<name type="work" key="name-101200">Murihiku: A History of the South Island of New Zealand and the Islands Adjacent and Lying to the South, from 1642 to 1835</name>

<name type="work" key="name-101200">Murihiku: A History of the South Island of New Zealand and the Islands Adjacent and Lying to the South, from 1642 to 1835</name> [electronic resource] <name type="work" key="name-101200">Murihiku: A History of the South Island of New Zealand and the Islands Adjacent and Lying to the South, from 1642 to 1835</name> Robert McNab Creation of machine-readable version TechBooks, Inc. Creation of digital images Edmund King Conversion to TEI.2-conformant markup TechBooks, Inc. MADS markup; TEI header and validation Edmund King ca. 1424 kilobytes New Zealand Electronic Text Centre Wellington, New Zealand Modern English, McNMuri

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Wellington, Christchurch and Dunedin, N.Z. Melbourne and London Whitcombe & Tombs Limited 1909 Source copy consulted: Victoria University of Wellington, Central Library: DU436 S M169 M 1909 <name key="name-134371" type="work">Letter from W. W. Bampton to Governor Philip Gidley King, January 19, 1796</name> W. W. Bampton <name key="name-134372" type="work">Letter from George Bass to Governor Philip Gidley King, January 30, 1803</name> George Bass <name key="name-134373" type="work">Report on the Prospects for the Flax Trade in New Zealand, September 1813</name> Robert Williams <name key="name-134374" type="work">Letter from Sir Robert Wilmot-Horton to Baron Charles Philippe Hippolyte de Thierry, December 10, 1823</name> Robert Wilmot-Horton <name key="name-134377" type="work">Letter from Baron Charles Philippe Hippolyte de Thierry to Henry Bathurst, April 21, 1824</name> Charles Philippe Hippolyte de Thierry <name key="name-134378" type="work">Extract from Bellingshausen's Diary, Describing His Voyage to New Zealand, 1820</name> Fabian Bellingshausen <name key="name-134379" type="work">Essay on the Manners and Customs of the Inhabitants of the Southern Part of Tavai-Poenammou (Te Wai Pounamu)</name> Blosseville, Jules Poret de

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Front Cover

Spine

Back Cover

Title Page

George Vancouver.From a Painting in the National Art Gallery.

Murihiku A History of the South Island of New Zealand and the Islands Adjacent and Lying to the South, From 1642 to 1835.ByRobert McNab Wellington, Christchurch and Dunedin, N.Z. Melbourne and London Whitcombe & Tombs Limited 1909

PrefacetoMurihiku and the Southern Islands. (Which is embodied in this work.)

The accompanying historical work is the result of nine years' research by the author into the forgotten past of South New Zealand history. That research first had for its object the early history of Southland, but as the information accumulated its area of operation enlarged to include the islands lying away to the south, and its range extended to cover the very earliest period of European discovery and trade.

As the field developed the author realised that the locality selected had a remarkable early history, commencing with the great discoverers Cook, Vancouver and Malaspina, developing into a seal, flax, oil and timber trade, under the best known names in early Australian shipping, running through various combinations of these trades and exhausting several of them before many of the events happened, which, in New Zealand history, are generally regarded as beyond its ken. The popular chronology of this country begins with the arrival of Cook in 1769, and treats as almost the next event the loss of the Boyd in 1809, following that up with the landing of Marsden in 1814, and then going on to missionary history in the Bay of Islands. Research, confined to the history of one portion only of New Zealand, shows how erroneous is such a representation of past events. The most fascinating period of New Zealand history—when the early sealer, in his little thirty ton craft, battled with the storms of the Tasman Sea and the uncharted rocks of Foveaux Strait in pursuit of skins, and later on, when the sea-elephant hunter, in his seventy-five ton brig, sought the cold inhospitable Macquarie Islands for the first cargoes of oil—had not only come but had gone, before Marsden landed.

The reader has to be told at this stage that Native history is not touched upon, except so far as it comes into contact with the European visitor. The work is intended to chronicle the progress of discovery and civilized trade. References to Natives are only incidental and occur in cases where sealing gangs came into conflict with the Maoris, or where, as in Captain Edwardson's case, a Maori chief was captured and brought to Sydney, thus coming into contact with men who have handed down to us the valuable material procured by them.

