon after changed their course and returned. Tlulapeia with a sufficient force remained on the sea-coast, to watch the enemy's motions by water, according to his orders; and I with the remainder marched back to the head-quarters to give an account of our success; and to receive farther commands. My account of our success gave great satisfaction to the generality of the nation; though there were not wanting some, who were of opinion, that their retreat should not in this manner have been cut off; as it would make them more desperate and furious, and consequently the war more bloody. I was now raised, by universal consent, to be a chief of the second order, and had the command of forty men.

The whole fighting men of the nation being now in arms, they were divided into large parties, under dif-ferentdifferent leaders; and each had a separate district allotted him, in which he was to act offensively against the enemy. But they were permitted, in cases of necessity, to go into a neighbouring one, either to avoid the enemy, if too powerful for them, or to assist their friends. As I had a great ambition to be opposed to that formidable chief Tearabola, I requested that no particular district should be allotted me; but that I might be at liberty to pursue him wherever I pleased. This was easily granted me, as he was become very formidable to the nation in general. We marched then into the woods in large divisions, and were not to subdivide, till our noses informed us that the enemy had first done so. To describe every skirmish which happened in the woods, small parties against small parties, and man to man, in the course of a war of above three weeks continuance (if it were possible), would be tedious. Suffice it to say, that in them the greater part of the enemy were killed or taken prisoners; not without the loss of many brave men on our side. At last Tearabola, with only twenty-five of his men, were hemmed in on every side; when a dreadful battle began. He and his brave followers, like so many tigers surrounded by a multitude of huntsmen, turned upon their enemies with all the fierceness of these animals. To escape they saw was impossible, and to yield, unbecoming their courage; the only thing they had then left, was to sell their lives as dear as they could. Teara-bolaTearabola did not that day bely the character he had so long acquired, of invincible courage. My dear friend Ulopeia fell by his spear; and his father, my great benefactor, was obliged to retire from the combat, by a wound in his leg. My resentment was heightened by these accidents; I presented my piece loaded with my last charge of powder and ball, and took such good aim, or was so fortunate as to pierce Tearabolo's heart; whose furious soul left his body with a convulsive spring.

His followers seeing him fall, were daunted; and being worn out with their long defence, made but feeble efforts, and were soon all cut in pieces. Thus having the honour of some share in the termination of this war, I was raised to the dignity of Chief of the first order. But my satisfaction on this occasion was greatly lessened, by my dear friend's death, and his father's wound. The thorough revenge of my dear countrymen, however (notwithstanding what religion might inculcate), was certainly not altogether indifferent to me on this occasion. Though from some words which fell from Uncomia, I believed the Olfactarians were not cannibals; yet I never could prevail on myself to ask the question; thinking it better to continue in uncertainty, than learn an unpleasing truth: but now I had many opportunities of being convinced they were not; as graves were dug, and their enemies buried in them. But though they spared their dead enemies, they had no mercy on those who fell into their hands alive. To enumerate the various tortures they were put to, before they were slain; and the fortitude seemingly more than human, with which they were snpported; would only shock the reader's humanity, and shall therefore be passed over.

We returned to our habitations, where there was great rejoicings for the termination of the war; but the families who had lost their warriors kept retired, brooding over their sorrows, that they might not interrupt the general joy. My benefactor, who was one of those (and also confined with his wound), received me with tears in his eyes; saying, I had lost a true friend, but as he died in his country's service, was more to be envied than lamented. I learned from him that his wound was very painful, the whole member being greatly swelled, and that he had very little hopes of recovery. I examined the part, and though unskilled in surgery, more than I had accidentally seen practised by our own surgeons on board, I was resolved to attempt his relief. I gathered some herbs, and made a fomentation and poultice, which soon eased his pain; the swelling also decreased by degrees, and the wound advanced daily towards a cure. My satisfaction on this account was more real than that for the dignities which fortune had heaped on me; for I easily perceived they were not unattended with envy. We had not been long at home, before it became necessary to go on a hunting-party, as our old men, women and children, had been on very short allowance in our absence. It was mentioned before, that my last charge of ammunition was expended; I must now therefore betake myself to their weapons; at which (though I had not neglected exercising with them constantly before the war) I certainly was very inferior to the natives. Add to that, my want of a nose; and it may easily be imagined, I should make a very bad figure. But I flattered myself, that the great services I had so lately done my country, and the being unpractised in their arms, would sufficienly apologize for me. How little did I know mankind? A few brilliant actions are soon forgot, if people's memories are not frequently refreshed with some of the same kind, or even of greater lustre: but a reverse, however little merited, is with great difficulty got over, and generally damns our fame irrecoverably.

The war had so destroyed and disturbed the game, that it was extremely scarce; and consequently our hunting very unsuccessful; mine was remarkably so: famine appeared unavoidable; which so chagrined mens minds, that my laurels (for want of some fresh exploit), withered daily. They even openly blamed my bold advice in the beginning of the war, as the chief cause of the misfortunes which threatened them, and I saw myself in the utmost danger of being degraded.

This country, and way of life, which hitherto had been agreeable enough to me, changed at once its appearance: 1 became thoughtful and melancholy; wishing for a good opportunity of quitting it for ever. The country from which they brought the wool, then recurred to my memory: I began seriously to think of the means of putting in execution a scheme I formed of visiting it by the first ships, which would not be long before they sailed. Uncomia seeing me so much changed since our return home, kindly enquired the reason of it; when I frankly told him, that I had reason to complain of the warriors, for blaming me for an event that could not possibly have been foreseen. They also slight me, continued I, because I have not been able to acquire in a few days, the use of their arms to as great perfection as they have, by the practice of their whole lives. Besides, (I still continued) nature has given them such an advantage over me in their scenting faculty, that there is no possibility of my ever equalling them as a hunter; and I should therefore be glad to serve the nation in any other capacity. That I understood some great canoes would soon sail for Auditante, to exchange their skins for wool and other commodities of that country. And I believed, as my education had been for a sea-life (which indeed had brought me into that part of the world), that I was better qualified than most others, for carrying on that traffic with the Auditantines; and should offer my services to the nation, if he approved of it. He replied, that he had no objection to it, but the losing my company for so long a time; and if I was resolved on the voyage, he would use all his influence with the National Council in my favour, when it was laid before them. Accordingly very little opposition was made, and I was appointed to the command of one of the canoes. Two other chiefs of the same rank (who fortunately were my friends), were also fixed on for the other two; and in a short time we set out for our station, to superintend the loading of the skins, which were carried by the women from all the villages to Tahuta where the canoes lay. The vessels were obliged to be victualled principally with fish, on account of the scarcity of land animals; and we stowed our water in jars, which the women had ingenuity enough to make. Each canoe had twelve men on board, besides three officers; which consisted of a chief of the first, second, and third orders.

Before I left our village Manuhu, I sent my wife Tewropa home to her friends till my return (which however I did not intend), and left with her a present to the nation, to keep me in their remembrance. I hope if it proves a boy, that he will make a good warrior; but am very much afraid he will have no nose, which may be a great loss to him. With my friend Uncomia, whom I principally regretted to leave; my fusee was intrusted by way of a relic, as it could be of no father use to me, for want of ammunition. And a few nails, and other European bau-blesbaubles, which still remained in my possession, were distributed amongst my other friends.

On July 26th, 1774, we set sail with a fair wind; and I found these people very expert at working their canoes. The weather kept moderate, so that we had little difficulty of keeping company; and we seldom lost sight of land for any length of time. At last, on the tenth day from the time we sailed, the coast of Auditante appeared to our view; and on the eleventh we came to an anchor in the river of Seripante.

Chap. IV.

Seripante, a Factory of Bonhommican Merchants. The Author and his Colleagues live at their houses. Very fair traders. Visit the tents of the natives. He learns in a short time, the Bonhommican and Auditante languages. Makes a speech to the Olfactarian Chiefs at taking leave of them. By invitation, lives sometime at a Horde of the Auditantines. Falls In love. Lucky discovery which cures him of it. The fleet from Ludorow arrives. The fair held in consequence of it. The Author embarks in it, on its return. Arrives at Ludorow.

As soon as the canoes were moored, Teutopeia, Nicophera, and myself (the three chiefs of the first order), went up to the town in our small canoes. It lay about a league higher up the river, and the country on each side exhibited a very agreeable prosfpect, of green hills covered with flocks of sheep, and herds of black cattle: I even thought there appeared horses, and animals like camels or dromaderys. When we approached the town, I was delighted to see that the houses were built of stone, and were several stories high, and began to think myself again in Europe. We were met at our landing by the merchants, with whom the nation had been accustomed to deal; who received us with great civility and respect, entertaining us by turns at their houses, and gave us also invitations to lye at them, as we could not otherwise be so well accommodated.

The merchant with whom I lived was called Ouragow; he seemed about forty, and a man of a grave, though sweet and affable deportment. He understood the Olfactarian language well enough to do business in it, and carry on a conversation. Curiosity soon drew me to view the town: it was but of a small size, consisting only of about two hundred houses; fifty of which were large, and had still larger warehouses adjoining to them. But what most surprised me, was, to find the houses of these merchants, furnished with every thing necessary for the conveniency, and even the elegancy of life; it was, it is true, in a simple plain taste, and very different from what I had ever seen before; but answered the end as well when one became accustomed to them. They had also woollen, linen, and other cloths; and even silk stuffs: very good wines were produced at table, as well as excellent bread; and their windows were glazed. These discoveries gave me infinite pleasure; I flattered myself that my troubles were at an end; and if I should never have the happiness of visiting Old England, my life would at least be passed in a more agreeable manner, than my most sanguine hopes had ever conceived.

Having rested and amused ourselves for a day or two, we thought of business; and that which first offered, was, to get our goods lodged in a warehouse, to be ready for bartering. This was immediately set about, and the small canoes were kept constantly employed in it till all was landed After that, the chiefs of the second order came up to town also, with some of the men, leaving only the chief of the third order, with three men, on board of each canoe; and these were relieved every six or seven days, that all might have a little pleasure; the second chief's relieving the third.

When we had been there five or six days, Ouragow and I happening to be alone together, he bethought himself of asking me (what he said he had intended ever since we came); from what country I claimed my birth; for he could plainly see from my complexion, my features, and manners, that I was not an Olfactarian; besides, said he, you have been too wise to disfigure your face with horrid tattooings, and to load your nose and ears with such frightful ornaments. Having no reason to conceal any thing, I gave him a faithful account of all my adventures, and even of my design of never returning to Olfactaria: saying, Now I had got into a civilised country, things might take a turn in my favour; and I hoped to find some means of earning an honest living. When I had finished my narration, he sat sometime silent; and then cried out, What wonders have you told me! How surprising is it to me, who am of a trading nation, to learn, that there are people on the other side the globe, who have carried navigation to such a height, as to send ships all over the face of the earth, where seas will bear them, and ice not obstruct their passage; to discover new countries and new people! But, said he, is it meerly curiosity that prompts your king to these expensive researches? or has he trade or conquest in view? replied, That trade or conquest at such an immense distance from his own dominions could never answer the expence of either; and did he reckon it for nothing to a great, opulent, and philosophic nation, to have the honour of ascertaining to the rest of the northern world, whether the southern hemisphere was equally balanced by a large continent, as the learnedest Geographers had conjectured. That near three hundred years ago, a great geographer and navigator, meerly from conjectures, had discovered a continent almost as large as the rest of the known world, lying only at a thousand leagues distance from the rest of Europe. Upon a second consideration, rejoined he, it appears praise-worthy, though at first view it had, I own, a romantic air: But what success had you met with before you was separated from the ship? We had sailed (returned I) half round the southern hemisphere in very high latitudes, without meeting with any land, but had been obstructed by numerous and large islands of ice, which made us conclude, that if there was a continent, it must be so near the pole, as to be uninhabitable. I am surprised, said he, that you missed it; but if your ships, after a farther search, are not so fortunate to succeed, it may be reserved for you to make that discovery, if ever you have the happiness to get home to your own country; for you are now in a fair way of getting intelligence of, and in all probability of seeing it. You both surprise and rejoice me, said I, to hear there is a southern continent which there is a possibility of my seeing; and likewise that I am got into a country which has an extensive trade, as it is in that way my talents can best distinguish themselves. But what is the reason, continued I, that I saw no ships in the river? You have misunderstood me, answered he; I am of a trading nation, 'tis true, but not of this where I now live. The inhabitants of Serepante are all natives of the island of Bonhommica, settled on this coast as a factory, for the conveniency of commerce with the natives. And who are the natives, rejoined I? This large country, said he, being peculiarly suited for pasture only, is occupied by wandering tribes, who live in tents, and change from one place to another, as it best suits their flocks and herds; no one having the property of the soil, but the first comer enjoys it during his abode. And the country being very extensive in proportion to the number of its inhabitants, there seldom arises any cause of dispute on that head. They are a handsome, robust people, continued he; and some of them have immense flocks and herds, with children and servants so numerous, that their encampments look like small towns. But they are so idle, that, though they have time enough on their hands, they will not be at the trouble of manufacturing their own wool for their clothing, or doing any earthly thing but what necessity obliges them to. So that all their wool, and other produce of their cattle, is exchanged with us, for our manufactures; which are brought annually in a small fleet to this port; where a fair is kept for a month, and resorted to from all parts of the country. Those who have not supplied themselves sufficiently at the fair, have recourse to us from time to time; there being always great quantities of goods in our warehouses. Our conversation now turning on the causes of industry and idleness in nations, he observed, that the gift with which bounteous Nature had favoured the Olfactarians, in the improved faculty of smelling (which he had learned only from my narrative), seemed to be of great use to them in providing for their subsistence. But, on the contrary, continued he, a gift of a similar kind which the Auditantines enjoy in their sense of hearing, had a very different effect. For they had such exquisite enjoyment in Musical performances, and the hearing of love elegies, and other pieces of well wrote poetry read, that their whole time was spent in such fooleries. These improved faculties have however their alloy; for as the Olfactarians are easily offended with the least unpleasing smell, so the Auditantines suffer excruciating anguish from any very loud or harsh found: It is happy for them (continued he) that it never thunders in this country; and the most disagreeable thing their way of life subjects them to, is the bray of an ass; but they take care to keep them always at a sufficient distance from their tents. The smallest matter however hurts their nice ears, such as an instrument not thoroughly in tune, or playing out of time; and the same of a voice with respect to the latter. This long conversation was concluded, by an offer from him of getting me a passage to Bonhommica if I chose it, when the fleet returned from this country after the Fair; and likewise to recommend me warmly to all his friends in that country. This kind offer I gratefully accepted, and begged he would put me in a way of learning the language in the mean time, that I might not be wholly at a loss in that respect. This he immediately complied with, and put me under the tuition of one of the book-keepers in his compting-house; saying at the same time, that he could also instruct me in the Auditantine, which would qualify me to visit that people, who were very hospitable, if my curiosity led me to it, and for which I should have sufficient time. This proposal was much to my mind, and I immediately applied myself with great industry to acquire those languages.

In the mean time, nothing was neglected on my part to assist my colleagues in transacting the business of the Olfactarians; and in every particular I had the satisfaction to find our merchants acted like honest men and fair traders. Far were they from designing to take any advantage of my ignorance, or that of the savages, in the value of the goods to be exchanged. This was what at least then appeared to me, and I had reason afterwards to be convinced of the truth of it. As our goods were neither bulky, nor consisted of many articles, which were to be exchanged betwixt the merchants and us, matters were not long in adjusting; and our wool, leather, &c. were begun to be put on board the canoes.

In all these transactions, I took particular care that Seropa, the second in command on board mine, should be present, and thoroughly instructed in them; as he was probably to have the command of her home, it was his proper business to superintend the relading.

The reader will naturally imagine, that I did not long neglect viewing a country, which gave me so much pleasure in the approaching. In company with some of the merchants or brother savages, I frequently walked, or rode out, many miles into different parts of it. Every thing appeared gay and smiling to me, who had been so long unaccustomed to such prospects. The height of the hills varied in different parts; in some they rose nearly to mountains, and in others descended almost to a flat country: but all were covered with a pleasing verdure. I saw no woods, but there were every where many clumps of trees, scattered about in an irregular manner; and abundance of small rivulets of the purest water, which was not only an ornament to the country, but of the greatest use to man and beast. The sheep which fed on those delighful hills' were of the same species with these I had seen at the Cape of Good Hope, with large heavy tails, and were innumerable. The horses were beautiful, and resembled in their shape, the Arabians and Barbs which I had often seen in Yorkshire. Black cattle were of two kinds, some resembling ours in Europe, and others of the buffalo species. I had never seen camels or dromedaries before, except in painting. Their asses were large, and the Mules still more so. We often went to their encampments, and when the merchants were with us, visited the natives. Every place resounded with the pleasing melody of musical instruments and harmo-niousharmonious voices

He look'd, and saw a spacious plain, whereon Were tents of various hue; by some were herds Of cattle grazing; others whence the sound Of instruments, that made melodious chime, Was heard, of harp—

Milton's Paradise Lost, Book xi. Line 556

. Some of these encampments, as was said before, covered a great deal of ground; and contained some hundreds of people, besides horses, camels, &c. which were fed with cut grass. Behind the tents stood covered waggons, in which they transported their women, and the furniture of their tents, when they changed their stations. A peaceful camp, breathing nothing but harmony, was to me a sight perfectly new and engaging.

The Auditantines are generally tall, not very fair, but of a graceful appearance and very polite: Their dress is something betwixt the Asiatic and European; very easy and becoming; made of woollen, cotton, or silk stuffs; according to the age, sex and rank of the wearers On the whole, I did not seem to be amongst wandering shepherds, but in the court of one of the Patriarchs we read of in Scripture, where they were king, priest, and prophet. 1 conceived so great a desire to be better acquainted with these people, that I was unhappy till I had learned their language, This I had often declared to Ouragow and the other merchants, at the same time acquainting them of my passion for music, and being an indifferent performer on the German Flute. One day when we were at Venerantes Horde (as I may call it), Our gow presented me to him in a particular manner; letting him know my great admiration of their way of life, as Well as being a passionate lover of music, and a tolerable performer on the German Flute; not forgetting to acquaint him of my coming from a far country on the other side of the world. The venerable old man received me with great affability and politeness; and gave me an invitation to come and stay some time with him. This I firmly resolved to accept of, as soon as the canoes were gone, and I had made myself proficient enough in their language to be understood.

When we had been above eight weeks at Seripante, and the canoes ready to sail, I spoke to my colleagues Teutopeia and Nicophora in this manner:

"My friends, I do not intend returning with you to Olfactaria; and honestly own, that I solicited this voyage with that design. When your nation, did me the honour of adopting me, I never meant to abridge myself of the liberty which nature gave me, of changing my situation, whenever it was agreeable or convenient for me. While I have been in your society, my utmost endeavours have been used to serve it; and sometimes with such success, that the nation raised me, step by step, to its chief honours and distinctions. This I own was more than I deserved, a stranger as I was; but these honours with which they were pleased unanimously to dignify me in so rapid a manner, created much envy, and laid the foundation for the rancorous hatred which many bear me; without having cause that I know for it, but their own bad hearts. Those enemies of mine, it is plain, will never rest, till they have got me degraded from my present high station in the state, and which they may easily effect; since I can no longer serve them with such eclat as formerly, from having expended all my ammunition in their service. I therefore propose to free myself from their machinations, by resigning into your hands these so much envied honours, which I desire you will faithfully deliver (as near as you can in my own words), to the national council; returning them my most unfeigned thanks for all their favours." When I had finished, my colleagues expressed great concern for my intention of leaving them; but owned, that every thing I had said was true; and wished me happy wherever fortune should carry me. I then asked them, If they thought any other of the chiefs of the second order, fitter to succeed me in the command of the canoe than Seropa, whose right it seemed to be; and they answering in the negative, Seropa was sent for, and acquainted with it. After this, I demanded of them, in presence of some of the merchants and all of the chiefs, If they had any fault to find with my transactions or behaviour, since we left Olsactaria; which they declaring they had not: I embraced them, and took a laft farewel; desiring their kind remembrance, and that of all my friends, but particularly that they would make my grateful respects and good wishes known to my benefactor Uncomia.