The search for the necessary information has been fairly extensive—much more so perhaps than the reader would imagine from merely glancing over the pages. Very little of the matter was already in book form, and what was so available was hidden away in rare volumes in English, Spanish, French and Russian, the last three without English translations. Malaspina's voyage, containing the account of the Spanish expedition, is in Spanish; Edwardson's information is in French and Bellingshausen's visit to Macquarie Island is in Russian. These are all extremely rare, and no English translation of any of them is known save that made for the author and published herein.

To give the reader an idea of the field covered for material, the places where search had to be made are mentioned. Owing to the early period under review—1770 to 1829—naturally nothing but a few q uotations from very early books could be got in New Zealand. The Hobart Colonial Secretary's Office was visited for information of Van Diemen's Land trade with New Zealand, and in Sydney the magnificent Free Public Library with its files of local papers, from 1803 to the present date, was patiently searched for months. At both places were got, among the general shipping news, information supplied by captains and others, while the events were fresh in their minds, of stirring scenes by land and sea. Sydney supplied the great bulk of this class of information, both from her Historical Records and from her newspaper files. Outside of Australian the trail was followed to the United States. The ports on the Eastern Coast, whence sealers and others came to scour the ocean, were visited, and Salem, Boston, New Bedford, Nantucket, Providence, Newport, Baltimore, Philadelphia and Washington, supplied, in their historical societies and public libraries, a mass of newspapers and log books from which much was brought to the light of day, to add to the knowledge of our country's history. The American newspaper files do not contain such a mass of information as the Australian. The distance at which the events happened in part accounts for this, but the reticence of their early whalers, regarding the places visited and the nature of their trade, is a conspicuous feature in American journalism of this date. So far was it carried, that to prevent rival firms getting information, only the barest mention was made of matters involving life and death. Naturally the Mother Country had material for research, and in the Record Office and the British Museum, time—all too short—was profitably spent amongst long forgotten manuscripts. In the former were found the logs of all the Government vessels, enabling the first discovery or earliest mention of localities to be recorded in the words of the discoverer, in the latter, many rare and valuable manuscripts of a general nature.

Outside of these visits of the author, his research work has involved a fairly wide correspondence. The early days of New Zealand saw many of the European nations strongly represented in voyaging and discovery and in the sealing trade, and records of their visits would naturally be expected to be found in the capitals of their respective countries. In prosecution of the search for this class of information correspondence has been carried on for some years with Madrid and Paris, resulting in the discovery of valuable information for this work, and New Zealand history. Even St. Petersburg, the distant capital of the great Russian Empire, has, hidden away in its archives, interesting early information about the Dominion, which the author has not yet given up hopes of obtaining.

Nothing has surprised the author more, during his long search, than the great mass of discovery work found placed upon record in books but never translated into our language, and the number of great explorers, scarcely known to our writers, even by name. With two of these we are brought into contact in the present work—the great Spaniard Malaspina, and the equally great Russian Antarctic explorer, Bellingshausen. The former visited Doubtful Sound in 1793, the latter, Macquarie Island in 1820. The British Museum knows of no English translation of the work of either, although an abridged German translation is to be found of the latter. Yet, with the exception of Cook, we have produced no navigator greater than either of them.

Three years were spent in patient search before Malaspina's narrative was procured. One Australian historian, after getting on the track of it, abandoned the pursuit, concluding that the proceedings of the voyage had never been published. No copies of the first edition are known to the author, but a second edition, published in Madrid in 1885, can readily be procured. As translated the New Zealand reference is reproduced in Chapter V. Bellingshausen's visit was discovered through mention being made by the captain of a sealing vessel called the Regalia, when she arrived at Hobart Town from Macquarie Island in March 1821, that two Russian vessels had called there for wood and water. Search in the Sydney files of that date revealed the name of the commander and the nature of the expedition, and the catalogue of the British Museum showed where there was to be found a published narrative of the voyage. The translation makes Chapter XVII., and throws more light upon the methods and daily life of the early sea-elephant hunters of the southern seas, than anything written in the English language. It should be mentioned also that Bellingshausen visited the mainland of New Zealand and spent some time in Queen Charlotte Sound.

Reviewing, if the reader will permit of it, some of the work accomplished in the preparation of this book, the author would give the first place in interest to the discovery of the log of the Endeavour, the old Dusky Sound wreck. The mention of American vessels, found while searching the Australian records, suggested a visit to the old whaling ports of the Atlantic States, and in 1906 the opportunity unexpectedly presented itself of realizing this long felt desire. Salem, Mass., was the first of the smaller ports visited, and there, in the magnificent manuscript collection of the Essex Institute, was found in one volume, got, no one knows where, the log of the Britannia when she deposited the first sealing gang on the coast of New Zealand in 1792 and when she subsequently returned there in 1793, of the Endeavour, during her celebrated voyage when she was abandoned in Facile Harbour in 1795, and of the Providence, the first vessel built in Australasia, when she sailed out of the yard in which she was built in Dusky during the same year. This marvellous combination of material was rendered possible by the fact that Mr. Robert Murry passed from fourth mate of the Britannia to third of the Endeavour and finally became captain of the Providence, carrying the same log throughout. It is not in every log that much information is found, all depends on the writer, but in this case the officer has fairly revelled in wealth of detail when the glamour of the lovely Sound was upon him. The mystery of Dusky vanished with this find. Probably it will never fall to the lot of the author, no matter how long his research work may be continued, to discover again so remarkable a series of manuscripts.

The steps taken and still being followed up, are necessarily bringing to hand from day to day fresh information relative to our history and the book could be added to considerably even now, if the author were suddenly called upon to re-write it. Eighteen months ago the work was almost ready for the public, and the first portion of an edition of six hundred copies was printed off, when the opportunity already referred to presented itself and the author visited America, where his researches resulted in such an amount of new material relating to Southern New Zealand that, on his return, the whole edition was destroyed and the work re-written, necessitating long delay.

The author has been told that owing to the disconnected nature of the material, it is impossible to write the early history of the south of New Zealand. Perhaps it is so, and perhaps this book will prove the best evidence of it. The material certainty is all that is claimed of it, but every effort has been made to place the facts in chronological order, in groups based upon the relationship of the events, and any abruptness in passing from one chapter to another may be due to the inability of the author or to the inaccessibility of the material. No doubt as new material comes to light wider generalization will render possible a more connected narrative.

With the intention of being explanatory and not apologetic, the object of placing upon record the narrative in such detail as has been done, is here referred to. So far no writer has sought to go with any degree of minuteness into the early trade connection of civilized man with these islands, and the vast amount of information which exists under this heading is unknown to the writer of modern history. Research indicates three great centres of trade in earlier days,—Foveaux Strait, Cook Strait and the Bay of Islands,—and the author thinks that if the most minute detail of the earliest history of these places is brought into the light in the form sought in this work, carefully checked and proved, there will be given to the writer of colonial history generally, material on which to base his work with a proper conception of its significance. Without a knowledge of the past a proper appreciation of the present is, of course, impossible. This book will supply, it is hoped, information up to the year 1829, relating to the southern trade centre.

The year 1829 was the end of the sealing and the beginning of the shore-whaling trade and for this reason was selected as a suitable stopping place when political changes took the author away from his uncompleted work, to shoulder other responsibilities. The material is ready, however, for a continuation of the narrative almost down to the time when our present histories take up the thread, on the recognised settlement of the country. To present this to the reader in proper form must be reserved for opportunities yet to come, and as the publication of the Historical Records of New Zealand by the Government will enable the matter contained in the last four Appendices to be put there, the addition of the further material and the revision of the old can go hand in hand to bring the whole of the early history of Foveaux Strait within the compass of one volume.

The scheme as outlined would indicate that the work could not reasonably be expected to form a popular reading book. To have accomplished this would have required a literary ability, added to a capacity for research, which the author makes no claim to possess. The work has proved a source of great pleasure, whiling away many pleasant hours, cementing almost as many agreeable friendships, and bringing about several interesting visits to distant parts of the earth: and now that the labourer's task is over, he will be satisfied if disappointment with the narrative is accompanied with an admission that the information conveyed justifies its publication and is followed by a feeling that writers, gifted with the power of making history attractive, can gather what stores of information they want, from inside is covers.

The author would not like to conclude his labours without some suitable acknowledgment of the services rendered to him by many gentlemen here and in other lands. To attempt to mention the names of all would be out of the question, but there are many who may be said to have rendered signal service. Mr. A. H. Turnbull of Wellington placed the finest collection of New Zealand books and early Sydney files in the Dominion at the author's disposal. Mr. F. M. Bladen of the Free Public Library, Sydney, gave valuable information and access to copies of rare papers under his control. The assistance of the Hon. Geo. Fred. Williams, and Dr. Weld of Boston, Mass., U.S.A., did much to bring about the success of the Atlantic States tour. In the various historical societies visited in Massachusetts, the following rendered invaluable aid: Mr. Tillinghast of the State House Library, Boston; Mr. G. F. Dow, of the Essex Institute, Salem; Mr. L. W. Jenkins of the Peabody Museum, Salem; Mr. G. H. Tripp of the New Bedford Library; and Messrs W. A. Wing, Frank Wood and H. B. Worth of the Dartmouth Historical Society, New Bedford. Dr. Putnam and Mr. David Hutcheson of the Library of Congress, Washington, rendered good service in that magnificent collection of literary material. Mr. Frank E. Brown of New Bedford supplied a valuable collection of old charts of New Zealand. In London our High Commissioner, the Hon. W. P. Reeves, exerted himself specially to assist the author. Mr. Charles Wilson, Librarian to the New Zealand Parliament, made accurate translations of the rare French works quoted. Mr A. B. Thomson of the General Assembly Library overlooked the publication and prepared the index.