When the canoes were gone, my friend Ouragow made me a present of a compleat dress in the Bonhommican mode; saying, as I was no longer a savage, it was proper to leave off the appearance of one. The goodness of this worthy man truly charmed me, and I felt all the gratitude such benefits demanded. It is not to be imagined, but that two people living in the same house together for some months (as Ouragow and I did), must have had many conversations, which for brevity's sake shall be omitted; and I shall only mention in general, some informations I got from him, and opinions of his upon subjects relating to my own country.

With respect to the great southern continent, he assured me there cer-tainlycertainly was one; and that the Bonhommicans carried on a considerable trade to one of its kingdoms; but that he never had been there, nor could he tell me in what longitude and latitude it lay.

He also informed me, that the Auditantines were idolaters, and sacrificed to idols.

He did not explain himself sufficiently on the Bonhommican religion, as he said I would learn it better from the priests when I went to that Island; but only assured me, that the principal tenet of it was the unity of the deity.

His opinion of the christian religion was a very favourable one, though I could not make him comprehend many parts of it; he wished to see our sacred books, that he might examine it; for, he said, a religion which recommended so pure a morality, must have a divine origin.

Two things (with respect to our naval discoveries) seemed to give him the greatest satisfaction to be informed of, as they might be immediately useful to his own countrymen; these were, the method of preventing the scurvy in long voyages, and the art of distilling seawater to make it fresh. These, he said, were discoveries that did honour to human nature; the truth of which he could not doubt, from the length of the voyages performed by the discoverers.

I had now made a considerable progress in the two languages, which for some time had taken up my attention, particularly in the Auditantine, as I had most immediate occasion for it; but as the natives had such nice ears, I was very diffident in speaking it before them. That I might improve myself, and at the same time observe what effect my pronunciation had upon their nice organs, I used to walk in the fields, and speak to all the menial shepherds, and others of low rank. At first they were very sensibly hurt; but being extremely good-natured people, they endeavoured to conceal it: by degrees, as I improved, they seemed less so; and, in a short time, little, if any thing at all.

Before I set out on my visit, Ouragow cautioned me against falling in love; Take care of your heart, said he, in the company of so many charmers; and constantly recollect when you find yourself in danger, that these women are idolaters; not forgetting the great southern continent.

My new dress had altered me so much, that Venerante did not at first know me; but, as soon as he learned who I was, received me with great kindness and hospitality. The whole horde indeed did the same; which then consisted of above one hundred persons, of both sexes and of all ages (exclusive of servants and slaves ). Besides, there were near as many in small camps on the skirts of the ground, which their flocks and herds at present occupied. These were mostly descended from his own person; for polygamy is allowed of by them, and they marry in degrees of kindred, which are forbidden amongst christians. I was told by one of his sons, that he had sixty thousand sheep, five thousand black cattle, three thousand horses, two thousand camels, one thousand she asses, and fifty he ones, and one thousand mules; so that he was by far richer than Job, who was the richest man in all the east in those days.

We passed our time in a continual round of what is called pleasures; so that if idleness and constant dissipation constitute happiness, these are the happiest of any people in the world. The large encampment which I only saw, was of an oval form; in the center of which, was a suite of very large tents at some distance from one another, lined with cotton cloth; and around them were small ones for sleeping in, dressing, and other offices. When we were not at meals; parties were formed in these large tents according to people's fancies. Some read love elegies to an audience round them, or sung tender songs; others had concerts of music which were truly ravishing. Tender and amorous conversation suited the lovers best. And dancing to the lively airs of the pipe and tabor, was most agreeable to the gay and lively.

Their language is the softest that can be imagined, and in the women's mouths, truly enchanting; especially when set to music, which it is peculiarly calculated for. That music is simple and pathetic; they like better what affects the heart, than pleases the fancy. The instruments which they have, are of the simplest kind; besides the pipe and tabor already mentioned, harps, lutes, and flutes, compose the whole of their stock. Though the whole people have the most critical ears, every one has not a voice; that gift however is much more common here, than elsewhere: for there is scarcely a young woman or boy but has, and many of them are superlatively fine.

Their tables are plentifully supplied with the produce of their flocks and herds, in all the simplicity of cookery. Milk furnishes them with several agreeable dishes, besides butter and cheese; and I must observe, that, like the Tartars, they prefer horse flesh to beef: I tasted it, and fairly own, could scarcely distinguish the difference. The only things for subsistance which they are obliged to get from the Bonhommicans, are corn and wine; the first they grind in quearns (as they do still in many parts of Ireland), and then make it into bread; the last is only used on extraordinary occasions, as a fermented liquor made of mare's milk, and a kind of mead, are their ordinary drinks.

They have images of two different gods of very rude sculpture, to which they offer sacrifices. These idols have some resemblance to the Apollo and Pan of the antients, at least the one had a lyre and the other a pipe, on which they were in the attitude of playing. The government is intirely parental or patriarchal within each particular Horde, without having the least connection with any other.

They have had writing long amongst them, and their, characters seemed to me somewhat to resemble the Hebrew or Arabic. If the learned should fancy from thence, that this people are a colony from that part of the world, I shall leave it to them to form conjectures, how they could possibly be transported to such a distance.

I was for some days a hearer, and great admirer at all musical entertainments; but when we became a little better acquainted, I found they had not forgot what Ouragow had said of me, and had conceived great expectations of entertainment, from music of so distant a country. At first I defended myself from their requests, by the want of an instrument, but that would not serve, I I must make shift with theirs in some shape or another. Finding there was no avoiding it; I got one of their flutes of a construction nearest to a german one of any they had; and botched it up, by opening some holes and stopping up others, till at last I made a tolerable instrument of it.

As the Italian music is most admired in Europe, I began with some favourite airs, which were in great vogue when I left England.

The whole company were much surprised at hearing them; and owned they did not expect any thing comparable to what I had played; but, said they, though these seem the style of great masters, the simple and pathetic is more to our tastes; perhaps from not knowing better. It fortunately happened that I had it in my power, besides Italian, to give them some specimens of the music of other nations in our northern world. The French was too gay; the English (except when grafted on the Italian) wanted melody; but most of the plaintive Scotch songs' and some of the Irish, were much to their tastes, and affeccted them wonderfully.

As I was no great proficient on my instrument, it was sometimes visible enough, that their chromatic ears were much offended by my discords, and playing out of tune; but their politeness, joined to their curiosity, made them hide it as much as possible. This talent of mine, contemptible as it was, made me a kind of favourite amongst them; they esteemed many of my songs so much, as to write them out in their manner; which, though very different from ours, was very ingenious.

I had now spent ten days with these people, and their way of life was such a contrast to what it had lately been my fortune to lead, that it could not but be agreeable to a man of my age, who was a lover of music. However my friend Ouragow's antidotes had not yet been necessary; my heart remained untouched. The time now approached when I was to give up my liberty, and burn with the most ardent passion.

A grand-daughter of Venerante returned with her parents from an out camp, and at first sight shot me through and through. She appeared to be about fifteen, and (at least in my eyes) the most perfect woman heaven ever made. Her form rising a little above the middle size, was made in perfect proportion; and a grace and dignity attended every motion of her most elegant limbs. But her face; how shall I describe her face? to the most regular and beautiful features, were joined such modesty and sweetness, that it was irresistible. Add to all these, the most enchanting voice, far surpassing any thing I had ever heard; and Judge of my condition. For some days I admired at a distance, without presuming to have the least hope of pleasing such an angelic creature. But Venerante having been pleased with my European songs, desired one day to hear my adventures; and as he doated on Imoina (so the charming maid was called), could not bear she should be long from him; she was therefore obliged to become one of my constant hearers. The satisfaction of having her near me, and to hear my disasters, was great; and sometimes I thought she pitied them like Desdemona in the play. I spun out my narrative to continue that satisfaction, and by degrees she became less reserved; but though I was never happy when from her, a certain awe seized me whenever I attempted to disclose my passion.

My antidotes, besides, were not forgot; and I thus argued with myself. Would you then to satisfy a present passion, however violent, give up all thoughts of seeing your native country? and the great honour of dif-coveringdifcovering to all Europe a southern continent, which would make your name immortal? To live with idolaters a life of idleness and dissipation, having no care but for the present moment: Where polygamy is allowed, and the women (at their full liberty), indulging themselves freely in amorous conversation, probably are not very scrupulous in violating their marriage vows. On the other hand, to give up all thoughts of Imoina, and let her be possessed by another, was what I could not think of. This struggle continued for some time; I grew thoughtful, and absent, to such a degree that every one took notice of it. Some said, I was in love; others, that their company was grown tiresome to me; but Imoina was very reserved on that head. At other times I considered, that if my scruples should give way to love, and Imoina was favourable to my wishes; what probability was there, that Trapante her father, or Venerante her grandfather, would ever consent to my having her; a stranger, of a different religion, and poor. Thus did love and reason combat in my breast; and to my shame I say it, reason made but a bad defence. The first sign of victory which appeared on the side of love, was a copy of verses of my composing; I got a friend to set them to music; and though they were probably very indifferent, every body applauded them; being willing I suppose to encourage a beginner. And though it was now plain where my attachment was, no one seemed dif-pleaseddifpleased with it, even Imoina was not more shy than usual. This encouraged me to speak: I soon met with a favourable opportunity, and my addresses were well received, considering the modesty of the sex. The ice being now broke, I had as many opportunities of pleading my passion as could be desired; and soon had the pleasure of being told, that I was not disagreeable to her. She now indulged me in all the innocent liberties I presumed to take; which made the time pass away in a kind of intoxication, which nothing but enjoyment, or the discovery I afterwards made, could have put an end to.

While my thoughts were employed on completing my happiness, by endeavouring to obtain the consent of those on whom she depended, but delayed from day to day, from a consciousness that I was acting wrong, and the fear of a refusal; something appeared to me to be going on betwixt her, and her brother-in-law Amarante, which seemed very suspicious. My jealousy was roused, and I watched all their motions narrowly; several days passed on, before my doubts were cleared up: at last, one evening they slipped out, one after another, from one of the great tents, in the midst of a very interesting piece of music: I immediately followed, and traced them into a bed-tent. This was sufficient for me, Cupid immediately took his flight from my bosom; and when I saw her return to the tent, she seemed despoiled of more than half her charms, and not more beautiful than any other woman. I passed, however, a very disagreeable night, and resolved to quit her fight for ever. Next morning I took, leave of Venerante and his Horde, who all pressed me to stay sometime longer; but I excused myself on account of business at Seripante, and immediately set out for that place.

When I had given my friend Ouragow a candid relation of my amour, he congratulated me very affectionately on my escape; and said, Young man, let this piece of experience, which was so near being fatal, teach you for the future, that the best way to avert the dangers of that powerful passion, is to keep out of temptation; or if unexpectedly surprised into it, to fly immediately.

The fleet from Bonhommica being now soon expected, I applied very close to perfecting myself in that language; speaking in no other, and reading several books concerning their history, government, manners, &c. &c. which was of great advantage to me when I arrived in that country. But notwithstanding my time was pretty well filled up, the image of the beautiful Imoina would often intrude into my fancy; then would I regret that such external perfection was not accompanied with as beautiful a mind. My thoughts would then be led to consider, the influence of education and example upon the female manners; and my partiality for her induced me to think, that if she had been born an English woman, and of course bred up a christian, that she would have acted in a very different manner. But again reflecting on some bad characters I had known, and many that common report had held up to infamy amongst my fair country-women; I knew not what to think; but resolved to banish her if possible from my thoughts.

This was much assisted in a little time by the arrival of the fleet, and the Fair held in consequence of it. My curiosity first led me to examine the construction of their ships; which though far inferior to ours both in beauty of form, and neatness of workmanship, yet very much surprised me; as they promised to answer the purposes of navigation very well; and I conceived that the art of ship-building might be now in that state at Bonhommica, which it was in, in England, two centuries ago The burthens of those now in Seripante river, seemed to be from three hundred to one hundred and fifty tons.

They had no ships of war with them as a convoy, the nation being at peace with all the world. The number of them were twenty, and their loading may easily be judged of, from what has already been said.

Nothing worth relating happened at the fair; it was held near the town, and the Auditantines came to it on horse-back, attended by covered waggons, in which was conveyed their cheese, salt butter and hides, &c. The wool was brought on camels. Some horses and mules were also sold by them at the Fair. No women attended them, so that there were no amusements going on, as is customary in England on these occasions; which I was very glad of.

When the Fair was over, preparations were made by the fleet for their return; and my good friend procured me a passage in the ship commanded by Tourabow, an honest plain sailor, with whom I was very well acquainted He also gave me very warm recommendatory letters to several of his friends. When every thing was ready for sailing, he took leave of me, as if I had been his only son, expressing his ardent wishes for my welfare; and desiring I would favour him from time to time with accounts of what happened to me. I parted with that worthy man, with tears in my eyes, being much moved with the many testimonies he had given me of his affection.

We sailed from Seripante with a fair wind, and during the voyage, I was very well amused with observing their different manœuvres. They had discovered the use of the magnet in navigation, and had clumsy mariners compasses; but were absolute strangers to the variation of the needle. Their Quadrant was also very defective, as was their log-line, for keeping an account of the ship's way; and they had no other means of guessing at the longitude. However, on the whole, they were careful, robust, and active seamen.

Our voyage was agreeable, having fine weather, but rather too little wind. The eighteenth day, we made the land of Bonhommica; the 19th, entered the river Tourorow; and the 21st, came to an anchor at Ludorow, the capital of the kingdom, being the 15th of January 1775.

Chap. V.

The Author invited to reside with a near relation of his friend at Seripante. By the means of him, and others to whom he had letters, he is presented to the Lord Admiral, to the Lord Treasurer, and at last to the Queen. She settles a pension on him. He confers with. Officers, Astronomers, Surveyors, Physicians, and Mechanicks, on the means of introducing the English improvements into the Bonhommican Navy. He is appointed a Post Captain, and is to command a ship of forty guns (going to the southern continent), under a Commodore. Has the fitting her out in the English manner. She is much admired. The Queen dines on board of her. They sail for Luxo-volupto. Arrive safely at Miro-volante.

On our arrival in this kingdom, my eyes were delighted with the fight of corn-fields, (as well as pasture grounds) hedge-row inclosures, farm houses, and country seats; with the prospect of a large and populous city at a distance: In short, every thing demonstrated that 1 was again got into a civilised country. When we landed, Tourabow conducted me to the house of Lurgofage, a near relation of my friend; who after he had read the letter I had presented to him, clasped me in his arms, and received me in so affectionate a manner, that it plainly appeared to be no common letter of recommendation which I had delivered. He insisted on my taking up my abode with him, and always behaved to me with the warmest friendship. When I had got a little settled with him, my other letters were delivered; and every one received me equally well; they were all considerable merchants, and they seemed such worthy and friendly people, that I thought myself got among a superior rank of beings. My time was spent among them in the most agreeable manner, walking over the different parts of the town, always in the company of some one or more of their families; in dining and supping alternately with them, and in agreeable and improving conversation. In the last, while I informed them of particulars concerning my country, and travels; I was myself made acquainted with many things about theirs, which I was yet ignorant of. They were at this time governed by a Queen, named Tudorina, who was possessed of abilities, steadiness, and magnanimity, that far surpassed most of the Kings her predecessors. By her prudent choice of Ministers, and the wife tenor of her administration, she had extricated herself out of many difficulties, kept her kingdom in peace, encouraged trade and manufactures, and was laying the foundation of a maritime power. All these things had their due merit, with a virtuous and sensible people; she was not only respected and obeyed, but in a manner adored by them. This was a happy conjuncture for a stranger, who wanted to be employed in the naval service. My excellent friend at Seripante, had recommended in all his letters, that they would think of the properest method of turning to my advantage, the discovery of many improvements in Navigation, and preserving the health of sea-men, made by my countrymen, which I had it in my power to disclose; and this had very much occupied their thoughts ever since my arrival. One day when they were met at dinner at Lurgofage's upon this subject; when the affair was brought on the carpet, and different means were proposed; Minofrage said he was very well acquainted with the secretary to Howarow the Lurgow Amorow, (Lord Admiral) and if they approved, he would mention it to him; who probably would either introduce me to the Lurgow Amorow himself, or advise what should be done. This was agreed to, and two days after I had an invitation to dine at Minofrage's to meet the secretary. It may naturally be supposed he wanted to judge himself whether I merited the character had been given, of me. He seemed a sensible man, and was very minute in his inquiries, especially of things in the naval department. I was very open, and explicit, and suppose his report of me was favourable; as in a day or two after, he came to Lurgofage's, and offered to introduce me to the Lurgow Amorow the next morning. That great officer was attended by some of the principal commanders, who all received me with great goodness. The conference was long, as the subject was very extensive; every particular respecting ship-building, victualing, sailing, fighting, arms, anchorage, &c. &c. was inquired into; and I gave them as satisfactory answers as my memory served me with; telling them also, what defects I had observed in the ship which brought me from Seripante, and in the manner of navigating her. Some days passed, without our hearing any thing of the result of this conference; but at last a message came from the great Burlohow, the Treasurer and first Minister, desiring to see me two days after. This we thought looked well, and I made my appearance at the time appointed. He had a winning affable address, that made you soon forget you was in the presence of the great man; but so penetrating an eye, that he looked into your very soul He began with naval affairs, but did not confine himself to that subject; drawing me in to give an account of our wars for a century past; the expence of them, how the money was raised, our public funds, national debt, &c. When I had given the best account that, one so little versed in these matters was capable of; he said, that the trade of my country must be very extensive, and its opulense very great, to bear such an immenccse load of debt; but it was a dangerous practice, and he hoped the Bonhommicans would never be led, from any necessity of state, to begin any thing similar to it; as from the experience of my country, it appeared very difficult for a nation to extricate itself out of such a situation. He then in a very gracious manner dismissed me, promising to mention me favourably to her Majesty. I now thought there was an end to my catechisings, but was mistaken; for some time after, a message came to me from the Treasurer, desiring me to be at court on an appointed day, as the Queen wanted to see me. I got a proper dress made in all haste, and attended by some of my friends presented myself. A Lurgow in waiting introduced me into her Majesty's closet, where she appeared with such a dignity of aspect and deportment, that I was struck with an awe which I found it difficult to recover from. She observed it, and putting on a milder look, said, Stranger, I have been informed, you come from a highly civilised country, on the other side of the world, and that you have met with extraordinary adventures. I was curious to see you, and hear them, therefore ordered you to appear before me; but fear nothing, I am prepossessed in your favour, from what my ministers have already told me, and believe you will be of use to me in my navy; therefore relate to me your adventures, as if you was only in company with your equals. This condescension in her Majesty removed the awe that had seised me, and I obeyed her with more resolution than I thought myself capable of. When I had finished, she asked me a great many questions about Great Britain, and particularly about their Majesties, commanding me to give my real opinion of them without reserve, saying, there was no danger of its ever coming to their ears. When I had complied, and given the character of them, which in my opinion, and that of all candid men, was really their due, recount-ingrecounting also their numerous progeny, she held up her hands in great raptures; crying out, O happy people! blessed with such a King and such a succession! but all at once she turned to me and said, are they happy? I answered, They might be so if they pleased, but factions ran high, pretended patriots abused the peoples credulity, and—I understand you, said she; your King is too good for them; they ought to have one that would make them fear him. If I was your Queen, I would soon curb their licentiousness; men cannot bear too much liberty.

After that, she enquired about the manners and dresses of our women, and I gave as faithful an account as was in my power, from my small acquaintance with polite company. She then said, I perceive your nation is following exactly the steps of all rich and powerful kingdoms; luxury has got in among you, and will soon destroy you; but there is no liability in this world, exclaimed she, with a sigh!

She then concluded my audience by saying, she settled a pension of two hundred tudorines yearly on me; and that she would likewise employ me in her service. But as she had been informed, that my countrymen had been in search of the southern continent, and that I wished to make a voyage to it; she would give directions to the Lurgow Amorow, not to appoint me to any ship, till the season approached for the fleets sailing to Luxo-volupto. In the mean time, continued she, I will appoint proper persons to confer with you, on the different reformations which may be made in my navy, by the instructions it is in your power to give them. She then dismissed me, in great admiration of her good sense, and deep penetration; as well as much satisfied with her bounty, which prevented me from continuing a burthen to my friends. In weight of gold it was only equal to one hundred pounds English money; but in Ludorow would go as far as three times that sum in Britain.

The Drawing which I had learned, and very much practised for my amusement, became now of considerable use to me. The Lurgow Amorow being desirous to know, what were our ideas of beauty in the form of a ship, as well as what we reckoned best calculated for swift sailing; with many other particulars, which no idea could be given of by description; made me therefore endeavour to supply that defect by drawings.

I set to work then, and drew a ship of sixty guns (which, in my opinion, was larger than any they were soon likely to have), from memory, in the best way I possibly could. She was represented in different appearances and situations; and therefore took up a good deal of time. The first was her hull, as complete, and lying in ordinary. The second, a section of her. The third, when rigged. The fourth, under sail. Figures with references to each part, were not omitted. And the fifth, were drawings of different parts and orna-mentsornaments, which could not be so well understood from their smallness in the ship. These were finished as high as I possibly could, and presented to the Lurgow Amorow; who was extremely well satisfied with them; ordering them to be framed and glazed (after several copies had been taken, for the use of the surveyors of the Dock-Yards), and hung up in the Amoroutow Office as great curiosities. At a conference with the surveyors, I afterwards explained any difficulties they proposed to me, and gave them what farther lights my memory could suggest.

My next meeting was with some sea commanders, and astronomers, concerning the improvements made in England of the mariner's compass and quadrant; as also what progress had been made in the discovery of the longitude; the instrument-makers being ordered to attend. Drawings were here also made use of; and after I had explained to them the advantages of ours, they readily acknowledged their superiority. I need scarcely say, that my quadrant was from the latest improvements on Mr. Hadley's. I also acquainted them, that the needle did not always point to the north; and that to whatever cause it was owing, the variation was constantly changing (in every place of the ocean), sometimes in one direction, and sometimes in another. To find out that variation by the mean result of several Azimuth compasses, was what I next endeavoured to teach them; and had the satisfaction to think they thoroughly understood me. I gave them also some little insight into the theory of magnetism, with an account of the invention of artificial magnets, now only used, which appeared very surprising to them. My last attempt was to inform them of the progress which had been made, in the discovery of the longitude at sea. I acquainted them with a premium, which had been offered by the British legislature, above half a century ago, of forty thousand tudorines to any person who should make a time-piece that would bear the motion of a ship, and the different degrees of heat and cold, in a voyage to a hot climate above a thousand leagues distant, and back again, without varying above so much time from a good regulator, which was to be kept on shore exactly true to time. That a mechanic of a wonderful natural genius, had spent in a manner his whole life upon it; and had brought it to such perfection, that (after having explained the whole mechanism to proper persons) he had received the premium. I told them, that one of these time-keepers was on board our ship, and was of great use to us. The other method of observing several distances of the sun and moon, with the way of working them, was also mentioned; together with the nautical almanac published by the King's astronomers, which saved a great deal of labour to the sea officers. The astronomers gave great attention to what I delivered, asked many questions for information, and wished to understand me; but I thought it plain, that they were not yet sufficiently advanced in astronomy, to comprehend the principles on which it depended.

It is not to be supposed I could give their watch-makers any insight into the mechanism of the time-piece: but before we broke up, several compasses and quadrants were ordered to be made on my plan, and under my direction.

The third conference was held with the court physicians; in which I gave them an account of our victualling for the voyage, and especially that part of it, which experience had proved to be so efficacious in preventing the salted meat, which acquired some degree of putrefaction, from infecting the mass of blood; and causing that dreadful distemper, so fatal to seamen in long voyages, the sea scurvy.

Our method also of keeping the men clean and the ship well aired, (was not forgot) by ventilators, wind-sails, and what was particularly used by the two ships in the last voyage, by fire.

In the next place, I acquainted them with the method of distilling sea-water, to make it fresh and useful for man, without having occasion to use more fire than was sufficient to dress the victuals of the ship's company.

I lastly gave them an account of another kind of distillation by cold, which our experience had furnished us with, in the last voyage, that also freshened sea-water, and made it wholesome.

The Doctors were grave, sensible, candid men; they said, the distilling sea-water should be forthwith tried. And that my account of the success of the preservatives from the scurvy, had also so much the appearance of truth, that they would certainly recommend the making trials of them, in the first long voyages which occurred; as all the materials were safe, and could have no bad consequences.

My last conference was with Military men, of both sea and land service, with respect to the improvement of their arms. That nation had known the use of gun-powder for a century past, and had used cannon with success; but their small arms were still clumsy, with ill-contrived locks; and for that reason few of them in their armies; pikes, and bows and arrows, still continuing to be used. I could have wished now to have had my fusee with me for a pattern; but that not being to be had, I was obliged to make the best shift I could with drawings, and by the directions I gave the gun-smiths. The bayonet fixed to the muzzle of the piece, was also recommended as a much better weapon than the pike, and was acknowledged to be so. A musket and bayonet was made under my directions, and though clumsy, as the first attempt must of course be, both from my fault and the gun-smiths, was yet greatly admired by the officers; and by her Majesty's order many hands were set to work, to furnish the magazines with some thousands of them. Orders were also given to write to the merchants of Seripante, to endea-vourendeavour to recover my fusee from Uncomia at any price, as a more perfect model.

These were the principal improvements which I endeavoured to explain to them; but there were several others, which for brevity's sake are here omitted; such as the log-line, chain, pumps, the method of bending timber by steam, &c. &c.

It was truly admirable to see, with what candour every one of these worthy men behaved with regard to me; no little jealousy or self-interest influenced them; but, with an open honesty, they acknowledged, after due examination, the superiority of our methods to their own. And seemed happy that Bonhommica had made such acquisitions by the accident of my coming among them; which might otherwise have taken centuries to have found out, in the common course of things.

I afterwards found, that their reports to the ministers, had exactly answered what they had given me reason to expect. Her Majesty sent for me to court, and after graciously telling me how much her ministers were satisfied with the reports made by the different persons who had conferred with me, ordered me two hundred tudorines as a present to fit me out for my voyage to Luxo-volupto, which she said would not now be long of taking place.

I now became almost as great a favourite with the Lurgow Amorow and many of the other Lurgows, as I have been told my friend Omai was here.

I had the honour to be invited frequently to dine and sup at their houses; where the entertainment was always plentiful, but the cookery simple and plain: no high seasoned ragouts, no made dishes appeared there. The wines were good, but drank in great moderation

The rule of not too much; by temperance taught, In what thou eat'st, and drink'st; seeking from thence Due nourishment, no gluttonous delight.

Milton's Paradise Lost, Book xi. line 531.

There was always a proper mixture of the sexes at table, but great decorum kept up. The men, sensible and frank; the women, modest and reserved. No little scandal, or malicious reflections passed the women's lips, with respect to other women; but they, as well as the men, were very ready to speak of a commendable action done by any one. I shall mention some of that nature, which I heard talked of at different times; without any very extraordinary praise, but as things common enough.

A Physician who had attended a lady for a considerable time, ill of a distemper; by the turn it took, plainly perceived he had mistaken the case; nature having relieved the patient in a way that could never have happened, if it had been as he supposed. Neither the lady, nor her friends, had any doubt but the salutary turn in her favour, was occasioned by the medicines he had prescribed. The physician however returned the fees he had received; owning honestly, that he had been mistaken, and could not possibly retain money, he was conscious of having no right to.

Another still more extraordinary was, of an Attorney, who, by a mistake, made by him in a writing, had lost a client his law-suit. The client was not sensible on what the cause turned, nor in the least blamed him; he honestly however paid him all that he had occasioned the loss of.

I shall mention but one more. A man had been left a considerable estate by a relation, on the presumption that he was his nearest of kin. The testator dying, he was put in possession. Sometime after which he learned by accident, that there was one yet nearer to the deceased than himself; and being convinced it was the donor's intention to leave it to the heir at law, he sent for him, honestly made a deed in his favour, and immediately resigned it.

My being caressed by the Courtiers and Lurgows (or Nobility), did not however make me neglect my good friends the Merchants; or forget the worthy Ouragow who recommended me to them. Oh the contrary, I paid them more attention than before, being sensible that my present happy situation was in a great measure their work. When I got my pension, my intention was to remove from Lurgofage's house to a lodging; that I might no longer be a burthen to him: but he would not hear of it, so I still lived with him.

The simplicity of manners that prevailed in Ludorow, was the cause that there were no places of dissipation in that capital. No taverns, coffee-houses, ball-rooms, concert-rooms, &c. &c.; but there was a theatre. That indeed was but of a short standing; the size small, the decorations poor, and prices low.

I frequently went to it, and took notice, that the modesty and reserve of the sex, had prevented women from appearing on the scene; this to me, who had been accustomed to see women actresses in the theatres of England, had an unnatural appearance; but I soon became reconciled to it. Where men wear the ornament on their chins which nature has provided them with, a close shaved, smooth faced young man, who accustoms himself to imitate the behaviour of a woman, may be easily conceived to be one: and in my opinion, virtue and decency would have been much promoted in England, if that custom had still continued there. For it must be apparent to every body, that scarcely one woman actress has appeared with any pretence to beauty, who has had the least regard to her character; nor been the less esteemed by the pnblic for that reason.This has certainly had a bad effect on female manners, and made them look On crimes of that nature with less horror. But to return to the theatre of Ludorow.

The actors in general were far from Contemptible, but they had few good dramatic poets. He who far surpassed the rest was an actor, and in that capacity, of very little merit: that was a reason why his productions were less esteemed than they really deserved. I had been one evening to see a new play of his, in company with Lurgofage and others of my friends. It went off extremely well, and I was charmed with it; however there were not wanting critics, who found fault with many parts; and which could not easily be defended. One of these supped with us at my friends, where the piece came naturally to be talked of; he loudly blamed the irregularity of the play; said there was no plot, no contrivance, no moral; but just a story taken from a novel, and put into dialogue; shifting from place to place, and taking up years in the acting. All these objections are very just, answered another; and certainly plays may be contrived more artfully; and to represent actions to our view with more probability. But that may be done merely by care and industry, without the least spark of genius: Avonswan's excellency, is his knowledge of the human heart, and the passions. Added to those, the most poetical diction, and finest flights of fancy; and I dare venture to prophecy, that when the man is no longer in view, and his profession become more honourable, that posterity will do him justice I own my sentiments were exactly the same, and genius so seldom making its appearance, many things ought to be forgiven it when it does.

I was now informed by the Lurgow Amorow, that he had appointed me Carrogow (Post Captain) to her Majesty's ship Ardefow, of forty guns; under the Quadarow Moraveres: desiring me to call for my commission, and take the oaths required. He said, she was to sail to Luxo-volupto as part of the convoy; that being necessary, (though the nation was in full peace), to prevent her Majesty's subjects, from being insulted by the Armoserian privateers.

I told him in answer, that my intentions were to serve so bountiful a Queen, and worthy a Nation, with all zeal and fidelity. But before I engaged myself, there were two conditions, which I earnestly wished might be granted me. He desired to know what they were; I replied, liberty of conscience in religion, and permission to depart, whenever an opportunity offered, to carry me to my own country. After a little consideration, he said, I ought to present a memorial to the Queen upon these subjects, as he could not grant them, without an express order from her. I followed the Lurgow Amorow's advice, and presented one to this effect. Setting forth her Majesty's great goodness, in taking me into her service; which I embraced with the greatest joy, and should serve her with all zeal and fidelity. But hoped her Majesty would have the goodness, to allow me liberty of conscience in religious matters. And having also a great love for my native country, and no chance of being conveyed thither, but by accidentally meeting at sea with an European ship; that her Majesty would have the goodness to give orders, that if such an opportunity offered, I should have the liberty of departing, without incurring her displeasure by so doing.

She read my memorial directly, without referring it to her Ministers; and in answer to it said, as to religion, every one in her kingdom enjoyed liberty of conscience; which she thought an absolute essential to a free people. Besides, said she, we all believe in the unity of the godhead as well as you christians. With respect to the other part of it, I like you the better, continued she, for having an attachment to your native country, where your family and connections are: if you had not; how could I expect you would have any for me, or my people. I will not only give the orders desired, said she; but if no opportunity should offer, I give you my royal word, that after having served me faithfully for seven years, I will send a ship with you to the Cape of Good Hope, where I understand by your narrative, you may have frequent opportunities of returning to your own country; and no doubt you can easily conduct the vessel to that place. This filled me with such joy and gratitude, that I fell on my knees to thank her: she smiled, and graciously held out her hand for me to kiss. I went now and took the oaths; after which, my commission was given me, in which I was stiled Equihow or esquire. My next business was, to pay my respects to Moraveres, under whom I was to serve. He was the Quadarow or Commodore of this fleet, and was to carry a mark of distinction. He received me as well as I possibly could have desired; expressing the great satis-factionsatisfaction he should have in conversing with me, on the manners and customs of my country; and especially in seeing the great improvements, which had been made by them in naval affairs, put by me into practice. I replied, that it was my great happiness to be appointed to serve under so great an officer, and worthy a man. That it would always give me infinite satisfaction to communicate any thing to him, that could in the least contribute to the good of the service. For that purpose I begged his permission to have the direction of fitting out the ship, and that the principal officers in each department, might have orders to furnish me with masts, sails, rigging, anchors, cables, &c. &c. according to the dimensions, and quality, I should demand. He ans-weredanswered, That it would give him great pleasure to see the Ardefow fitted out exactly in our manner; but having no power to order it of himself, all he could do, was to join me in making application to the Lurgow Amorow for an order to that purpose; and he had no doubt of our obtaining it. He judged right; when it was mentioned to that Minister, he said it was the very thing he had been thinking of; and all he necessary orders should immediately be given to that end; as well as for victualling her in the manner I had mentioned for a long voyage.

It may naturally be supposed that I did not sail to exert myself on this occasion; and fortunately I succeeded not only to my own satisfaction, but that of the ablest sailors in that coun-trycountry. The ship was constantly filled with them; and I had numberless explanations to make; which (tho' often quite tired and vexed), I endeavoured to do with patience and temper. The fame of the Ardefows equipment extended itself; many of the Lurgows visited her; and at last, a message came to the Quadarow from the Lurgow Amorow, that her Majesty would dine on board of her two days after. Great preparations were made for this entertainment, and as sumptuous a one provided, as the time and place would admit. Her Majesty came down the river in one of the royal barges, attended by several others full of courtiers of both sexes; and on coming on board, was saluted by the Ardefow, and all the ships in the river. She then examined the ship very narrowly, and had all the improvements explained to her; which she almost as readily comprehended, as many of the sea officers; expressing great satisfaction with the alterations which had been made. With the Quadarow's permission, I resolved to surprise her Majesty and the court, with giving them a short sail on the river. The anchors were a-peak, and while they were at dinner, the sails were set with as little noise as possible, without being in the least perceived by the company. The first information they had of it, was the noise made by the rudder. Upon which, every body ran upon deck, and at last her Majesty appeared there; who said, laughing to me, that she feared I was a dangerous traitor, since I had the boldness in open day to carry off the Queen and Court; and she would have me punished for it. I answered her Majesty, that imagining she intended seeing every improvement which had been made, it was necessary to put the ship under sail for that purpose. We went only about a league down the river, and then returned to our former station. Soon after which the Queen and Court departed, seemingly very well satisfied with their entertainment.

Every thing being now ready for sailing, I went to court to take leave. Her Majesty said to me, I wish you a good voyage; take care of your morals among the Luxo-voluptans, and when you return, I will intrust you with a ship intirely under your own command. I took a most affec-tionateaffectionate leave of my friends the Merchants, and left a letter for Ouragow to go with the fleet to Seripante.

We sailed from the river Tourarow September 3d, 1775, with a fair wind. The convoy consisted of thirty-six Merchant ships, and there were two frigates of war, one of 28 guns, and another of 22, under the Quadarow's command. He left me the intire direction of the ship, and was pleased to see, with what alertness I soon brought the crew to go through all their manœuvres.

Our course was west quarter north. As nothing particular happened in the voyage, I shall not trouble the reader with it. November 1st, we made the land of Luxo-volupto early in the morning: I heard them cry out land! land! and ran upon deck to view it, but could see nothing but a blue cloud. I afterwards went up to the mast head, and still could see nothing like the appearance of land. When I came down on the deck, and insisted they were mistaken; Moraveres smiled, and said, there was a peculiarity in the appearance of that land, which he never saw in any other; and it was by that means they always knew it. It puts on the appearance of a blue cloud, continued he, as if it wanted to conceal itself. Perhaps, pursued he, it is that which deceived Captains Cook and Furneaux your countrymen, and made them miss it.

We came to an anchor with the whole fleet, in the harbour of Miro-volanteMirovolante, November 4th; having been just two months and one day in our voyage.

Chap. VI.

A Description of the Island of Bonhommica, and its Inhabitants. Their moral Sense. Manners, Customs, Laws, Government, Religion, etc. etc.

I Shall now give as good an account of that Kingdom, as my short stay and best information will enable me. Bonhommica is an island, lying betwixt 35° 46′ and 40° 35′ degrees of south latitude. And 165° 33′ and 170° 46′ east longitude. It is of an irregular shape, having many indentings of arms of the sea, and mouths of rivers, which form generally good harbours. It lies in a temperate climate, the southern hemis-pherehemisphere being much colder in proportion to its latitude than the northern. A great part of it is naturally a good soil, some districts however are mountainous and barren enough; but even these are fit for pasture. Inclosures are only to be seen near Ludorow, and the other great cities; the rest of the country is open. It produces very good corn, of most of the kinds which we have in Europe; different sorts of wines, olive oil, and many kinds of roots, greens, and fruits, which are cultivated in their gardens. Their animals are horses, black cattle, sheep, goats, asses, swine, and plenty of tame fowl. Besides their wild animals, which are deer, foxes, hares, wolves and bears, &c. They have many considerable cities, amongst which, Ludorow is the capital of the kingdom. It seems to be near one third as large as London, and stands on the banks of a beautiful navigable river; but it is far from being either handsome or magnificent. The streets are narrow, the houses of wood or brick, in a plain, but convenient enough stile of building. No magnificent churches, palaces, or squares adorn it; two of the churches indeed are large, and the royal palace, as well as severals belonging to the Lurgows, cover a great deal of ground, and have extensive gardens; but are all built in a stile of architecture, somewhat resembling what in Europe is called the gothic. The greatest beauty of that city in my opinion is, that you do not see a beggar; either occasioned by the virtue and industry of the lower class of people, or by the private charities of the rich; for there is no poor-tax.

The inhabitants of Bonhommica are a well made, handsome people; very near as fair as the English; most commonly with blue eyes, but sometimes they are black or grey. Their hair, frequently of a reddish colour, but more commonly black, chesnut, or flaxen. The histories of this country, make them of a very ancient establishment in this Island, and even have some fabulous accounts of their being a colony from some far-distant country; but on these, no dependence is to be made.

The dress of the nobles, and better sort of gentry, is grave and decent; (resembling that of the Spaniards in Philip II.'s time); the women covering up their arms and bosoms. It is made chiefly of woollen cloths or stuffs, manufactured by themselves. The nobility sometimes wear silks, or velvets, which they get from Luxo-volupto; but no gold or silver are worn on the clothes of either sex, excepting on state days, when her Majesty is sometimes, for the greater magnificence, dressed in stuffs adorned with these metals.