Parliament Buildings, Wellington, New Zealand,

4th May, 1907.

Relief from the responsibility which caused 1829 to be made the stopping place of “Murihiku and the Southern Islands” has brought the author back once more to his former employment, rendered all the more enjoyable by the kindly and appreciative criticism which greeted the appearance of his first publication.

The form in which this work is presented to the public differs from the outline of it contained in the preface to the edition of 1907, and many of the anticipations contained therein have not been realized. When its preparation came to be undertaken it was found that no satisfactory historical arrangement could be made, on the basis of dealing with only the southern portion of the South Island. The bay whaling, which succeeded the sealing, was common to the whole Island, and no treatment of it was complete which did not take up the history of the coastline as far north as Cook Strait. This extension of the area for the period following 1829 necessitated going back to the beginning and bringing up to that date the early history of the new area. To enable him to proceed, the author had to retrace his steps, commence with Tasman in 1642 and do for the whole of the South Island (Te Wai Pounamu) what he had already done for the extreme south (Murihiku). This explains the form in which the work is now presented to the reader.

Of the period up to 1829 the added matter is considerable. Chapters have been added giving Tasman's visit, Cook's exploration of the South Island, his five visits to Queen Charlotte Sound, Bellingshausen's visit to Queen Charlotte Sound and D'Urville's exploration of Tasman Bay and discovery of the French Pass. In addition thereto a large quantity of historical matter relating to Otago, the West Coast and Cook Strait, has been woven into the narrative. So far as material is concerned, the Foveaux Strait and southern trade has been found to far exceed that of the remainder of the South Island. On the other hand, the Tables containing the Campbell and Macquarie Island shipping and all the Appendices of the former work have been omitted from this one. Material not taken from its contemporary records has been reduced to a minimum.

The difficulty of discriminating between the northern and southern coast trade of Cook Strait, and of Kapiti and Mana Islands, was overcome by including these places, with the result that, instead of dealing only with the South Island, the Wellington district, the Wellington Harbour and as far north as the 40th parallel, is now within our review.

Even with the extension mentioned, the flax trade cannot be dealt with to the satisfaction of the author. Probably it never will until the whole Dominion is included in the reference. During the time of Te Rauparaha, Kapiti was the centre of this trade, but the port of sailing was seldom mentioned when vessels arrived at Sydney and it is extremely difficult to ascertain whether flax cargoes arriving there came from Kapiti or the extreme north, where also was a small trade in this article. In a work aiming at the accuracy of this one, all voyages, from ports not specified, have to be passed over.

The name of the book is no longer descriptive of the area dealt with. Notwithstanding that the title is confined to the extreme south it has not been deemed advisable, on this occasion, to abandon the designation under which a large quantity of the material first appeared. Should, however, an extension of the work see the light of day at any time hereafter, a name more closely associated with the area dealt with will be used as a title to the publication.

The plan followed in the former work of avoiding Native history, except where it impinged on the European, has been continued, but, coming further north as we have done, a modification has had to be made owing to the altered conditions, and native history which is inseparable from the European has been dealt with. Though the author makes no claim to a knowledge of Maori history he hopes that this publication will enable Maori scholars to date the events they are recording with greater accuracy than they have been able to do in the past. With this object in view, Maori movements, in which Europeans played a part, have been chronicled and the dates given. Any extension of the work will require to deal still more with the Maori. The trade with Kapiti cannot be understood without a knowledge of the migration of the Kawhia natives under Te Rauparaha, its causes and the leaders' schemes. This marvellous military campaign is not dealt with.