Before I enter upon their manners, it will be previously necessary to mention a peculiarity in these people, which greatly influences them. It is, that they have six senses. The sixth sense, but which they reckon the first, is the sense of conscience, or the moral sense; and they would much rather be without any of the others, even the fight or hearing, than destitute of it. There are certainly some glimmerings of this sense, in other nations, but they are so slight, that they have been almost intirely overlooked. But in this people it is so apparent, that no doubt can be made of it. It is true they take a great deal of pains to cultivate it in their children, from their earliest infancy; arguing, that as we may strengthen our limbs or other senses by using them; so we may this sense, by constantly habituating them to the practice of it. To that end, the first eight or ten years of their education, (except in learning to read their own language, writing, arithmetic, and geography), is employed by their parents and masters in improving and fortify-ingfortifying them in the use of that excellent sense. Their method of doing this, is chiefly by examples from their own history, and short stories written of virtuous actions, done by their countrymen or country-women. I need not say, that the sex makes no difference in this part of education; though after a certain age, it is carried on separately. The examinations which they go through, are not on a part of speech in a dead language; but to give their opinions in doubtful actions, whether they are blameable or praise-worthy; putting questions to them, how they would act in such and such situations, and rectifying their judgments if necessary. The good example shewed by all around them, has likewise no small influence. Rewards and punish-mentspunishments are also used with great propriety; being certain badges of approbation or shame, worn for a certain time according to the merit or demerit of the wearer. Preventive methods are no less carefully attended to. They can meet with no improper books, as none such are published; and every word or action which shews a tendency to the depravation of the heart, is carefully watched and checked at its first appearance. To all these, the precepts of their religion are superadded, which shall be taken notice of in its proper place. During all this time, innocent amusements and diversions, are rather encouraged than otherwise; being looked on by them, as salutary both to the body and mind.

The females are educated intirely under the maternal eye, who, from their retired way of life, have sufficient time, and take a pleasure in cultivating their young minds, and training them up, in all the virtue proper for their sex and station. Boarding schools for girls are not known in that country; where one or two vicious characters are sufficient to corrupt the whole.

When the boys are fourteen or fifteen, they are sent to the Cadorow, or the university; where they are carefully instructed in the learning which is in vogue in this country; having still a watchful eye to the strengthening and improving the moral sense: that learning chiefly consists in explaining the physics metaphysics, logic, and other writings of an old author, called Aristorow, whom they look on as infallible; and he who understands him best, is deemed the most learned. They have not yet begun to think for themselves, and to investigate truth by reasoning and experiments.

From this, it will be concluded, that the state of learning is low among them; it certainly is so, in comparrison with England. Some Poets they have; but none deserving the name of an Historian. Of Mathematics, Geometry, Natural and Experimental Philosophy, Astronomy, Anatomy, Chymistry, Physics, and Natural History, they know but very little. The theory of Gravitation, by which the great Newton has explained all the motions of the Planets and even of the Comets, they are intirely ignorant of; as well as of the later discovery of Electricity, which has brought so many wonders to light. The Moral sense is what they are chiefly to be valued for; and surely in the scale of human happiness, it vastly outweighs all our boasted acquisitions

One moral, or a mere well natured deed, Can all desert in sciences exceed.

Duke of Buckingham to Mr. Pope, Pope's Works. Vol. I.

Their language is rough, but copious; resembling, in its found and the character they use, the German more than any other European tongue.

Writing they have been possessed of, for many centuries; but printing is only a late discovery: which probably will diffuse knowledge among them, as it has done in Europe; but whether to their advantage or the contrary, is hard to determine.

The Bonhommicans are a brave, generous, and virtuous people; but their courage is only shewn in serving their country, and their virtue does not make them morose or self-sufficient. They are strongly attached to liberty, and great œconomists, both to preserve themselves independent, and be able to assist the necessitous. The Lurgows are much respected, which they take care to preserve by their manner of living; but superior virtues or abilities are much more so. A virtuous man is not despised because he is poor, nor a rich man respected merely because he is such, without any other recommendation.

The men are generally chearful in conversation, but seldom lively, volatile, or giddy. In mixed companies, a modest reserve is the character of their women; but in their own houses, among their relations, that is laid aside, and they are lively and agreeable.

The occupations of each man's different profession employs his time; he spends none of it idly in drunkenness and debauchery, but returns home to his wife, whom he is sure to find attending to her domestic cares. Not but they entertain one another sometimes, and go to fee a play; but that happens but seldom, and does not deserve mentioning.

The Lurgows who have not placed at court, reside constantly upon their estates in the country; where they keep open house for all their neighbours, serving them with their friendship and advice in the country, and their interest if necessary at court.

Their wives generally employ themselves, in the midst of a number of young women of small fortunes, on some great piece of needle-work for furniture; which, with music and visiting fills up their time very agreeably.

Games like chess and draughts, I have seen played at; but they know nothing of cards or dice, nor any kind of gaming for money.

The only conveyance known (till lately) in that country for all ranks of people, is riding on horseback. Some few coaches have been within these few years introduced from Luxovolupto; of which her Majesty, and some of the first nobility, are the only possessors.

In their dealings and intercourse betwixt man and man, they are perfectly upright; and so far from taking an advantage of another, that if they find they have made a mistake to their own benefit, they are never easy in their minds till it is rectified. Some instances of this are given in the former chapter.

They are also punctual observers of their promises, and constant in their friendships.

Polygamy is not allowed of among them, but divorces are on three accounts, (though seldom used but for the last), unfaithfulness, disagreement of tempers, and barrenness. Upon proofs of any one of these it is easily obtained, but care is taken that the children do not suffer. The women have the same right as the men; but the children always fall to the latter's care.

To prevent marriages being made from motives of interest and not from affection, the laws do not allow women to be capable of inheritance; but when their parents die, they are left an annuity sufficient to support them in the rank they had hitherto lived in; which upon their marriage devolves to the head of the family. If they are divorced, the husband is obliged to allow them the annuity again, or a greater, if he is of a higher rank than her father was.The men frequently marry in a rank beneath them, as it does not degrade their family; but the women seldom or never do.

Duty and respect to parents, are justly carried to a great degree of veneration while they live; and when they die, they do not make use of an undertaker to put them in the ground, and perhaps send them out of their houses, as soon as their souls have departed. But all those (whom affliction has not rendered incapable) attend them to the grave, with true heart-felt sorrow, but no affected noisy exclamations of it. The place where their bodies are laid, is frequently visited by them, to call back to their remembrance, the many benefits, and wife instructions, they had received from the authors (under God) of their being, and to fortify them in virtue.

Their government is a limited monarchy, like ours in Britain; consisting of a King (or Queen), Lurgows, or house of Lords, and delegates from the people called house of Burgows. The prerogative of the crown is great, and the claims of the people very extensive; yet they live in a perfect good understanding. The Queen has entirely gained the confidence of her subjects, from her prudent œconomy and wise measures of government; never asking money of her people, but when their safety and happiness makes it absolutely necessary.

The members of both houses have opportunities of shewing their parts and oratorial abilities as in ours; but the moral sense has one bad effect on these occasions; it confines them to their real sentiments upon the subject they are speaking on, and consequently shortens very much their speeches, and cramps their genius.

Another very great obstruction to the formation of great orators in this country, is, there being no opposition to the court; by which the members might (if they were capable of using such means) force themselves into places, by their talents of harangueing; either for, or against the measures in question. This leaves to her Majesty the full exertion of her great judgment, in filling places with the persons most capable of well executing them.

The delegates for the house of Burgows are chose with great quietness and decency; no candidates appear to canvas the electors; no houses are open to treat them with victuals and liquor, and make them neglect their business for weeks together. The principal consideration of the electors is to find out, who are the most virtuous men among them; and of those which can best be spared from their avocations. When they have fixed on the person, a deputation is sent to him, begging he will take the trouble of representing the county or borough in the Witterow: the expence of which will be bore by them. If he undertakes it, they go in a body and return him thanks; if otherwise, they fix on somebody else, until such time as one accepts.

Salaries are annexed to all places under government, in proportion to their dignity and trust; but all very low in comparison with ours in England; the public money being carefully husbanded. But that does not prevent their being accepted of by the worthiest men, as they believe it an honour as well as a duty to serve their country. And it is a very common thing for the Lurgows and rich Burgows, to decline the acceptance of their salaries; saying, there was no merit in serving for hire, and that it was a shame for those who could live in splendour without it, to prey upon their country.

Sine-cure places are not known in Bonhommica; nor are perquisites of any kind allowed to be taken, in any of the public offices: but business is carried on (to my own knowledge in most of them) with great civility, accuracy, and dispatch.

The taxes are very low, consisting of about two-pence in the pound on the rent of land; and duties on articles of Merchandise imported, and on some exports. These duties are collected at a very small expence, as the Merchants are very punctual in paying their duties at the proper offices without being called on: and scarcely one instance is known of an attempt to defraud the government by smuggling; it being looked upon as a kind of sacrilege against their country.

Bonhommica, besides its coasting trade, which breeds a great number of good sailors, has a pretty consider-ableconsiderable foreign one. They have factories at Miro-volante, Seripante, and some other places; and the first named city has one at Ludorow, from a member of which, I had some instructions in the Luxo-voluptan language. Their exports are fine and coarse cloths of their own manufacture, corn of different kinds, wine, oil, household furniture, &c. &c. Imports are silks, velvets, linen cloths, cotton ditto; wines of higher flavour, spices, porcelane, curious pieces of workmanship in gold or silver, pictures, statutes, &c. from Luxo-volupto; wool &c. as mentioned before, from Auditante, and other commodities too tedious to mention, from these and other places. On the whole, I learned from good hands, that the balance was considerably in favour of Bonhommica.

A standing army is not kept up in this country, in time of peace; as in their opinion it would be dangerous to liberty, withdrawing a number of hands from the national industry; and from the idleness in which soldiers generally pass their time, when not employed in warlike operations, might be dangerous to their virtue.

In place of that, they have an excellent Militia of 40,000 men, who are carefully disciplined for three weeks, twice a year; and have arms and cloathing lodged for them in the hall of each county town, to be ready on any emergency.

I am persuaded very great dependence may be placed on this Militia. Officers and Men whose breasts are animated with the love of their country, at the same time that their bodies are healthy and vigorous, from habits of sobriety and industry would be very formidable to any invaders. But except it were to assist a people whose liberties were oppressed, I question whether they could be brought to leave their country, and act offensively upon such quarrels as our European wars are commonly grounded.

Their arms are bows and pikes, with some few clumsy muskets, as has been already mentioned.

Having had the use of great guns for a considerable time, a regiment of artillery is constantly kept up, and a small corps of engineers.

Her Majesty's great penetration having discovered to her, that the best defence of an Island was a powerful navy, has laboured for some years to create (as I may term it) a maritime force, and not without success. She has already got between thirty and forty ships of war of all sizes; the largest of which indeed, does not equal one of our ships of fifty guns; but that is a great deal for the time; and as her subjects make excellent sailors, I have no doubt but in a century or two (if the same wise measures are pursued) that kingdom will become a great maritime power. Happy am I in the reflection, that it has been my good fortune, to contribute in some small degree to the attaining of such wise purposes. So great a Princess, and such virtuous subjects, deserve the assistance of God and Man.

The Queen, though unguarded, (but by a few halberdiers, more for show than use), is safe in the affections of her people. Her court, without being adorned with jewels, or the precious metals, derives a great lustre from the characters of all who belong to it. She affects pomp and show, from her knowledge of their effects on the minds of men, but takes care they do not cost more than they are worth, being perfect mistress of the uncommon talent, of uniting œconomy with dignity.

The principal officers of her household, and ladies of her bed-chamber, are generally above receiving their falaries; but nevertheless are punctual in their attendance, and have the honour of eating at her Majesty's table. One is kept for the maids of honour, who in other respects think themselves sufficiently honoured by their appointment; her Majesty being very careful in her choice of these young women, and consequently they are sure of marrying well.

Her Majesty has no fixed days, and hours, for receiving those of her subjects, who are intitled by their rank to appear at court. She lives at her palace like the mother of a great family; seeing them at all hours: at her rising, and going to bed, as well as at other times. And once a week when the court is in Ludorow, she dines in public, when all ranks and degrees are admitted into the galleries which overlook the saloon. These things certainly help to make her popular, though it may be thought a great constraint, and very disagreeable to live always in public. She knows however very well when to be alone, or with a particular society; and has such an authoritative manner, that the least hint or nod is observed and obeyed. Sometimes balls are given at court, when they dance according to their fashion, which is graceful enough. Masks are also exhibited, and sometimes tragedies and comedies in the theatre of the palace. But her Majesty sees them more frequently at the public one, mixing with all ranks of her people in their amusements, where she is received with great acclamations.

They have an entertainment which is only given at court on extraordinary occasions; such as the visit of some great foreign prince, whom they intend doing honour to. It is of a military nature, somewhat resembling the tilts and tournaments we read of in former times. The Bonhommicans are very expert at it, and generally use the Auditantine horses on these occasions, as they are handsomer and more docile than their own. One of them was held when I was at Ludorow, in honour of prince Anjonvini, who came from another large Island to propose marriage to her Majesty. She paid him great honours, and as it suited her politics, even gave him some encouragement, but concluded nothing. The Prince penetrating her designs, took leave, and returned to his own country.

It may be perceived from what has been said, that money is not a principal object with this virtuous nation; but they are greatly ambitious of being distinguished by their sovereign, and proud of being employed by her. To be raised to the rank of Lurgow, or from a lower to a higher rank in that line, is not indifferent to them; and the wearing a certain garter for life is much coveted. There are but few who have the latter privilege, and their number is always kept full. But the Lurgowship is entirely in her Majesty's power, to create as many as she pleases: this however she is very sparing of, the better to keep up its value.

Never was there a civilised nation on earth, which had so little occasion for laws as this I am now writing of, because they are a law unto themselves; but none can do absolutely without them. The laws of Bonhommica are wife, plain, and few; their whole code being comprised in a small octavo volume. They do not think those laws can be good, which are always requiring alteration or amendment. Sometimes, however, the Witterow find it necessary, from the vicissitude of human affairs, to make new ones; but that seldom happens. An excellent preliminary one is, that no suit shall be above a month before any court until it is determined. The judges are made independent of the crown as in England; but in comparison with ours, their places are per-fectperfect sine-cures. When any case of property, of too great intricacy to be unravelled by the moral sense, falls out; the parties refer it to three of the wisest of their neighbours, whom they empower to take the opinions of counsel at their joint expence, and oblige themselves to abide by the determination of these umpires. But should it happen, that from the tenderness of their consciences, they are prevented from coming to a decision, it is then amicably submitted to a judge and jury. Though they have a right to appeal to the house of Lurgows, it is very seldom carried so far.

It will readily be perceived, that the Law here is not near so lucrative a profession as in England; nor is there a tenth part of the number of its professors. The counsellors live in hopes of being judges, and the attorneys by writing deeds, contracts, &c. &c.

In their criminal law, death is only inflicted on those who are guilty of the most atrocious offences; and then it is executed with great solemnity, attended with all the circumstances which can move the spectators with horror, without cruelty to the sufferer. For smaller crimes, hard labour for a certain term is the usual punishment; but if they seem incorrigible (to prevent their corrupting others), they are banished to Luxovolupto, where they pass very well.

There had not been a capital punishment in the whole kingdom, during the reign of her present Majesty, which had lasted betwixt sixteen and seventeen years; and while I was in Ludorow there was none of any kind, excepting one poor woman, who was led about the streets with a paper on her breast for being given to lying.

The religion of this country, or to speak more properly, the Seraphite religion (for it is not professed here only, but in Luxo-volupto and other countries), seems to me, of all the false ones which have got footing in the world, to be the best; for I can give no faith to Its pretended divine original. The tradition they have concerning its founder, is as follows:

That eight enturies ago, Serapha (a native of the island of Bonemolo, 500 leagues from Bonhommica) lying one night awake in his bed, saw a beautiful apparition in a human form, whose whole person was illumined, and spoke to him thus,—Serapha you are a good man, and I have chose you to reform your countrymen, and the rest of the world, from idolatry, and the other crimes they are in constant practice of. Go then and inform them what you have seen, and that it is my command they no longer worship idols made by their own hands, but that great power which made and sustains all things. That the worship they pay, should be a spiritual one, adoring his power and goodness, praying for his constant protection, and thanking him for benefits received. Let them know that their souls are immortal, and according to their lives here, will their state in a future life be happy or miserable. When you have made some progress in your mission, I will again see you, and give more particular directions concerning their behaviour to one another. Serapha remained in the greatest awe and surprise for some time after it disappeared; he considered with himself, whether it was not a dream, and being convinced that he had been awake the whole time, believed it was something supernatural, and ought to be obeyed.

Next day, he acquainted his friends with the message he had orders to deliver; some made a jest of it, but others were flruck with the sublimity of the doctrine. It gained ground by degrees, so that the whole inhabitants of Bonemolo in a short time destroyed their idols, and left off many of their crimes.

Two years and three months after its first appearance, Serapha had another visit from the apparition, in the night also when lying in bed. It said to him, he had done well, that his countrymen had broke their idols to pieces, and seemed to be in a disposition to make a thorough reformation in their lives; to assist them in which, he had brought him, according to his promise, a directory or guide, by which they ought to conduct themselves, if they, valued their own happiness either in this world or the next. He then gave Serapha a book, and desired him to be active in spreading the benefits it contained, for that he should see him no more, upon which he vanished from his sight.

Serapha immediately arose, and struck a light, to examine the book; which was wrapped in a mantle of fine stuff, the like of which had never been seen in that island. The writing was in the Bonemolo language, but so exquisitely performed, that no body could come any thing near imitating its beauty, when many copies were at first taken. That original writing is lodged in the chief temple of Bonemolo, and is held in the highest reverence. Many translations have been made of it into different languages; and it is called the Serephatic (or holy book). I read a great part of it, and acknowledge it to be a very good system of morality; inferior only to our gospel in the perfection of its doctrines. This Religion spread over many countries, when Serapha, grown old and in high veneration, suddenly disappeared, and was never heard of more. The followers of his religion concluded he was taken from among them alive, into the divine abode, where good men were to be rewarded; but pay no worship to him, nor to the apparition, for which they have no other name, as it never explained itself to Serapha on that head.

The disappearing of Serapha, is the Æra from which they begin to compute their time.

I never heard of any famous disciples or followers that he had, or of any fects formed amongst them.

Their temples are some of them large, but unadorned; no statues or pictures being allowed of in them.

The worship is simple, consisting of prayers in general terms, and sometimes in seasons of distress for particular benefits; and thanksgivings for constant support and protection.

One day in the week is appointed for that purpose, but they have no holydays.

Their clergy is held in great esteem, and their pious and exemplary lives truly intitle them to it. They have however neither wealth nor power, but are supported in a decent medi-ocritymediocrity by the state, and are dismissible from their functions at pleasure by the crown; but of that there is no instance remembered.

As there is no hierarchy, and consequently no dignitaries, &c. the priests are few, being only one to each parish, and sometimes two, when it happens to be very extensive. Visitation of the sick is a duty most conscientiously performed by them; but I never heard of, or saw any preaching. Probably they think it unnecessary, as what they are to believe concerning the unity, wisdom, power, justice, &c. &c. of the deity is so very plain; the moral sense supplying also so well what is required of them to their neighbour. I shall conclude this chapter with observing, that their temples on days of worship are amazingly crouded; and the whole congregation seem actuated with a fervor of devotion and adoration, truly worthy of this virtuous people.

Chap. VII.