The author has not waited until his subject is completed before submitting the results to the public. Fire, disinclination, physical infirmity or death, may, in a moment, prevent the work of years receiving publicity. The first-named has already been experienced by him and the others will come in their appointed course. Publication from time to time of what is available ensures the safety of so much, at any rate, of the work, and gives the public an opportunity, at the earliest possible moment, of sharing in the discoveries made. There is no reason why early news in the domain of historical research should not be as acceptable to the public as early news of the world's movements generally. Following upon recent publications of historical matter preceding the Treaty of Waitangi, a wider interest is now being manifested in the early history of the country generally. By many, until lately, it was not realised that the South Island had any history worth recording.

The intention was to bring this work down to 1840 and let it end with the beginning of British rule, but the amount of material available, combined with the short time at the author's disposal, has rendered that impossible. The carrying out of that scheme must stand over in the meantime.

The author desires to acknowledge his great indebtedness to those correspondents who have called his attention to errors in the former publication, or to sources of information not made use of. Readers are invited to continue the practice in the present work.

Readers will notice what, without explanation, might be considered a want of proportion in the arrangement of the material. Cook's fifth visit may receive no more notice than the voyage of an insignificant sealing craft fifty years later. The reason for this seeming disrespect to the more important event is that Cook's visit is already well recorded in his Voyages and is only inserted here to give a continuous history, while no other source of information regarding the sealer is open to the reader. This book is a first story of a great mass of matter, which must therefore appear in detail, while it only reproduces much well-known matter, to enable the other to be placed in its proper position historically. Even in recording Cook's visits, however, the journals of the officers are drawn on more than the published narrative of the voyage.

Outside of the matter, the form in which it is submitted calls for a word of explanation. A great quantity of the material has never appeared in book form. On that account the first object aimed at has been to prepare it for the student of history, to whom it is only acceptable if supplied in language as near the original as possible. As however a publication purely as record matter would not appeal to a large circle of readers, the events are woven into the form of the narrative without too great a sacrifice of the original form. The attempt to combine the historical record and the historical narrative may fail to satisfy either class of reader, but it accounts for the form of the book, and explains why the author obtrudes his own description so little on the reader.

To enable the reader to be his own judge in disputes regarding accuracy, the more important statements have their authorities given at the end of the narrative. An effort has been made to reduce the mass of authorities by giving no reference in cases where the source of information is obviously a Sydney paper of known date.

The author desires specially to express his obligations to Messrs Frederik Muller & Co., of Amsterdam, for procuring a photograph from a private collection of the priceless manuscript chart of New Zealand made by Visscher, Tasman's pilot-major, in 1642–3. Indebtedness to those gentlemen whose names are mentioned in the preface to the edition of 1907, is again acknowledged. To that list are to be added for this work the names of the Hon. James Carroll, Native Minister, Mr. C. A. Ewen, Mr. A. Hamilton, and Mr. J. Cowan, of Wellington, Mr. S. Percy Smith, of New Plymouth, and Captain Lambert, of the s.s. Arahura, Mr. A. H. Turnbull, of Wellington, kindly allowed photographs to be taken of appropriate subjects from his magnificent collection.

It should be noted that the opinion given on pp. 8 and 9, that Tasman's second anchorage was at the Rangitoto Islands, is not supported by Visscher's chart, which arrived just as the book was going to the press.

This edition is limited to 515 copies.

Wellington, New Zealand

.4th May, 1909.

Contents

Chapter Page I. Discovery by Tasman, 1642 1 II. Cook Explores, 1770 13 III. Cook's Second Visit, 1773 31 IV. Cook's Third and Fourth Visits, 1773–1774 47 V. Cook's Last Visit, La Perouse and Bligh, 1776 to 1788 62 VI. Vancouver's Visit, 1791 77 VII. First Sealing Gang, 1792 90 VIII. Malaspina Visits Doubtful Sound, 1793 101 IX. Wreck of the Endeavour, 1795 111 X. Bass and His Monopoly, 1801 to 1803 125 XI. First Sealers Arrive, 1803 to 1805 133 XII. The Sealing Islands, 1804 to 1808 142 XIII. Stewart Island Exploited, 1809–1810 155 XIV. Marquarie Island Trade, 1810 to 1820 173 XV. The Flax Trade, 1813–1814 191 XVI. Sealing Experiences, 1808 to 1820 207 The Mystery of the Solanders, 1808–1813—The Active's Gang, 1810–1813—The Matilda at Otago, 1813—The Voyage of the Betsy, 1815—Marooned on the Snares, 1810–1817—The Sophia Massacre, 1817—Head Collectors, 1820 XVII. Bellingshausen at Queen Charlotte Sound, 1820 235 XVIII. Trade of the Early Twenties 257 XIX. The Far South, 1820 to 1830 275 XX. The General Gates, 1819 to 1824 294 XXI. Cruise of the Snapper, 1822 to 1823 306 XXII. The Natives, 1823 321 XXIII. First Coastal Description, 1823 330 XXIV. The Later Twenties 341 XXV. Colonization Schemes, 1825 to 1827 356 XXVI. Discovery of the French Pass, 1827 367 XXVII. Cook Strait and Vicinity, 1830 to 1833 379 XXVIII. Foveaux Strait and Vicinity, 1830 to 1835 379 XXIX. Otago Whaling Station, 1831 to 1835 409 XXX. Cook Strait, 1834 421 XXXI. Cook Strait and Chatham Island, 1835 432