The Commanders of the Ships of War invited to ly at the Merchants houses of the Bonhommican Facctory at Mirovolante. Of the pretended superiority of the Luxo-voluptans in the Sense of Taste. Commonness of Wheel Carriages in Miro-volante. A wonderful stigma on failures in chastity in both sexes. Sees Garramond a famous Actor in one of Avonswan's Plays. The Commanders introduced at Court. The Author sought after by the Nobility, as coming from a far country. Balls, Routs, Concerts. A Masquerade. Maraveres taken ill practice of Physic. State of Luxo-volupto, and neighbouring Kingdoms. The Bonhommican sailors mobbed on a rejoicing night, for the election of a Patriot.

I Now return to the harbour of Miro-volante, where the fleet was left at an anchor. It lies in 38º 15' south latitude, and in 132º 24' west longitude. I was very much and agreeably struck, with the appearance of this city from the water. The amazing extent of it, the superb domes, lofty spires, grand columns, magnificent palaces, &c. &c. all built in a light, airy, but pleasing architecture, of a perfectly new taste, made it seem worthy to be the capital of the world.

Several Merchants of the factory soon came on board, to congratulate us on our safe arrival; and with such honest earnestness pressed the Quadarow and the other Commanders, to take beds at their houses, that there was no refusing them. Moraveres was engaged to Moragow, the Commanders of the frigates to two others, and myself to Nicophange. We went ashore with them to that quarter of the town where the Merchants lived for the conveniency of their commerce, called the city.

We dined that day with Morogow, where I was very much surprised to see a table set out with all the elegance and magnificence that could be well conceived, far surpassing any thing I had seen among the first nobility at Ludorow. After dinner, when we were drinking a sober glass of delicious wine, Moragow said to me (for Moraveres and the others had been there before), I observed your surprise at dinner, to see us Merchants live in so different a style from what is customary in Bonhommica, but I assure you it is not from choice but necessity. For as we are obliged to have great connections with the Mirovolante Merchants, and to have them at our tables both by invitation and accidentally, we are obliged to comply with their manners. Besides, said he, if we did not, we could get no Luxo-voluptan servants to live with us, and we could not well do without some of them. I asked him, if he could account for that very great difference in the way of living, that was observable in these two nations. He answered, that the Luxo-voluptans pretended their sense of taste, or palate, was naturally formed more sensible of agreeable impressions than other nations. That even their philosophers were of that opinion, but for his part he believed it a vitiated taste, become from long habit a kind of second nature. From their exten-fiveextenfive dominions in the southern hemisphere, continued he, and immense commerce, they had it in their power to indulge that vitiated taste, by ransacking half the globe for choice viands, the finest flavoured wines, and the most poignant sauces to gratify their appetite. But what will very much surprise you still continued he, is, that the meanest servant-maid in Miro-volante, must breakfast on the infusion of an herb, that is brought ten thousand leagues from this country, with the produce of a cane to sweeten it, which also comes from a great distance. I believe, said I in reply, That must be what we call in Britain Tea, and is brought from China. Their name for it, said he, is Cha, and probably is brought from the same country, to which they send many ships yearly, to a port called Nanking. This shewed me the reason, why the English ships had never met any of theirs.

The discourse still continuing on their luxurious way of life, one of the company mentioned the great distance from which they brought an amphibious shell-animal alive (sometimes of immense size), which was one of their greatest regales. They dress it up in a rich wine, with many warm spices, said he, devouring it in such quantities, that they have loose dresses made on purpose for these feasts, their usual garments confining them too much. I plainly saw they meant turtle but out of regard to my own dear country, took no notice of the same beastly custom prevailing in it.

It occurred to me however to ask, if that way of life did not prejudice their healths. Very much, said Nicophange; it brings on the gout, and many other painful and lingering disorders, which make their lives miserable

While they pervert pure nature's healthful rules To loathsome sickness.

Milton's Paradise Lost, Book xi. line 523

; but that neither deters others, nor (such is their propensity to these poisons) even the sufferers themselves from again indulging in them, as soon as the weakly and almost destroyed tone of their stomachs will permit. A rare country for physicians, cried I! That it is, said Moragow, and we abound with them. Besides the regular bred ones there are also irregulars in great numbers with their nostrums; and twenty quack medicines sold in book-sellersbooksellers shops as infallible remedies for every disease the human body is subject to. These we may reasonably conclude do much more harm than good; but a few real or sictitious cures well puffed in the news-papers, make the fortune of the proprietor of a medicine; as bold assertions have great weight with this credulous people, and none who have suffered by the use of it, are virtuous enough, or at least will give themselves the trouble to warn mankind against its pernicious effects.

It would be tedious to give the reader the whole conversation which passed, concerning this extraordinary people; but it seemed to be the unanimous opinion of the Bonhommicans, that whether their exquisite sense of taste was natural or acuired, there was scarcely a vestige of the moral sense left among the generality of them, though there were indeed many and great exceptions.

We were to dine next day at Nicophange's who, after he had done his material business, kindly offered to walk with me to view the city. The streets were extremely crouded with people, and one would have thought all the coaches in the universe were assembled in this capital. Seeing Nicophange frequently saluted from them, I took the liberty of asking him what great men they were (hoping he would excuse the curiosity of a stranger). He very civilly desired me to ask any questions I thought proper, as things occurred, while we continued our walk. The first that afterwards saluted him, he told me was a Merchant; No doubt extremely rich, said I. That is very doubtful, replied he; it is very common here, to make the most show when there is the least substance. The next, who made him a low bow from his carriage, he told me, was the Physician whom he employed. No doubt said I, he makes a great deal by his practice, as he keeps his coach. He is, answered he, a very learned, and honest man; but know, that in this vast city, the physicians who have but three or four patients in different parts of the town, cannot possibly attend them on foot; besides, going into houses where perhaps they never were before with their shoes all covered over with dirt, would be very indelicate. The third, he said, was his Taylor: Is there a necessity for his riding in a carriage also, said I? He laughed, and answered no; but that he had the ambition to be employed by the Nomras (grandees), though it probably would be his ruin, as their extravagance often put it out of their power (if they had the inclination) to pay their debts, and it was very difficult to compel them to it. In short, there were Apothecaries, Players, Dancing and Singing masters, Tooth-drawers, and Corn-cutters; and many other still lower trades in other parts of the world, all figuring away in their carriages; so that all ranks and degrees of life seemed to be confounded. While at the same time there were such numbers of beggars pestering every body who walked, that I could not tell what to make of such a medley.

Perhaps, if I had known the capital of my own country a little better, my surprise would not have been so great.

At dinner I was introduced to the acquaintance of a Luxo-voluptan by Nicophange; he was called Bonaris, and from a similarity of character was fond of Bonhommican company. I happened to sit next him at table, and found him very polite and communicative When we broke up from dinner, he said to me, As you are the greatest stranger to the manners and customs of this country, I shall be very happy in giving you any information in my power, and shall be ready to attend you to places of curiosity or amusement; while at the same time I hope you will not refuse me the favour of informing me sometimes of particulars concerning yours. I am, continued he, an idle man; my fortune is independent, and I have no family cares, being unmarried; my time is passed in rational amusements, or literary pursuits, sometimes in town, and sometimes in the country, just as I am in the humour. You see then that my attendance on you, will not break in on any of my more important affairs, and is therefore no kind of compliment, but doing myself a pleasure. I answered him in the same frank manner, and we agreed to go directly to the public walks.

It being a fine evening, there was a great deal of what is called good company. The women in general seemed handsome, but one particularity of theirs drew very much my attention; they appeared to have wings on their heads. Good God! said I, to Bonaris; have the women wings in this country? Those on the womens heads, are of little importance, replied he with a smile, but many of both sexes have others of the greatest consequence, and from a cause which you cannot possibly form any idea of; to add to your wonder, let me inform you, that we were not always thus stigmatized by them, but have had the honour of meriting this distinction, by an unbounded indulgence in voluptuousness. I begged him to explain himself, which he said he would, but first desired me to take notice of the shape of many persons, both men and women. After having considered them with some attention, I told him the only thing particular I observed, was an uncommon fullness about many of their shoulders. That is sufficient, said he, and I shall now proceed to satisfy your curiosity (after having premised, that what I have to say is so very extraordinary, if you should ever have an opportunity of relating it to your countrymen, they would probably suppose this prodigy to be only Immodesty allegorized; but you will soon be convinced of its being strictly true).

Besides the acuteness of our sense of Taste, said he, which you must have heard of, we have also that of Touch or Feeling in as exquisite a degree as human nature is capable of sup-portingsupporting, without turning pleasure into pain; especially in the commerce betwixt the sexea

† But if the sense of touch, whereby mankind Is propagated, seem such dear delight Beyond all other.

Milton's Paradise Lost, Book viii. line 579.

. This however produced no bad effects, whilst our manners continued plain and modest. But about a century ago, when they became very loose, from the bad example of one of our Kings, a very surprising phenomenon made its appearance, the cause of which has never been accounted for in a natural way, by our greatest Philosophers, and must therefore be deemed supernatural. It is most probably meant to expose the vice, by setting a mark upon the guilty; for though they assist them in committing it, that they were given for that purpose, I think cannot be supposed. This phenomenon is a pair of wings sprouting from every woman's shoulders, immediately after a failure in chastity; and from every man's, who has seduced a young maiden, or married woman. As these are repeated, or

Methinks I feel new strength within me rise, Wings growing.

Milton's Parahise Lost, Book x. line 243.

[Speech of Sin, after Eve was seduced.]

according to the strength of their desires, the wings increase in size, till they become in full proportion to the body; and if the vice is left off from a sincere repentance, they gradually decrease till they entirely vanish. You see both men and women endeavour to hide them under their clothes, but it is in vain, unless they are very small indeed. But they use them with great spirit to carry them to an assignation. Those women who have lost all shame, and wear them publicly, are called Alæ-putas; Women of fashion, often more inexcusable than the others, only Galanteras; and the other sex, by far the most blameable of all, Corrumperos.

As to those on the women's heads, it is only a sign of dissipation, or violent passion for public places; but it is generally observed, that those whose wings on that place are unusually high, soon have them appear on their shoulders, which the men call being fledged. One thing more I must mention, which is, that many Nomrinas (women of quality) though very well provided, are so lazy, as not even to use them to meet their lovers; but have little Cars provided, to which they harness Pigeons, Cuc-kowsCuckows, Pheasants, or other birds, which they secretly keep for that, purpose. In this they are followed by the Alæ-putas in greatest vogue, by way of giving themselves airs. For generally they are not content with becoming imitators, but give the ton to most parts of female dress; the sex wisely considering, that as it is the sole study of these Nymphs to allure the men, they must be the best judges of what will please them. I have even heard of some men who were guilty of that piece of effeminacy. As they use their wings in some measure at the same time, very slight efforts are necessary from the birds. This phenomenon surprised me more than even the Taupinierans had done, and while he yet spoke, it occurred to me, that a stigma on the guilty person was more just than our notions in Europe, of fixing an ideal pair of horns on the forehead of the poor husband.

When Bonaris had ended, I observed to him, that in my country, Cupid, or the passion of love, was always allegorically represented with wings, that the ardency of an amorous flame was metaphorically called winged in poetry, and a learned Bishop had attempted to invent artificial wings for mankind; but I never expected to meet with a People, where the votaries of love should be equipped with adventitious ones. I had scarcely said these words, when we saw two very fine women coming towards us, with their wings displayed; O the angels, exclaimed I! for they brought pictures of these divine beings into my mind. If they are Angels, replied he laughing, they are fallen ones, and I would advise you to have nothing to say to them, or you may probably repent it. So thought I to myself, then they have got that cursed bane to love, even into this country; but how should it be brought? that subject however took up little of my attention, as my thoughts were so full of the other. Do not these wings, said I, occasion a great many divorces, as they are a sure proof of incontinency? Many jealousies, replied he; but as by our laws they are no proof, and divorces can only be obtained in this country for adultery, it rather enables them to avoid being detected, by making their assignations so much the easier. On observing the heads of the women, and finding them almost all alike; I remarked to my friend, that the females of Mirovolante must in general have a great passion for dissipation, as they all had wings on their heads. There, said he, you are deceived; the case is this. The winged ones being the ton, have made their feathers appear so elegant by their manner of shaping, staining, and dressing them, that they are become so much the fashion; that all other women of any genteel station are obliged to imitate them, and wear false ones.

It now grew dark, and we retired from the walks. In our way to the Merchants quarter, we went through a street where there were great numbers of Alæ-putas taking little short flights, and hopping about

Hild Bowman delint: et sculpt: See Page 27with design to engage their prey. While I was in serious discourse with my friend on the neglect or connivance of the magistrates, in suffering such nuisances, whereby the temptations of a brothel were brought into the public streets; exposing unwary youth when going about their necessary affairs, to be seduced into vice and disease; especially as Bonaris said, that houses of entertainment were every where open for the reception of these nymphs and their paramours for their money (my idea of angels having now intirely vanished). When suddenly, before I was aware, a tall masculine, Alæputa clasps me in her arms, mounts into the air, and flies with me about fifty paces; then set me down, and run away laughing like to kill herself; as did all that saw it. I own my surprise and fright was very considerable, however when I recovered myself, the ridiculousness of the thing moved my risible faculties also. When my friend joined me, he desired I would feel my pockets, to see if I had lost nothing, which upon examination was luckily found to be the case.

We supped at Morogow's, where they laughed very heartily at my adventure. Before we separated, a party was made to go next evening to one of the theatres, to see a famous actor called Garrimond in one of Avonswan's plays, which were constantly brought here and translated. Bonaris undertook to secure us places (which required considerable interest when that actor appeared); and we appointed to meet at a house of entertainment near the theatre.

We were engaged to dine the next day with the Queen's Ambassador at that court, who was also obliged to conform to the Luxo-voluptan manner of living. He seemed to be a man of superior worth and abilities, and was much esteemed. At table he was very affable and agreeable, and hearing of my adventure, was a good deal diverted. This turned the conversation upon so very extraordinary a particularity with respect to chastity; and many stories were told of jealous husbands, and the means afforded by these wings of escaping detection. It afterwards fell on their manners in general. Their excessive gaming, by which in a few years estates of twenty thousand gorgerines (equal to so many of our guineas) yearly, were often reduced to little or nothing. The vast sums of money thrown away in electing delegates to the lower house of Cortesinas or Parliament, with the great corruption both of the Electors and elected. The great profusion of the public money, in place of the exact œconomy which a state so much in debt required; like a spendthrift heir, who, the more desperate his circumstances become, grows only the more extravagant. Their excessive liberty degenerated into licentiousness. Their parties and factions are carried to such excessive heights, and many other things too tedious to repeat; which in the opinion of the company, were strong symptoms, that if some convulsion did not happen to restore to the Luxo-voluptans their former virtue, that they must soon destroy themselves in anarchy and confusion, or give up their liberties (at least a part of them) to the crown, as the only remedy remaining to prevent their total destruction.

Three or four days after was appointed by the Ambassador, to introduce us at court; and he spoke very highly of Gorgeris the Monarch of this vast Empire, as he did also of her Majesty, his royal consort.

From the Ambassador's, we went to the appointed place for meeting; which had a public room, for the drinking of beverages, like our coffee, orgeat, &c. &c.; and it being too early to go to the Theatre, we amused ourselves with looking over the printed papers of news, which were in prodigious numbers; I counted thirty published that day, and suppose those were not the whole. Moraveres addressing himself to Bonaris, said, he wondered what they could find worth reading to insert every day in these numerous sheets; and what effect they had upon their politics. The other replied, that they easily found means to fill them with one thing or another; politics, scandal, domestic and foreign occurrences are inexhaustible topics; and if they are at a loss, it is easy making a lie; the contradicting of which next day will make another paragraph. As to the effect they have upon our politics, continued he, it is hard to say whether the liberty of the press does more good or harm. For on the one hand, if it deters Ministers from taking measures which may infringe the liberties of the people; on the other, as the plainest propositions may be wrested by an artful writer, to give a very unfair view of it, the people are very often misled by them.

We now took our places in the Theatre; and until the play began, I was very well entertained with examining the house. It was of an immense size (at lead in comparison with that at Ludorow), and having been lately fitted up by a celebrated Architect, was both elegant and magnificent. I was also not a little diverted with the pretty flutterings of the Alæ-putas, who occupied principally some of the upper lodges, and frequently took wing from one side of the house to the other, when they saw a spark they wanted to draw into their snares.

When the curtain was drawn up, and Garrimond entered on the stage, there was a clapping of hands which continued for a minute or two; at last all was attention through the play, except when some sentiment or fine piece of action forced their applause. I had seen that very piece performed at Ludorow, under the direction of the author; and must do Garrimond the justice to own, that he seemed to understand his part perfectly; and though under the disadvantage of a translation, gave a greater force to the character he played, than the actor who performed it at Ludorow. But at the Bonhommican theatre every part was equally well acted, which was far from being the case here; so that (except one or two women) Garrimond appeared like a giant amongst dwarfs. If this actor has great merit, he has been also very fortunate to appear in a country where amusements are so much the fashion, and so highly valued. By what I was informed, he has made ten times more money by acting Avonswan's plays, than ever the author did by writing them; and to such a degree of frenzy has their admiration of him arose, that had he a rival of equal merit, I make no doubt but the scene of the famous pantomimes of degenerated Rome would be renewed, and the nobility would take party, wear their liveries, and follow their triumphal cars.

We made up proper clothes to make our appearance in at court, and were introduced one after another to their Majesties, who received us very graciously, and we had the honour of kissing their hands. When it came to my turn to be presented to the King, his Excellency the Ambassador said, I was a native of a country on the other side the globe, who by a fatal accident had been left by the ship I came in; which had been sent out with another by our King to make discoveries in the southern hemisphere, and in a particular manner whether or not there was a great continent on that side of the globe. That I had made my way to Bonhommica through many dangers and adventures, where his Queen had been pleased to take me into her service.

His Luxo-voluptan Majesty heard him with great attention, and afterwards talked to me above a quarter of an hour; asking very pertinent questions concerning my country and its sovereign. His Majesty said, he highly honoured the King of Great Britain for his liberality of sentiment, in fitting out ships for the discovery of unknown countries. That if ever I got home, I might assure his Majesty, if any ships belonging to his subjects should visit the Luxo-voluptan ports, they might depend on the usage which the nations most favoured, and in greatest friendship with his subjects received.

It was soon buzzed about in the apartments, that I was of a nation on the other side of the world, when immediately a great curiosity was raised concerning me. I heard them say to one another, what is he like? Is he a rational creature? Let us go see him. When they found I was no monster, and could speak their language tolerably, I had soon a great circle round me of Nomras and Nomrinas, Comras and Comrinas (Gentlemen and Ladies), and even some Nomrihas and Nomrihinas (Dukes and Dutchesses), who asked me a thousand impertinent questions. I answered them as well as I could, and was glad when it was over; but this produced me many invitations to dinners and suppers, from the principal nobility; some of which I accepted, that an opportunity of learning something of their manners and customs might not be lost.

The first Luxo-voluptan I dined with, was a Nomra in a great post in administration. I need not say every thing was in the greatest grandeur and elegance. Some of the Nomrinas and Comrinas at table, seemed by their shoulders to be of the order of Gallanteras; but they were not the less censorious for that reason, perhaps on the contrary the more so, to hide their own blemishes. Several anecdotes from the scandalous chronicle were mentioned by them, and one in particular which had happened two evenings before. A certain Nomrihina, whose Nomriha was so excessively jealous, that he had clipped her wings, and confined her to his house. This made her meeting with her noble Corrumpero extremely difficult, But what, said the Gallantera, cannot all-powerful love atchieve? her wings growing very fast, she sometimes conversed with him on the top of her own house, but more generally he was let in at a garret window by her maid, the confidante. But that evening the Nomriha her husband got intelligence of their being together in the maid's chamber, and was so near surprising them, that the Corrumpero was obliged to fly out at the window in his shirt, and has got such a cold that he keeps his bed, which has thrown the poor Nomrihina into immoderate affliction. Commend me, said another Gallantera, to the Faramondian manners, where though every husband has cause, none are jealous; it is not the fashion. And a most excellent fashion it is, rejoined a third; why should people, when they are tired of one another, pique themselves on a ridiculous constancy? No, continued she, give and take liberties on both sides, say I; it is the pleasure of life, and saves a great deal of uneasiness and ill humour, about a very trifling affair. I took the liberty of observing to that lady, that it must be a difficult thing in that country for people to know their fathers. Is it not so every where? replied she smartly; but of what consequence is that? they know their mothers, and that is sufficient. Pray Madam, rejoined I, do the Burghers in that country also follow the fashion? The Burghers, exclaimed she! No, if it descended to them it would be enough to make people of quality almost leave it off. The conversation afterwards changed to politics, and they talked much of the monstrous ingratitude of the Armoserians, a large colony of theirs at a thousand leagues distance, who had revolted. A Nomra said, that after having nursed them up to maturity at so great an expence, and entered into a war solely on their account, by which the nation had incurred an additional debt of above sixty millions; how unreasonable it was to expect, that the mother country should continue to bear all the burden, when they were become so able to take a share of it. Besides, continued he, it would absolutely have been the ruin of the kingdom, by depopulating it; for who, but people of large property, would continue to live in this country, where every thing is taxed so high, when by going to Armoseria, they could enjoy a finer climate, and live at a quarter the expence, without reckoning the great advantages of making a fortune in a country not the twentieth part peopled? The great emigrations which took place since the end of last war, plainly evince this. Another Nomra rejoined, that if a certain tax which was laid on, had not been repealed by a former administration, (the members of which were now violent in opposition), it would have executed itself, and we should have had no rebellion. But the Armoserians by that weakness were spirited up to oppose every tax that should be laid on them; thinking that non-importation would make such a clamour among the Merchants, as to frighten the Ministry. A Comra of the lower house of Cortesinas was of opinion that the error lay deeper, even in the very original Charters of the Colonies, which by giving them a constitution similar to that of the mother country, made them imagine they did not depend on the Cortesinas, but only on the King. The posterity of a set of determined rupublicans, said he, should have been held in with a tighter rein; especially when they were yearly reinforced with such a virtuous set of recruits from every jail in the kingdom: some of whose descendants, for any thing we know, may be now leading-men in the congress. Opinions on this affair were perfectly unanimous in this company.

The next I dined with was also a Nomra, but who had been turned out of a great office. Here the sentiments were diametrically opposite to the former company, concerning the Armoserians; and they all agreed that they were the most oppressed and ill-used people under the sun. What! the Cortesinas to tax a people contrary to their inclinations, who are not represented! was ever any thing heard of so unconstitutional? What signifies your having nursed, and defended them, at the expence of sixty millions of gorgerines, till they are grown powerful enough to go to war with you; if you will now take their money from them without their consent? Surely the mother country gets enough by her exclusive trade with them, said they (which is now the only one she can depend on), without thinking of taxing her own children.

An evening or two after, I was at the house of one of our worthy Merchants, with a set of Bonhommicans and Bonaris. In the course of the conversation, I happened to mention the very different sentiments I had heard concerning the Armoserian rebellion; when the whole company joined with me in desiring Bonaris to explain that matter to us. It needs no other, replied he, than, that the one is out of place, and the other is in. What, exclaimed a Bonhommican! does that alter the nature of the thing? Entirely, said the other; for if they were to change situations (which may possibly soon be the case), they would immediately change their opinions and manner of speaking, both in public and private. Good God! cried another; can men have the impudence to act in such a barefaced manner? Very easily, returned Bonaris, we see it every day; they find out subterfuges and equivocations; and at the worst, if one has been in an error, is he always to persist in it? But, said a third, are not they despised by every body?——Only by the party they have quitted,—— the other receives them with open arms. If a man indeed pretends to stand neuter, continued Bonaris, upon motives of conscience, he is shunned and despised by both. What is very extraordinary, there are many honest men among them (of both parties), in the common intercourses of life; but they get so heated by their disputes, that one would think they actually forgot the difference betwixt right and wrong. In this affair of the Armoserians, continued he, I own the opposition carried things a little too far; for by their speeches in the Cortesinas, printed pamphlets, and writings in the news-papers (there being some great names amongst them), the rebels were spirited up, by thinking they had their approbation, and expecting a diversion made at home in their favour. By this means they have probably been led by degrees to carry things farther than they at first intended, and at last to the greatest extremities, which will ruin millions of these people, and cost this country much blood and immense treasure. Too far, cried they with one voice! why were not they punished?——They generally took care to keep clear of the laws against high treason, which are very favourable in this country; and where some words might be construed as such, the government thought proper to overlook them, for fear of raising disturbances. Thought I to myself, a little of Queen Tudorina's govern-mentgovernment would do this Nation no harm, no more than Old England.

I dined another day with a Nomra who did not seem much involved in politics, and happening to stay after every other person was gone, he offered to carry me with him to his club. I asked him, what kind of meeting it was? O! says he, you shall go and see a little of our manners, though we are a select body, and none can be admitted without being ballotted for; yet such a stranger as you are, there can be no objection to! You must know, says he, that clubs are kept among the men of all degrees in this Metropolis, it is the general custom; but there are about a score called so by way of eminence, which are only composed of the Nomras and Comras of distinction. And how do you employ yourselves there, rejoined I? We eat and drink in the most elegant manner at a small expence, returned he, it not costing us above two gorgerines a head for dinner or supper; then we sport our money pretty freely at different games. We are very numerous, continued he, and we are consequently sure of always finding company whenever we have an inclination to go. But, rejoined I, do not some of you get devilish tumbles sometimes? O yes, answered he, we are all in debt, but the Nation owes two hundred millions, so it is the fashion you see. Give me leave to ask you only one question more, said I: How do your wives dispose of themselves while you are at your clubs? O, the best way they can, replied he, we do not trouble ourselves about that. There has indeed been an attempt made to establish one where both sexes are admitted, but it does not take, it is unnatural.

We found between forty and fifty people in a large handsome room, well illuminated, amusing themselves at different games of cards and dice. They were all men of fortune and fashion, of the upper or lower house of Cortesinas, and many of them in high offices; but all had the same passion for sporting their money; that is to say, were not contented with what they had, and wishing to increase it at the expence of another. Those who were not much engaged, sat down to a very elegant supper at midnight. After that, things went on with more spirit, the company gradually increasing. I shall not pretend to describe this scene, great sums were won and lost, and the floor was entirely covered with cards; but in the height of it, a small accident discomposed them a little for a short time.

Whilst two Nomras were playing at a game, something rcsembling Picquet, one of them was suddenly attacked with an apoplectic fit; he was immediately removed into another room by the waiters, and proper medical assistance sent for. But before he went, the Nomra who had played with him desired the company to take notice (in case of his antago-nist'santagonist's recovery), that he had the game in his hand. Towards morning they gradually dropped off, and returned home, jaded with want of rest; the losers in all the horrors of despair and vexation, and the winners enjoying not half the satisfaction which might be imagined. The place of a principal waiter at one of these clubs, is more lucrative than a good post under government; for besides the profuse gratuities they receive for their attendance, they are bankers to the winners, and usurious lenders to the losers, becoming so opulent, that they are sometimes elected into the lower house of Cortesinas; where they are caressed by, and sit on the same bench with those, behind whose chairs they formerly stood. When I considered the manner of life these Luxo-voluptans constantly led, I was not surprised that the women's wings grew, and flourished exceedingly.

The women not being less curious than the men to learn the manners, customs, and virtues of the English, I was also much caressed by them, and carried to some assemblies where none but select company were admitted. There I could see that play was equally their passion as that of the other sex, though it did not run near so high; a gorgerine a fish, at a game resembling our quadrille and high stakes at another, like our loo, sufficiently agitated at times their beautiful features. All back feathers were carefully concealed at these meetings, as well as at routes, which the women frequently gave at their own houses. In these last, it seemed to be their great ambition, to make them as disagreeable to themselves and the company as they possibly could, by crouding their apartments as full as they could hold.

But though back feathers were concealed, some of the head wings were enormous. I asked a Comrina, whom I had the honour to be known to (at one of the latter places); how she proposed spending her evening. She replied, that after dining at the Nomra such a one's, they had gone to the play, from the play here; from hence to two more routes, from thence to rondelleva, from rondelleva to fairy-hall where they sup, and from thence home. At what time may the last happen? resumed I,—it was impossible to say exactly; perhaps between five and six, returned she.

Having already mentioned my being fond of music, and even a performer, it will be expected that the concerts and operas were not wholly neglected by me. The best voices and performers on instruments there, as well as in London, are foreigners. The music is very much in the Italian taste, and they have many great composers; but whether they or the Italians ought to be preferred, I shall not take upon me to determine.

The entertainment however which surprised and diverted us most, was a masked ball given at the Theopan, a large rotunda lately built in a beautiful stile of architecture. We were told there would not be another while we stayed at Miro-volante, and as none of the other commanders nor myself had ever seen one, we made a party of which Bonaris was one and went to it in Ma gelores, a dress resembling what they call Dominos in the shops of Tavistock-Street. As this ball was open to every one for their money, all the different species of human flyers were in great plenty, and made at least four-fifths of the whole company; there the Galanteras and Corrumperos (as their faces were concealed) gave themselves no trouble to hide their wings, however easily it might have been done from their smallness. It was very ridiculous to observe the different growths of them, upon the shoulders of tall men and women. Some were only of a size for Genii or Cupids, and they increased gradually to that of Angels or Devils. The greatest number were of the last, and it was only those which could support the body in a flight of any extent. They were of all colours, and many of them kept in excellent order; but I was sorry to see a great many hoary ones, which looked as if they would preserve them to their last breath. It was not easy to discern the difference of sexes, but by what we could judge, the females were greatly the majority. They were all dressed in imitation of different birds, with proper masks resembling their heads, and very well imitated.

Think how laughable a scene it must have been, to see such a number of tame birds (though often of the resemblance of wild ones) flying, hopping, chattering and squeaking about the room. Some of the Alæputas would fly up to the top of the dome, and skim round it, exposing a little too much their lower parts; but I must do them the justice to say that they all wore drawers. A few of the Gallanteras and their imitators brought their carrs and equipage with them in their chairs, in which they also flew about in a more decent manner, to the great entertainment of the company. To describe the outrages done to nature, in that strange group of feathered rationals, would be endless. Hawks gallanting hen pheasants, vultures turkey hens, and eagles pea-hens. Crows arm in arm with white pigeons, screech owls with nightingales, and ravens with Chinese pheasants But what diverted us more particularly after supper and the wine had gone freely about, was, to see a mild turtle-dove cuffing a goss hawk very smartly round the room. They at last became a little too riotous, and we left them before four o'clock.

Our evening's diversion had like to have had melancholy consequences. The worthy Moraveres our Quadorow, was taken ill of a fever two days after; whether occasioned by catching cold, the hurry and croud of the place, or from what other cause, it was impossible to say. We were alarmed for him, and proposed calling in a physician, which he for some time opposed, hoping it would go off; but finding it did not, he at last consented.The question now was, which one to send for. Morrogow and Nicophange proposed Nicopheris, the one they employed for ordinary in their families, and had reason to be satisfied with. The other commanders and myself were for one of greater note and more extensive practice. The matter was referred to Bonaris, our oracle in most things, who said, that in the practice of physic in Miro-volante, there was a distinction to be made, between the art and the science. That the art consisted in being well with as many apothecaries as possible, by prescribing great quantities of superfluous medicines for their benefit; in setting themselves off to the best advantage, especially with the women; in recounting remarkable cures performed by themselves, no matter though not entirely consistent with truth; in shewing a very particular concern for, and attention to their patients disorder. In visiting at uncommon hours, continued Bonaris, from their great anxiety and care, and giving very minute directions to nurses, as if the least particular was of consequence, chusing always to have them of their own recommendation, as it, was their interest to speak well of them. I am very sensible (still continued he), that some of the physicians in high reputation have acquired it meerly by their merit; but there are also a great number who have pushed themselves by arts like the above mentioned; such arts are not practised by Nicopheris, he is above them; but he is a very learned and knowing physician, and in my opinion Moraveres cannot be in better hands. He was accordingly sent for, and we had no reason to repent of it. In a few days our friend by his care was out of danger; and soon recovered entirely, to the great satisfaction of us all.

While Moraveres was in danger, we seldom stirred abroad; and Bonaris frequently calling in upon us, I had a great deal of conversation with him upon the kingdom of Luxovolupto, and their neighbours on that continent. The southern continent, he said consisted of several powerful kingdoms, two or whom, Castillaria and Faramondia; had, at different periods, aimed at universal Monarchy; but both had failed from the other nations uniting against them. In which alliances, the Luxo-voluptans had acted a very distinguished part, especially in the last against Faramondia; who being their nearest neighbour, had of consequence always been their natural enemy. In this vigorous exertion (he continued), they fell into the pernicious custom of borrowing money on the national faith; which, by degrees, had involved them in an enormous debt, with little probability of its ever being paid off. The other great kingdoms, he said, had all lost their liberty; the Luxo-voluptans alone having preserved theirs (after many struggles with their Monarchs), by their virtue, and love of freedom. That after the last great exertion in behalf of it, the boundary was fixed between the prerogative of the crown, and the rights of the people; since which time, no nation was ever happier, or at least had more just cause to be so. But trade and manufactures having brought immence wealth into the country, luxury followed fast on their steps; whose strides have been much lengthened by the conquest of a rich and manufacturing country at eight thousand leagues distance, by a company of Merchants. The servants of that company (still continued he), have been guilty of such rapacity on the natives, as shocks humanity to think of; and come home with immense fortunes, which, as they got them so easily, they spend wantonly.

Our immense colonies are grown also extremely rich and powerful. A war which was entered into entirely on their account, terminated, as was generally thought, gloriously; by having a large country which lay behind them ceded to us. But now they were freed from their only enemy, they soon shewed their refractory spirit, and at length broke out into an open rebellion; are now carrying on war against their mother-country; and how that will terminate, there is yet no making any judgment. Wealth is become the only object which all men aim at to support that luxury, and all crimes of course are perpetrated to attain it. That spirit of liberty which still remains said Bonaris, has degenerated into licentiousness; especially in that quarter of Miro-volante called the City; where valuing themselves on their riches, they make a point of opposing the court on all occasions; and become the dupes of every adventurer, who puts on the mask of Patriotism to deceive them.

It is, continued he, happy for us, that Faramondia is very near in as much debt, and as luxurious as ourselves, without having so good credit to borrow; otherwise we should not be long at peace with them. The above was the substance of what I learned from him in several conversations, and in the last, he gave a general character of that people in few words, but which, he said, must be understood with great allowances.

That the Nomras and Comras run out their fortunes without preserving their dignity. That the Nomrinas and Comrinas had almost given up all pretensions to chastity. That Religion and Morality had lost their influence on all ranks of people. And that a universal profligacy pervaded the whole.

Moraveres was now perfectly recovered from his illness; when a great mob paraded through the city, ordering every body to put out lights in their windows, in honour of the election of Wilkiferis, a great favourite of theirs, to an office of the greatest trust and profit in the city. I am extremely glad of it, cried out Bonaris. Who is he, said Moraveres? A very clever profligate, replied the other, who has known how to dupe these wiseacres for some years past, and they have now put it in his power to do it effectually. While we were talking, an inferior Bonhommican officer came hastily into the room, and acquainted the Quadarow, that the mob had fallen upon, and were abusing many of their seamen, who happened to be on shore. We all went out immediately, and I heard some of the mob saying one to another, "Damn these foreigners, what business have they here"? they pretend to be virtuous; damn their virtue, will it bring them any thing? will it make the pot boil?

The Quadarow was obliged to apply to the chief magistrate, who got together a number of constables, and rescued them. They were all ordered on board immediately, and few for the future were suffered to come into the city.

Chap. VIII.

Law. A Criminal Trial. Some account of the Country. Miro-volante. Army. Fleet manufactures. Court. Dress. Language. Clergy. Learning. Hospitals. Summer Amusements. Summer Theatre. Rondelleva. Fairy Hall. Horse Race.

The Commanders, Bonaris, and myself, walked one day to the immense Hall, where the courts of justice are held. The courts were then sitting, and the crouds in all of them very great. We conversed with several people concerning the judges, who all agreed in praising their impartiality and justice; and many of them for their great abilities; espe-ciallyespecially one of the chiefs, who was said to be a prodigy of knowledge and eloquence. Bonaris met an able counsellor of his acquaintance, whom he engaged to dine with us after the courts were up, at a house of entertainment hard by. He came according to his promise, and proved a frank agreeable companion. After dinner, when we were drinking a moderate glass, Mocophage (commander of one of the frigates), first making an apology for the liberty he was going to take, asked the counsellor in what compass the Luxo-voluptan laws might be contained. In about a hundred volumes in folio, replied he: Good God! cried the other, how is it possible ever to learn them all? They never are, returned the counsellor; he who knows a third part of them is very deep. Give me leave to trouble you with another question, said the commander. How long are your law suits permitted to last? Sometimes seven years, and at others twenty or thirty, answered the lawyer.——And what is the reason of such delays?——The glorious obscurity of the law, replied he laughing. ——In my opinion you had better be without laws altogether:——Yes, said he; the nation had, but not the lawyers. This dialogue diverted us.—— When Mocophage, in a serious but polite manner, said, there must be great faults somewhere; and in his opinion, if the lawyers honestly told their clients that they had not right on their side, they certainly would not be mad enough to persist in their suit, at a great expence, and often to their utter ruin. In answer to which, the counsellor said, it was not always an easy matter to determine in what light things would appear to a judge, and still more so to a jury; besides they were seldom consulted on the merits, and very often did not read their briefs till they came into court. ——And what is the reason of that? ——Want of time, returned he.—— Your attornies must then be very faulty. ——That is the general opinion, but we cannot help that. Why are not they punished, said the Bon-hommican? ——Because they take care not to expose themselves to it. But to be serious, continued the counsellor, our laws are certainly become a great nuisance, and want reformation; but it is so arduous an undertaking, that it is not probable any King or Ministry will venture on it, unlessobliged by some fatal necessity. The Bonhommican laws were mentioned to shew the possibility of it; to which the counsellor answered,—That they were a virtuous people, who could do better without laws in any form whatsoever, than the Luxo-voluptans could with laws made on purpose for them by the deity, and sent to them from the divine abodes. He added, that if their government should have the misfortune to become despotic, a reformation might be easier brought about; but that the remedy would be worse than the disease.

The conversation then turned on debtors, and it was generally allowed, that though in justice debts ought to be paid, if there was wherewithall; yet where there was not, imprisonment was depriving the creditors of any chance in future, and when they had not a proper maintenance, they had better be put to death at once. The counsellor acknowledged that the allowance in their prisons was but a meer trifle, and not always paid. What number of debtors, said Moraveres, may be in the prisons of Mirovolante? He replied, Perhaps ten or twelve thousand, but that he could not say how many with any exactness. Good God! exclaimed the other, how shocking to humanity that is! if the creditors were obliged to maintain them in a decent manner, they would not be so ready to confine their persons. In Ludorow, where that is done, there is not perhaps above one for each of your thousands, but the different sizes of the cities and manners of the people must also be taken into the account. The lawyer concluded the subject with saying, that there was one advantage in making arrests for debt easily obtainable; that it facilitated credit. From debtors, it was a natural enough transition to criminals, and many questions were asked of our communicative lawyer, concerning criminal laws and punishments; which after he had answered in the most explicit manner, he told us there was to be a very curious trial in two days, at the Criminal Court of a woman called Rudera, for forgery. That the affair had made a great noise for some months, two of her accomplices being at that time under sentence of death. He was intreated to give us a history of the affair, which he did in the following manner.