Corrigenda.

p. 109, sixteenth line—for “was” read “were.”

p. 397, in heading of Chapter—for “1833” read “1835,” also consequential alterations of page headings 399, 401, 403, 405 and 407.

Murihiku

CHAPTER I. Discovery by Tasman, 1642.

IN the year 1642 the South Pacific Ocean was represented upon the map of the World by a vast irregular mass of land with no defined boundaries beyond the outline of York Peninsula on the north, a fairly accurate delineation of the Australian coastline on the west, and the outline of the land as far as the head of the Great Australian Bight on the south. From these known boundaries the imagination of geographers pictured a great continent stretching across the face of the Globe, and appearing to the south of South America as Staten Land.

The nearest centre of civilisation and of commerce to this great unknown region was Batavia, on the island of Java, the commercial headquarters of the Dutch East India Co. The Portuguese, the English, the Spaniards, the French and the Danes, had each, for a time at any rate, to acknowledge the supremacy of the Dutch in the East, and in 1642, the Company, without a rival in sight, held undisputed commercial sway among the islands in the East. This secure position the Dutch leaders wisely used to extend their knowledge of the coastline far and near, and the great stretch of unknown territory lying to the east and south of their possessions, suggested so attractive a picture to these adventurous seamen, that after many proposals, and at least one unsuccessful attempt, there was brought together at Batavia the expedition which was to establish the insularity of Australia and to place the western coastline of New Zealand on the map of the world.

Abel Janszoon Tasman was selected to take command of the expedition, and Visscher, the greatest Dutch pilot of that time, was appointed pilot-major. Visscher, although not in command, appears to have had more to do with the plan of the expedition and with the preliminaries than had Tasman, and a Memoir of his, of date 22nd January, 1642, regarding the scope of the expedition, was largely made use of when the instructions to the commander were being prepared.

The vessels selected were the Heemskerck and the Zeehaen, and the instructions given to their commanders were to sail round the south-west corner of Australia, proceeding as far south as the fifty-second parallel of latitude, and then to make eastward until past the longitude of New Guinea, and ascertain whether a passage could be found in that direction into the Pacific Ocean. Shortly stated, the expedition was to determine whether the land known to the south was a continent or an island. If the land could be circumnavigated, the Company hoped that it would disclose a short and convenient route to Chili, and enable trade relations to be established with that country.

The voyage was commenced on 14th August, the Mauritius reached on 5th September, and Tasmania (called after the Governor of Batavia, Antony Van Diemen's Land), sighted on 24th November. After some time spent in skirting and surveying its coastline, the expedition, on 5th December, resumed its voyage to the eastward.

Very good time indeed was made in the run across, and on 13th December, about noon, “a large high-lying land” came in sight to the south-east, and the rugged mountain chain along the west coast presented itself to the delighted gaze of the great Dutch explorer. Tasman forthwith bore down upon the newly-discovered land and summoned the officers of the Zeehaen, when it was decided to communicate with the land as quickly as possible, a task not very easy of accomplishment with the sea then running, unless safe land-locked bays could be met with.

Sailing on to within about eight miles of the shore, Tasman followed the coast (which here extended northward), and which, he says, showed a very high double land with the mountain tops lost in the clouds, anchoring at times when the calm threatened to allow the vessels to drift into dangerous proximity to the rocks, and making all sail to the north when favourable winds allowed that to be done. On the fifteenth the “high steep cliffs, resembling steeples or sails,” at Cape Foulwind were noted. On the sixteenth, what is now known as Cape Farewell was reached, when a sitting of the Council with the second mates was convened, and it was decided that the expedition should still follow the land as it stretched to the eastward round the northern portion of the South Island.