"This Rudera has a husband alive, whom she has ruined by her extravagance, has left for some years, and lived with several other men. The last of whom, and a friend of his, she was concerned with, in forging bonds for considerable sums of money. That friend was detected in endeavouring to raise money on one of them, and, to excuse himself, said, he got it from her; she being sent for, acknowledged herself guilty; but they were not then taken up. Afterwards when they were, she had art enough to get herself admitted as evidence for the king. But the principal prosecutor, upon examining into the affair, finding that she was the chief contriver and perpetrator of the forgeries, and that he had proof enough against the others without her evidence, prosecuted her also. Her plea was, that having been admitted king's evidence, she was not liable to be tried. It was argued by counsel before the principal court, and given against her; because on her examination when admitted evidence for the King, she had not made a full discovery.

"When she came to her trial some months ago, she made use of the same plea, and one of her judges had a scruple in his mind upon the legality or it. That occasioned the trial's being put off, and the point of law's being referred to the twelve judges, who have again given it against her; and though nobody doubts of her guilt, yet, as she had been admitted an evidence, a kind of compassion has arose in the minds of men, as is common in this country, on the least appearance of hardship or oppression. And though in some countries, torture is made use of to make criminals confess their crimes, the laws are so favourable in this, that an extrajudicial confession does not operate against them.

As we declared our resolution of seeing this famous trial, he told us how we were to manage to get admittance, and advised us to be there early. We then parted, after having thanked him for his agreeable company, and very judicious communications.

We did not fail being in court in proper time, and got places where we could both see and hear perfectly well. Rudera entered the august tribunal with great modesty, yet with a sort of dignity. She was dressed in an elegant simplicity, very proper for her situation. Her figure was genteel, but her face not remarkably handsome. The trial was long and solemn; during the whole of which, she behaved with so much propriety, composure, and seeming innocence, that all eyes were upon her, all wishes for her acquittal. I own honestly my being carried away with the torrent, but thought I perceived by the looks of my friends, that they were not equally prejudiced in her favour. She did not trust entirely to her counsel in cross-examining the witnesses, but was every now and then handing little billets to them with her instructions. When it came to her defence, she made a short, but very proper speech, with much grace and modesty. The judges gave an impartial charge to the jury, explaining to them the laws in these cases; and according as the proofs appeared to them, directing what their verdict should be. The jury were inclosed, and every one waited with anxiety and impatience for the event. But when she was pronounced Not guilty, there were the loudest, and most indecent shouts of applause, that perhaps ever were heard in a court of justice.

We got out as soon as the croud would permit us, and in our way home, I imagined my friends were little satisfied with what they had been witnesses to. I was not mistaken; for when the Merchants asked their opinions of what had passed, they declared they had never seen so utter a depravation, and even triumph over the moral sense as in the prisoner; nor such a total want of it, joined to a false pity and misplaced generosity, as in the spectators. Not, said they, that we had any wishes for her condemnation, let the laws take their course; but for so crouded a court to seem unanimously solicitous for the acquittal of a person, of whose guilt they had not the least doubt; seemed to them so great an encouragement to commit crimes, that they were not surprised to find them so common in Miro-volante.

This trial was at what they call Juasforreris or gaol-delivery, which is held in this capital every six weeks. We were told when it was over, that at this sessions one hundred prisoners were tried; thirty of whom were condemned to suffer death, fifty to row in the gallies, and the rest were either whipped, branded, or acquitted. Such executions are not uncommon in this capital, they string up men with as little ceremony as a fish-woman does pilchards; neither the sufferers nor spectators seeming to give themselves much concern about it.

The crimes which were most general, were highway robberies, housebreakings, forgeries, thefts and frauds. Few murders or rapes were found in their sessions paper.

Having made several excursions to different parts of this country, seen the greatest part of the metropolis, and obtained information concerning their military and naval establishments, manufactures, &c. &c. I shall now give a short account of them.

The soil in general is good, highly cultivated, and the country almost every where inclosed; there are some large districts however, that are mountainous and barren, especially the remote parts to the southward. The inhabitants of that country are poor when compared with the others; but the keen air of their mountains sharpens their wits, and many of them migrate northward to better their fortunes in a warmer soil, in which they some-timessometimes succeed; for the northern inhabitants are a good-natured people, and receive with open arms those who readily fall in with their manners. But sometimes they find these friends a little too far south for them.

Navigable canals are numerous, and extremely beneficial to trade; the excellent roads also, which have been made within half a century at an immense expence (by a heavy tax laid on carriages and horses which pass over them), concur to the same good end; as well as to the ease and conveniency of travellers. They actually very much approximate places to one another, and a journey which could not formerly be made under a fortnight, with great trouble and fatigue (the persons making their wills before they set out), is now performed with ease and pleasure in two or three days. The only inconvenience to be feared from this luxurious way of travelling (for the Inns are equally good with the roads) is, that as all ranks of people are now conveyed on carriages of one fort or other, inside or outside; their bodies will be so enervated, that in time they may become incapable of supporting the hardships and fatigues of war. For I have heard that the fox-hunters, who used to be the hardiest riders in the kingdom, go now to the field in post chaises (if their sport lies at any distance from home), mount their horses there, and return in the same vehicle, or a hired one, if the chase carries them to a great distance from it.

Miro-volante consists of two Cities, and for its size might very well make ten very considerable ones. It is twenty-four miles in circuit, and contains above a million of inhabitants. There are above twenty large squares, but such of them as have statues, are far from being embellished by them. Three stone bridges, two of which are modern, and noble pieces of architecture; the third antient (though lately vamped up at nearly as much expence as would have rebuilt it), a structure of an ignorant age, the piers being built on piles which rise up above low water mark. The Arches are small, irregular, and barbarous; and the stream still more streightened by starlings filled with large stones placed round the bottoms of the peers, to prevent their being undermined; so that many lives are lost yearly, in passing under it from the great fall. It is, in brief, offensive to the eye, hurtful to Navigation, and destructive of the human race. The Temples are numerous and magnificent, one of which, for greatness and beauty, might vie with any in the world. This city is of late well paved at the expence of two millions of gorgerines, and is lighted by 100,000 globular lamps. But what surprises one most with respect to this Capital is, that they are still extending it on all sides; go where you will on the out-skirts, there is nothing to be seen but new buildings; without any ones being able to conceive where any additional inhabitants are to come from. But the builders (from experience) depend on the restless fickleness of the Luxo-voluptans;Luxovoluptans; well knowing that any new fashioned manner of fitting them up; such as a little Painting, or some plaster figures on the ceiling or walls of the rooms (though the houses in general are not so convenient), will certainly draw the inhabitants to them. So that it is probable, in a few years, more than one-third of the houses will be left uninhabited. The Palace, which struck me most from the harbour at our first arrival, on account of its grandeur and magnificence, was originally begun for a royal one, and after being much enlarged, was converted into an Hospital for superannuated seamen. There is another very fine one, but much inferior to the abovementioned, in possession of the invalids of the land service. I have asked several of the old men at both Palaces, if they were not very happy to pass the remainder of their days in such superb structures. Their answer constantly was, that they would willingly give up all the grandeur of their habitations, for half a penuris a day additional allowance, to buy them a weed resembling our tobacco.

Several other Hospitals for variety of purposes, are likewise unnecessarily ornamented. The Charity of the Luxo-voluptans is very ostentatious. But one of the oldest and meanest public buildings in this great Metropolis is the Royal Palace, which is indeed utterly unworthy of its great inhabitant, and of the Empire. But the Cortesinas will not let themselves con-ceiveconceive, that their Monarch can be capable of the same weakness with his subjects, of liking a new house better than an old one.

This kingdom has now a very numerous body of troops in Armoseria, but in time of pectce it is customary for them to keep up a standing army of 20,000 infantry and 8,000 cavalry; besides 6,000 guards, who are always quartered in the capital. Their troops make a good appearance, and are said always to ctight well; though they are generally the most debauched, profligate fellows in the kingdom.

They have at present a very formidable fleet in commission, consisting of about thirty ships of the line of battle, and above one hundred frigates. They are by far the most potent maritime power in that part of the globe; but, on inspecting their ships, I did not find them much superior to the Bonhommicans, either in ship-building, the art of navigation, or in the construction of their fire-arms. It is on very great emergencies indeed, that they are ever obliged to make use of the odious measure of pressing seamen, to man their fleets. The operation of two very simple laws, with a moderate bounty, generally answer that end. The first law is, that if any owners of Merchant ships give more wages to their seamen, than what is half an ecuris per month, under the King's pay (which is something higher than the British), the ship and cargo are forfeited, half to go to the informer. By this law, the freight of goods is also kept moderate in time of war, by preventing the rise of seamen's wages in the Merchant service. The second is, that every seaman has a right to demand his discharge at the end of two years; but if he happens to be abroad, and it would be a detriment to the service to part with him, he is intitled for the first six months, to half an ecuris per month additional; for the second six months an ecuris per month, for the third three half ecuris, and so on. Their sailors are reckoned brave, but unthinking like our English Tars.

Though the Luxo-voluptans have got very little the start of the Bonhommicans in naval arts, they cer-tainlycertainly far excel them in many of their manufactures and mechanical ones. Their silks, velvets, and gold and silver stuffs are beautiful, and sumptuous; and their household furniture in a grand taste and well executed. This gives the court of Mirovolante, a much gawdier appearance than that of Ludorow, but without half its dignity.

It is impossible to give a description of the dress worn by people of fashion and their imitators, as it changes its appearance almost as often, though not with the same regularity, as the moon does hers: it being the chief study of the Taylors, Mantua-makers, and Milleners, &c. in greatest reputation (as well as of the Beaux, Belles, and Alæ-putas), to invent new modes of it, besides what they copy from the Faramondians. This is said to be greatly advantageous to trade, and for the same specious reason, the time for wearing mourning for deceased relations is indecently shortened; but they (and others of inferior rank) never fail to put it on for the death of any foreign Prince, whose name perhaps they never before heard of, if it is to be wore only for a week.

I never heard that any of the richest Nomrihas (though some have 50,000 gorgerines of yearly rent) were above receiving the salaries of their offices; they have no notion of serving either King or Country gratis, or perhaps are afraid of affronting them by a refusal.

As to the language of this nation, it is a medium betwixt the softness of the Auditantine, and roughness of the Bonhommican. It is smooth enough to be set to music, and yet both nervous and copious.

It has been already said, that the Seraphite religion is professed here, as well as in Bonhommica; the only difference being, that a Hierarchy is established in this kingdom, and consequently the priests enjoy a considerable share of power and wealth. Their Temples also are more magnificent, and more ornamented; but without any thing tending to idolatry.

Our worthy commanders constantly went to one Temple or other, on the days appointed for public worship; and they used often with great concern, to lament the general neglect of religion in this country; very few attending on these occasions, and those who did, with great levity and unconcern.

But what was still more melancholy, the priests themselves did not shew much fervour or piety, when exercising their sacred functions; but hastened them over as a task which must be gone through.

This became the subject of conversation one evening, when Moraveres addressing himself to Bonaris, said, he imagined their priests thought more of obtaining good livings and dignities, than of serving the Deity as they ought, He was sorry to say, Bonaris replied, that it was too true, but they were but men; and it was natural to wish, and endeavour to be in easy circumstances; nor did he see how it could be prevented,——By putting a check, returned the other, to the lust of riches and power, a the first setting out, as is done in Bonhommica. They would be then obliged to turn their ambition to the gaining of respect from their virtue and good life; since they could not have it from their wealth and dignity. ——But, rejoined Bonaris, would not that check the praise-worthy emulation of distinguishing themselves? and (as men enter into the priesthood for a livelihood, as they do into other professions) prevent those of spirit and genius from engaging in it.—— I do not think that men of spirit and genius make the best priests, said Moraveres, but am rather of the contrary opinion. As to the checking of emulation, I grant that preferment is a spur to the exertion of talents, which otherwise might never have been known. But on the other hand, when a man has once got at his ease, he grows lazy, and his time is more agreeably employed in enjoying the goods of fortune, than in hard study. In our country, continued he, the priests are allowed a decent competency from the state; putting them much above contempt, but by no means in affluence. Therefore, though by writing they can do themselves no service in the way of preferment, yet the Press may afford them some assistance to help their income; and increase at the same time their reputation. Moraveres being here silent, a pause ensued for some little time; when Bonaris resuming the discourse, said to Moraveres, But perhaps you approve of our Devotionalists, who, though professing themselves of the established religion, pretend to an extraordinary piety; who neglect their duty to themselves, their families, and to society, to run about after religious exercises; and are either puffed up with an impious assurance, of being in favour with the Deity, or depressed with terrors of having offended him. Moraveres replied, That curiosity had led him to attend their meetings, and though he sincerely pitied them, he was far from approving the strange opinions they held, concerning, the attributes of the Deity, of grace being all-sufficient without good works; and that every one who did not think as they do, was in a state of reprobation, with other doctrines which were subversive of morality and true religion. That he believed their Teachers were either artful hypocrites, or silly enthusiasts; the former deserving punishment, and the latter consinement in a mad-house. Bonaris declared, he intirely agreed with him in his opinion of them; but, said he, let us return to our own Priests, who I should be happy to defend, or at least offer something in extenuation of their conduct; and I am apt to believe, that it is not so much the church government, that makes the priests of one nation, more exemplary than that of another, as the manners of the people amongst whom they live; and the education they receive in common with others, in their infancy. For, continued he, how can a Bonhommican make a bad priest, who does every thing conscientiously? But, pursued he, we must mend our manners in general, to procure the particular reformation we have been talking of; and I am afraid there is little probability of that happening, without some humiliating reverse of fortune, Education might do much, if children at the same time could be preserved from the bad examples of all about them. But we go on in the old way, of teaching them nothing but two dead languages all the early part of their lives, taking little care of cultivating the moral sense, and yet are surprised that our people are not as virtuous as yours.

The Bonhommicans all agreed, that if their favourite sense was not early rooted, and thoroughly fortified, all the care in the world afterwards, would have little effect; for all mankind had the seeds of it in their bosoms, though it was only in theirs, and in those of a few individuals of other nations, that its fruit grew up to maturity. Your universities, said they, may be better than ours with respect to the sciences, and what is called learning in general, but they will be able to do little in morality.

As to our Colleges, answered Bonaris, they have produced very great men, and there are still some of considerable learning amongst them, but at present none very remarkable. The professorships are too well endowed to expect any considerable exertions from that quarter, and indeed scarcely one of them gives a lecture. The education of youth is then intrusted to Tutors, who carry them through all the different branches of learning. Judge you, continued he, whether one man can be capable of doing it as it ought to be. In other respects the discipline is so loose, that a young fellow may there indulge himself in debauchery with great security, if he is not guilty of any very open breach of decorum. And yet, said Mocophage, learning in general, the sciences and arts, are at present in high reputation amongst you? They are so, rejoined Bonaris, and very justly; but not owing so so much to the Universities, as to some other Societies, and the application of private men. The Royal Scientifical Club has promoted most of them in a very high degree, and still keeps up to the spirit and vigour of its institution. Other private ones, on similar, or different plans, both in the capital and other principal cities of the Empire, have also done their part. And the royal school of arts lately instituted, promises fair to raise Painting, Sculpture, and Architecture, to a very high degree of perfection.

You see, my friends, continued he, I endeavour to be as impartial as possible; the defects in our manners are too glaring, not to be easily seen by one who searches after truth.

Upon this I observed to him, That the many Hospitals which had been erected in Miro-volante within half a century past, seemed to demonstrate, that a laudable charity still existed in the breasts of his countrymen in general; and that (according to my religion) charity covered a multitude of sins. He replied, That there had indeed been a number of new erected Hospitals; but the motives on which the erectors proceeded, made the merit of such actions. That sometimes it was difficult to penetrate into the recesses of the human heart, and at others easy enough. One or two, which had been built and endowed by particular persons, seemed plainly with an intention to raise a name; as mean and despicable a piece of vanity as any the human mind is subject to, and where they have valuable relations, far from praise-worthypraiseworthy. As to those, continued he, which have been built and supported by subscription, I know for a certainty, that the projectors of many of them had selfish views; and it is not improbable, but the contributors acted more, from an easiness of temper, ostentation, the convenience of sending their servants to them, or some other motive, than from true benevolence of heart.

The conversation now turned to variety of subjects; when, after sometime, Moraveres addressing himself to Bonaris, said, The Cortesinas is now broke up, and all your Nomras and Comras gone into the country; be so obliging to let me know how both sexes pass their time in it? Do they reside at their country-seats, and keep hospitality, as ours do at that season? Bonaris smiled and answered, Very, very few I assure you: they have got such a habit of dissipation and idleness, that they would grow low-spirited, if left in the country with only their friends about them. But there are, continued he, about twenty spaws in different parts of the kingdom, and as many sea-bathing places upon the coast, which are all full of company, not one in twenty of whom go for their healths; every one of these places has a ball-room or two, where they play cards from morning till night, and dance as often as they chuse. Besides those, there are horse races once every summer (and oftener in some) in almost every town in the kingdom; at which there are cock-fightings for the men, and balls for the women. You see, pursued he, that by running from spaw to bathing-place, from bathing place to horse-race, and from horse-race to some spaw or bathing-place again, they may contrive to fill up their time tolerably well: and such is their love of change, that they even grow weary of the sameness of this world, and often send themselves out of it with a halter or a dose of poison.

These horse-races, continued he, are the constant causes of excessive gaming; and are particularly destructive to those who themselves keep running horses, from their immense expence.

Notwithstanding the bad effects of them in this country, according to our friend's account, I own (as a Yorkshireman), that I had a very great partiality for that amusement, and had for some time resolved to see the first that happened at a reasonable distance from town, before we sailed; the time for which was fast approaching.

The winter Theatres were shut up soon after our arrival, and a summer one opened, which was also Royal. Aristopharis was the patentee of it; a very extraordinary character! he had wrote a great number of comedies, full of wit and humour; but as they were all on temporary subjeccts, they probably will not long survive him, unless he or somebody else writes a very full commentary on his works. In the mean time they answered his purpose of bringing him full houses.

None but his own pieces are almost ever performed at his house. He is also an excellent companion, and much sought after by the Nomras and men of wit; giving in his turn, elegant and expensive entertainments. He has spent two or three fortunes, besides the immense sums he has raised on the public; being in that respect a perfect contrast to Garrimond.

We sometimes made parties to go to that Theatre, and when we could, carried some of the Bonhommican ladies of the factory with us; but it was not often we could prevail with them, as they still retained their own country manners; having (to comply with the fashion only) got small artificial head-wings. Aristo-pharisAristopharis always played the principal characters in his own pieces, and frequently mimicked the person and manner of the culprit intended to be exposed to public ridicule, in so excellent a manner, that the whole audience were kept in a continual roar.

In short, this theatre might be called by way of excellence, the laughing theatre; there was no forbearing. I do not believe a person brought directly from the fabled cave of Trophonius could have resisted.

We had not yet been at Rondelleva or Fairy-hall, but now made parties for both; not in the same evening as many people do; we husbanded our amusements better than that came to. With much persuasion some of our ladies accompanied us to the former, but nothing could draw them to the latter. Rondelleva is a vast rotund (in size far exceeding the Theo-pan), about a mile from town. It really struck us very much at our first entrance. The company is as great a mixture as can well be imagined; from the Prince and Princess of the blood royal, to any body who can appear in a decent dress, and pay half an ecuris for entrance. It may properly be called an immense Coffee-house for both sexes. Every thing is however decent at this place, even the Alæ-putas conceal their wings as much as they possibly can. There is always a band of music, and some fingers; but no body seemed to mind them. The place was exceedingly crouded that night, and however agreeable it may be at other times, it certainly was much the reverse on this occasion.

The entertainment at this place, is to walk round the room, and round the room, like a horse in a mill. You see but half the company, for you must still follow your leaders; (this is occasioned by a large support to the roof in the center of the room, in which there is a fire in cold weather); should any number pretend to go the opposite way, there would be a full stop. The only method of seeing the whole, is to take possession of a box (if you can, for on these crouded nights there are great demands for them); sit down in it, and see all the company pass you at your ease. You have Tea and Coffee for your half ecuris if you chuse it.

On crouded nights it is very difficult to get to your carriages; so much so, that company are often kept till three or four in the morning solely on that account. To prevent which, and our curiosity being satisfied, we made our retreat a little after eleven, and happily got safe home.

We were all men in the Fairy-hall party, and certainly it is well named; for every thing looks like Fairy-land or enchantment. A large garden well laid out, interspersed with elegant buildings; in the midst of which, is one for a band of music and good voices. Statues, Paintings, Cascades strike your eyes, whatever side you turn to. The whole illuminated with some thousands of globular lamps, which make it almost as light as day. What added much to the oddity of the scene (though it was a great nuisance), was the Alæ-putas flying about in great numbers, and perching upon the trees in a ridiculous manner; calling to the men as they walked past, and inviting them up to them. You pay but a scheris entrance, but the proprietor has great profit on his meat and wine, as it is customary to sup here. We were resolved to see the whole of the place, and went into a box. The prices of every thing are fixed; so much for a chicken, so much for a slice of beef, &c. &c. &c. The provisions, though dear, were good of their kind; but the high priced wines were execrable. You sit in open boxes, exposed to the ribaldry of the Alæ-putas and drunken apprentices; who, after ten o'clock, became very noisy and quarrelsome. They soon became too much so, for us to have any satisfaction in a longer stay; we therefore paid our bill and went home, wishing we had done it sooner.

I have already mentioned my predilection for a horse-race, luckily those of Epicem (a small town, fifteen miles from the capital) were advertised; and as none of the commanders had ever seen one, they were the more easily persuaded to go one of the days. Fortunately the weather was favourable, and brought a vast deal of company on the downs. They were of all sorts; a great number of handsome carriages filled with Comras and Comrinas; some Nomras and Nomrinas; crouds of horsemen of all ranks; and not a few Alæ-putas in high life, in their carrs and six.

The running horses seemed not inferior to ours in England; they were indeed beautiful creatures, and it warmed my heart to look at them.

They started, and every body (especially those who betted) were in an agitation of spirits; galloping about, and offering betts, at every seeming alteration in their progress.

The carrs and six attended them in the air, which had a beautiful effect. At last the push was made, the horses strained everynerve, and the Riders spared neither whip nor spur to urge them on. Of the four that run, two kept so near a-breast, it could not be distingushed which was foremost; then the noise was loud, and betts altered every moment, in favour now of one, now, of another; at last they reached the winning post, and by the exertion of the rider one of them gave a spring forward, and won by half a neck. Nothing but shouting and hollowing was then to be heard; some glorying in their judgment, others cursing their ill-luck, and accusing the losing Rider of being bribed.

I shall not tire my reader with a description of the other heats; suffice it to say, that the sport was as fine as ever I saw in England. We had also a Chase which very much diverted the company, and was quite unexpected. One of the Carr-born Goddesses, had very wisely trained six Falcons for her equipage, and came with them to the ground that day, for the first time of trying them in public. Another was drawn by six beautiful Pigeons, which the Falcons unluckily got a view of; away they flew after them, being very little under command of their Charioteer. The Pigeons exerted themselves with all their strength to escape their enemy, nor did their Goddess restrain them. The efforts on both sides were great, and the chase long, sometimes in one direction, and sometimes in another; at last, from the, great agitation, both the Goddesses were thrown from their Carrs, the reins and harness were broke, and the poor Pigeons devoured. To put my reader out of pain for the Goddesses, I have the pleasure to assure him they got no hurt, as their large spreading wings supported them in the air and broke the fall. We returned to town very well satisfied with our diversion, and had the luck to escape being robbed.

Chap. IX.

Every thing prepared for sailing. Take leave at Court; and of our Friends. Sail with a fair wind. Speak with some Armoserian Privateers. A Storm. Meet with a Dutch Frigate. The Captain of her gives the Author a passage to Battavia. Tender parting with Moraveres. His friendly behaviour to the Author; and humanity to the Dutch Crew. The Scurvy abates on board the Harlem Frigate, from the use of Malt and other things Moraveres spared them. Arrives at Battavia. Sent for by the Governor and Council, to interrogate him concerning the Island of Bonbommica. Ships fitted out for that discovery. The Author falls sick, but recovers. Sails to the Cape in a Dutch Indiaman. Gets a passage home in an English one. Arrives in Old England.

Every thing was now ready for sailing, and we only waited for a fair wind. We took leave at Court, of the Ambassador, and of the Nomras who had shewed us civilities; but with much more real concern of the worthy Merchants of the factory, and of the virtuous Bonaris. Our grief at parting would have been greater, if we had not hoped to meet again the next year, or at least to hear from one another. The wind came fair the day after we lay on board, and we sailed the 1st of February 1776, having been near three months in this famous Capital.

Our voyage was prosperous and agreeable during the whole month of February, and most part of that of March; no occurrence happened worth mentioning, except that we met, and spoke with several Armoserian Privateers; who paid due honours to the Bonhommican flag, seeing us so well prepared for them; or what is more probable, having no design to make themselves any new enemies.

The goodness of heart which Moravers shewed on every occasion, made me almost adore him; and I perceived that my endeavours to imitate their manners, had not been entirely without success, as I gained ground daily in his affections. The orderly behaviour of the inferior officers and common sailors, was also truly admirable; and I often used to make the comparison in my own mind, betwixt them and our English crews, where nothing is done with-outwithout bawling, cursing, and swearing in a most shameful manner.

On March 27th, when by our reckoning we were within a hundred leagues of Bonhommica, and were happy in the thoughts of soon seeing our friends; at 2 p.m. the wind, which had mostly been at west, changed to S. W. and freshened considerably. This obliged us to take in our top-gallant-sails, and even to reef the top-sails. At half after four we took them in also, and at fix reefed our courses. Thus we run all that night, but the gale still increased upon us. In the morning we counted our whole convoy still in company, and put in another reef in our courses. On the evening of the 28th, the Quadarow made the signal for lying to under a reefed mizen, for fear of shooting abead of our port. It blew a perfect storm all night, and the ship pitched so dreadfully, that we had some apprehensions of her foundering. On the 29th at day-break, not one of the fleet was to be seen, and the storm instead of abating grew every hour more violent; so that to prevent her foundering, we were obliged to put her before the wind under a treble reefed foresail. She did not now labour in the sea as before, but went with a prodigious velocity; at least nine or ten knots an hour as well as we could judge, heaving the log-line in so mountainous a sea being impracticable; however, on the 30th, we found it necessary to take in also the foresail, and let her drive under bare poles. Mora-veresMoraveres was as composed in this tempest as at other times, giving me his opinion and orders with the coolness of a virtuous man, who was prepared for all events. Nor did he even at such a time overlook the firmness with which the masts and rigging bore the buffeting of the winds, to the honour of British improvements.

This storm continued with unabated violence to April 9th, when it began to lose somewhat of its fury; but went off gradually as it came on. The 10th it abated considerably, but a prodigious high sea still run.

We now got out some sails, and altered our course for Bonhommica. On the 11th fair weather, and the sea much fallen: at noon an ob-servationobservation, and found ourselves in 10° 52' south latitude, and by several distances of the sun and moon in 152° 34' east longitude. At 2 p. m. saw a sail which we concluded must be one of the convoy, she was to leeward, so we bore down to her; but how great was my surprise and joy when we neared her, to discover she was European built and seemed to be Dutch. I acquainted Moraveres with it, who said, it would give him great pleasure to see an European ship, but was afraid it would be the means of depriving them of me; however, said he, we must put away all selfishness from our hearts, when the happiness of our friends is concerned.

A boat was immediately hoisted out, and the Dutchman seeing we intended coming on board of him, ordered the ship to lie to for us, and the Ardefow was commanded to do the same. We went on board, and found her a frigate of 22 guns called the Harlem, and commanded by John Van Trump. I had much ado to make myself understood by the Captain, as he was master of neither English nor French nor I of Dutch. The sailors being all on deck out of curiosity to see such outlandish people, I asked in English, if none of them were Englishmen; they all shook their heads. I then spoke to the same purpose in French, when one came forward, and said in that language that he was a Walloon. The Captain was a well looking man, and polite, for his country. He asked us very civilly into his cabbin, where the Walloon attended us. When there, he begged the favour to know how I came into these seas, and more particularly in a ship, and with people, whom he had never seen, or heard any thing spoke of. That all Europe believed, that there was no civilised nation in that part of the globe; but by the construction of the ship, its large size, and the appearance of the people, it seemed to be otherwise. I gave him a faithful account of my travels, and particularly of the Island of Bonhommica, and its inhabitants, giving them the due praise their virtues deserved; letting him know also, that I had entered into their service, as there seemed little probability of my ever getting back to my own dear coun-trycountry. I however had done it with this express reservation, that I was at liberty to quit it upon any occasion of meeting with a European ship, that would carry me thither. But though I told him nothing but truth, no mention was made of the southern continent; that great discovery I reserved for my dear countrymen. I now in return requested an account of his business in these feas, but found him very reserved on that subject. He only said, that he had been sent out by the governor general and council of Batavia, on a voyage of discovery; that he had been at New- Zealand, where one of his boat's crews had been cut off, and devoured by the savages; and that having been already out fifteen months, with a very sictkly ship's company, he was returning thither with all possible expedition, before the scurvy had quite disabled them. He concluded with offering me in a very handsome manner, a passage to Batavia, which I accepted with great thankfulness He asked us to stay dinner with him, which the Quadarow consented to, on condition he dined with him next day, on board the Ardefow. This he readily consented to, having no doubt a curiosity to see the ship, and the manners of the people who navigated her. Before dinner Captain Van Trump showed Moraveres every part of the Harlem, who was not so much pleased as might have been expected; but Duteh ships are in general of a clumsy and heavy construction in comparison with the English.

The Dutch Captain gave us the best dinner that was in his power; every thing was neat and plain, which greatly pleased our Quadarow. What we wanted in fresh meat, he made up in good liquors; arrack punch and Constantia wine, were both quite new to Moraveres, and much admired by him. After dinner, we returned to the Ardefow (which I shall no longer call our ship, as I was so soon to leave her), and I began to put my affairs in some order, to be removed on board the Harlem. I must honestly own, that though I had now a prospect of seeing Old England again, which I had for a long time almost despaired of; yet the parting with Moraveres, and the thoughts of never seeing my royal mistress or any of my friends in Ludorow more, struggled hard in my thoughts, with the love of my native country; and it was not an easy conquest which the latter at last gained. Moraveres observed my concern, and was pleased with it; he said it shewed a good heart, not to quit people who valued me, without regret, though it was to return to my own country. But, continued he, you must endeavour to shake it off, as you are only doing your duty, and I shall comfort myself in your absence with the hopes of your being happy, and that you will not entirely forget me and my country.

He then made some inquiries concerning the Dutch nation; and when I had given him an account of their small territory in Europe, and their extensive commerce, together with their great power in India; their character, manners, &c. &c. He said, they were a singular instance of the powerful effects of commerce, but there were some things in their character which he could not approve of; they seem, said he, a selfish people, and make every thing give way to that sordid principle. I afterwards (at his own desire) informed him in what manner I was to get home; and he (understanding, that after reaching Batavia, a long voyage was to be made to Europe) went to his desk, and brought out a purse filled with 200 Tudarines, and said to me, Bowman, you are going amongst a selfish people, where you will be an intire stranger; if you cannot amongst men of that character pay for what you want, you will be very ill served. Receive then this money which I have no occasion for, it may be of use to you. I was delighted, and yet hurt with the generosity of my friend, and, would have excused myself from accepting it, by letting him know; that I was not without money enough (I hoped) to serve my occasions; but finding he would take my refusal very ill, I was obliged to acquiesce. I wrote a letter to the Lurgow Amorow, begging he would acquaint her Majesty with my great acknowledgments and gratitude for all her favours, which I assured him would never be obliterated from my memory, while I had life; and also assuring him of my great respect and regard for his own person and virtues, as well as for the whole Bonhommican nation. I wrote also to my host Lurgofage, inclosing one in it to my dear friend Ouragow at Seripante.

Next day, Captain Van Trump came on board according to promise, and brought his interpreter with him. Before dinner I shewed him the ship, which was cleared for that purpose, and he was not a little surprised with it; but as I honestly told him how she had been fitted out under my directions, by order of her Bonhommican Majesty, his admiration was somewhat lessened. He got the best dinner that the ship could afford, and wine both of the growth of Bonhommica and Luxo-volupto; which were very different from any he ever drank, and consequently increased his wonder. Conversing about Bonhommica, the Captain said to me, that it seemed impossible to him, that an Island of so large a size, and lying in the longitude and latitude I had mentioned, should hitherto have es-capedescaped discovery; but, on considering the vast extent of the Pacific Ocean, it by chance might happen; and what he saw before him, and all around, was a plain proof that it had.

In viewing the ship, he had observed that all the men looked in perfect health, without the least appearance of the scurvy, and at dinner mentioned it to me as something very uncommon. I answered him, that we had only been seventy days out of port, which was not so long, but with common management that distemper might be prevented; for I assured him the two British ships which have lately been in these seas, had been 117 days without seeing land; and yet to my knowledge without any appearance of it. He begged to know, in what manner they were victualled, or if any other means were used to prevent that destructive malady. Upon this, I gave him a full account of our provision and management (but with which I shall not trouble the reader), and afterwards told him that the Ardefow had by way of experiment been conducted exactly in the same manner; which probably had contributed to the healthfulness of the men. After sitting silent for a minute or two, he replied, that I had told him of a very happy discovery, and wished he had an opportunity of trying it upon his sickly crew. To which I rejoined, that Moraveres was so humane and worthy a man, that I was certain if there was such a quantity left, as to allow any to be spared, that he would readily do it. The worthy Quadarow, upon being told of the sickly condition of the Dutch ship, and what was requested of him, immediately sent for a return of these stores to be made him; and finding he safely might spare a part to people in such distress, ordered a certain quantity of each to be properly casked up and put into the Harlem's boat.

Van Trump expressed his acknowledgments for his humanity, and it being now time to depart, I took a last farewel of my dear friend, which was on neither side with dry eyes; and also of the quarter-deck officers; even the common men were not forgot; and I have the satisfaction of remembering, that they all showed a concern at parting with me.

The ships steering different courses, were soon out of fight of each other; but my heart still glowed with the remembrance of the Ardefow and her excellent commander.

Captain Van Trump treated me very well during our voyage to Batavia, and the favour I had obtained for his sick men required no less at his hands. By the help of our interpreter, I gave the surgeon instructions how the stores were to be managed to the best advantage, and being an idle man, even overlooked the giving of them regularly myself. It was with infinite pleasure that I observed their salutary effects; those who were only beginning to be ill, recovered in a very short time; and those who had been long down, grew by degrees better and better.

The Dutch language does not differ greatly from the English; I took some pains in acquiring it while on board this ship, and not altogether without success; before we got to Batavia, I could talk it tolerably well. We arrived at this famous Emporium June 26th, 1776, without any thing worth relating having happened in the voyage.

Before I had been a week at Batavia, a very civil message was sent me from the Governor-general and Council, desiring to see me, which I accordingly obeyed. When I was introduced, it soon appeared what their business with me was, by the Governor's immediately interrogating me, concerning the ship from which the Harlem had taken me. I gave him a faithful account as far as it went, of the Island of Bonhommica and every thing I knew concerning it, with which they seemed satisfied, as it agreed exactly with Van Trump's account of the Ardefow, and her ship's company. Before I left Batavia, two ships were fitting out to go on that discovery; whereof one was to be commanded by Van Trump. This gave me some uneasiness, as I wished no body might get the start of my own dear countrymen, in an intercourse with so virtuous a people; and I hope they will do me the justice to consider, that, circumstanced as I was, it was utterly impossible for me to conceal that valuable discovery from the Dutch.

I had hitherto enjoyed an uninterrupted good state of health during all my dangers and fatigues; but the stinking putrid air of this abominable place, was too powerful for me. I fell down in a putrid fever, and was many days struggling for life. The most noted physicians were called to my assistance by Van Trump, who, to do him justice, acted a friendly part by me; and at the end of three weeks (whether from the medicines I had taken, or from youth and a good constitution, I shall not determine), my disease took a favourable turn. I began to recover, but it was very slowly; which no doubt was in a great measure occasioned by my continuing in the same bad air. My desire of being removed into the country was complied with; and I found great benefit by that change. Sickness, it is generally said, is chargeable; this I found to my cost; for had it not been for my good friend's purse of Tudorines, I could not have defrayed the expences of mine. I got Dutch money for them from a goldsmith; and many of the Merchants and Council bought them from him as great curiosities.

Van Trump undertook to procure me a passage, in the first ship bound to the Cape of Good-Hope; and to acquaint me when she was ready to sail. This did not happen till the middle of October, when I came to town, and went on board immediately, after thanking the Captain for all his favours. The ship was a Dutch East Indiaman, called the Oster-hought, commanded by Isaac Van Neck, a very sensible good fort of man. As soon as we got out to sea, I found myself quite a different man, and daily recovered my strength and spirits. We had rather a tedious passage to the Cape, though no very bad weather; having sailed from Batavia the end of October, and not arriving there till the beginning of March 1777. I was now got to a known country, and went to lodge at the same house I had been well treated at, four years and a half before. English company's ships were frequently coming from India, and calling here for refreshments in their way to Europe. I took my passage home in the Triton, the Hon. Captain Elphinston commander, a most agreeable and worthy man, who made every one on board his ship happy. We called at St. Helena, as is usual for the company's ships, but made no long stay, had a prosperous voyage home, and came to an anchor in the Downs, on the 24th of July; when I soon had the happiness of breathing my native air, of finding my dear father in health, and all my family and relations very happily established.

The only loss I had to regret, was that of Sir Charles Saunders; him I most sincerely lamented, both as a worthy man, and the only patron I had in the British navy. I have an ambition to serve my King and Country, and desire no other reward for my great discoveries, than to be admitted to the same rank which I left in the Bonhommican service. But as in this country every thing goes by interest, I almost despair of success; and heartily wish my good friend Omai was still here, who, I make no doubt, would have exerted to the utmost, all his interest with the Great in my favour.

It requires no nice investigation to discover, that the British manners at present resemble much more those of the Luxo-voluptans, than the Bonhommicans. I am sorry to find it so, but for my own part I shall endeavour to form my friendships with those only, who have the greatest similitude to the latter nation; whose virtuous lives shall be the models for my imitation.

As the opportunity of returning to my native country was so unexpected, and happened at sea; there was no possibility of bringing any specimens of the manufactures, arms, or curiosities of the countries I visited, with me. However, if any gentleman will give himself the trouble of calling at my lodgings in St. Alban's-Street, I can shew him the coins of Bonhommica and Luxo-volupto; and some of the manufactures of both countries in my Bonhommican uniform, and the cloaths I made up at Miro-volante to appear in at court.

I have not increased the size and price of this small volume, by a vocabulary of words, which I could easily have furnished from the languages I acquired. But if the Public shews any curiosity concerning these languages, they shall be indulged with something more complete than has hitherto appeared, of those spoke in the southern hemisphere; which I shall publish by subscription.

Thus have I, without any expence to my country, discovered the hitherto supposed, but much doubted of, Great Southern Continent. A fifth division of this Terraqueous Globe, of no inconsiderable magnitude; being (by the best information I could obtain) at least as large as Europe. And I hope from the known generosity of my countrymen, that I shall not be so ungratefully used by them, as the great Columbus was by the Spaniards; but that they will do me the honour of giving my name to it; which I think without dispute I have a much better right to, than Americus Vesputius had to that of America.

I shall not pretend to dictate to the Public, by which of my names it should be called, either of them is at their service; but if they will allow me to give my opinion, I think Bowmania would be softer, and more in unison with the names of the other divisions so long in use, than Hildebrandia.