As the two vessels sailed along the coast, no trace of natives was observed until the seventeenth, when their presence was revealed by smoke ascending from fires on shore. During the afternoon of that day the two vessels passed close to the sandspit, and in the evening anchored at its extremity, not far from where Cape Farewell lighthouse now stands.

Next day the expedition sailed into Golden Bay, in the direction of Separation Point, and a boat was sent ahead from each ship to look for a fitting anchorage and convenient watering place. At sunset the anchor was cast in fifteen fathoms. About an hour afterwards lights were visible, and four canoes were seen close in shore, two of which came towards the vessels, whereupon the ships' boats returned. So far as we can gather, the vessels were now anchored off Waramanga Beach. The Maoris, whose curiosity prompted them to visit the strange Dutch craft, later in the evening began to shout out, and blow an instrument like a Moorish trumpet. To this the trumpeters on both ships replied, and after an exchange of blasts, the natives, when it grew dark, paddled away. To prevent surprises on board the Dutch vessels, double watches were kept, and arms were held in readiness for instant use.

The nineteenth of December commenced with every prospect of getting into peaceful touch with the natives of the new found land. In the morning there came off from the shore a boat with 13 occupants; it consisted of two long, narrow prows, set side by side, with planks placed across, so that the occupants could look into the water underneath. Their language could not be made out from the vocabularies which had been supplied to the expedition at Batavia, but the Dutchmen noted their rough voices, their strong boned appearance, the colour of their skins, and the Japanese style of tying the hair at the back of the head in a knot surmounted by a large, thick, white feather. Every effort was made to induce them to come on board, and linen, knives, etc., were displayed, but all to no purpose. After a while the Maoris returned to the shore.

Tasman had, on the previous night, summoned a meeting of the Council, and now, in obedience to that summons the officers of the Zeehaen came on board the Heemskerck, when it was decided that as the people appeared to be friendly disposed, and there was good anchoring ground, the vessels should move in closer to the shore. Before this decision was carried into effect, however, the vessels were visited by seven more canoes. Two of the larger of these appeared specially to direct their attention to the Zeehaen, one with 17 men on board, paddled round behind the Zeehaen, while the other, with 13 occupants, came within half a stone's throw of the Heemskerck. As if they contemplated united action of some kind, the natives in the two boats kept calling to one another, and paid no attention to the efforts which were made from the Heems-kerck to divert their attention by a display of goods. At this juncture, while his vessel was evidently the object of close attention by the natives, it was unfortunate that the captain of the Zeehaen was on board the Heemskerck; and the steps he took to put the crew of his vessel on their guard caused a fearful disaster. Why he did not rejoin his ship in the hour of danger cannot be explained; it can only be stated that he sent his quartermaster, with six men, to warn his second mate to be on his guard, to use caution, and, if the natives offered to come alongside, not to allow too many on board. The vessel he appeared satisfied to leave without either its captain or its first mate.

When the boat conveying this warning was passing from the one ship to the other, the natives in the canoe alongside contented themselves with merely calling to those in the larger canoe and waving their paddles; the moment, however, the instructions sent to the junior officer of the Zeehaen had been delivered, and the boat was on its return journey, the Maoris in the smaller canoe paddled furiously towards the Dutchmen, the two crafts collided, and in the excitement, one of the occupants, with a long blunt pike-looking instrument, knocked the quartermaster overboard, and the others set upon the Dutchmen with their meres, killing three and mortally wounding a fourth. Three of the sailors, including the quartermaster, plunged or were thrown into the water and swam for the Heemskerck, and were picked up by a boat sent to their aid. The natives had no sooner committed the deed than they took one of the dead bodies into their canoe, threw another overboard, and paddled off without injury, although a heavy fire was directed against them from the ships. Holman, the captain of the Heemskerck, then manned a boat and rowed to the unfortunate craft, which had been turned adrift, there to find one man dead and one mortally wounded.

In “Harris' Voyages,” published in 1744, Tasman is described as being on board the Zeehaen, not on the Heemskerck, and the Maoris are stated to have come on board the latter vessel, whereupon Tasman sent a boat to put the officers upon their guard. Another variation from our narrative is contained in some of the older authorities in the description of the fight, which is stated to have taken place as the boat was making its way from the Heemskerck to the Zeehaen, instead of when returning from that vessel. Of the authorities for the latter, Burney, in his “Voyages and Discoveries,” written in 1813, may be taken as an example.

Horrified at the awful scene of which the two ships' crews had been witnesses, the captains weighed anchor and set sail.

Emboldened by the success of their first venture, no less than eleven canoes, swarming with natives, now approached the Dutch vessels. They were allowed to come close alongside, and were then greeted with a number of shots from the guns, but beyond one man hit by the discharge from the Zeehaen, no one appeared to be injured. The natives were, however, terrified by the volley, and rapidly paddled away for the shore.

At noon another meeting of the Council was held, the awful tragedy was discussed, and the following resolution drawn up: “Seeing that the detestable deed of these natives against four men of the Zeehaen's crew, perpetrated this morning, must teach us to consider the inhabitants of this country as enemies; that, therefore, it will be best to sail eastward along the coast, following the trend of the land, in order to ascertain whether there are any fitting places, where refreshments and water would be obtainable.”

There seems little reason to doubt that the terrible calamity just described could have been averted, had the captain of the Zeehaen rejoined his vessel on the first sign of danger. Possibly the deliberations of the Council were not completed, and Janszoon, his place being still on the Heemskerck, had no alternative but send instructions to the junior officer what course to follow should the natives attempt to come on board, but all experience is against a captain absenting himself from his vessel on such an occasion. The instructions having been given to the officers on the Zeehaen, the boat had to return to the captain on board the Heemskerck, which would not have been necessary had Janszoon rejoined his vessel instead of simply sending a message. The appearance of the boat passing from one ship to another suggested to the natives an attack, the return gave the opportunity. Tasman, while recording with great detail the events connected with the massacre, does not give the names of those killed. Another log, kept by a sailor, gives no information about the attack, but records the names of the poor fellows killed—the first Europeans to meet their death at the hands of Maoris—Jan Tyssen of Oue-ven, Tobias Pietersz of Delft, and Jan Isbrantsz. The fact that one of the dead bodies was taken into the Maori canoe, though it suggested nothing to the Dutchmen, indicates how the Maori victory was that night celebrated on the shores of Golden Bay.

The name Staten Land was given to the mainland, and that of Murderers Bay to the scene of the disaster.

After a perusal of Tasman's Journal and the charts accompanying it, the scene of this encounter is capable of fairly accurate determination. In coming to a conclusion the author has also had the benefit of the very valuable opinion of Captain Lambert, one of the most experienced navigators on that part of the coast, who has kindly put at his disposal a careful analysis of Tasman's remarks. His anchorage was in Golden Bay, off Wara-manga Beach, and two miles W. by N. ½ N. of Separation Point. This spot is ascertained by taking the error known to be present in his calculations at fixed points on the coastline and applying it to the figures given when recording his anchorage. It also fits in with the position shown in his chart and with native tradition.

Leaving the anchorage, Tasman sailed on a N.E. by N. course, which would take him past Stephens Island and well over to the mainland near the mouth of the Rangitikei River. His first thought was that here he would find a passage into the open South Sea, but as his soundings indicated the near approach of land, he altered his course to the westward.

On the twentieth, land was visible on all sides, and Tasman, who was rather far to the west to get a view of Cook Strait, seeing land ahead, tacked to the north and sailed on until he again picked up the coastline north of the Wanganui River. Beating about to get out of the bay in which he appeared to be, his next southern tack brought him across to the South Island in a direct line with Stephens Island, which he picked up during the afternoon. After running down the coastline of D'Urville Island for a few miles, Tasman cast anchor.

Here the expedition spent several days. The weather, however, proved very unsatisfactory, and as the anchorage was rather exposed, Tasman did not enjoy a very comfortable time. During the second night both ships had to drop second anchors, and the Heemskerck was compelled to strike her tops. Throughout the third day the weather was even more threatening. On the twenty-fourth, during a lull in the storm, Tasman summoned the officers of the Zeehaen on board his ship, and again pointed out to them the evidences of a passage to the south-east, and intimated that it would be well, when the weather moderated, to search for it and see whether fresh water could be got in that direction. On the twenty-fifth the weather moderated, and the vessels were got ready for sea.

Speaking of this anchorage, Tasman says: “We are lying here in 40° 50′ S. Latitude and Longitude 192° 37′.” Counting his errors as present in all his New Zealand reckonings, he must then have been in the same latitude as when anchored in Murderers Bay and 1° 7′ E. of that anchorage. The Rangitoto Islands are in the same latitude as Separation Point and 1° E. of it. If, therefore, the first anchorage was W. of Separation Point, the second must have been just outside the Rangitoto Islands. This position would place Stephens Island N.N.W. as described by Tasman and would also give a limited protection from the westerly winds which prevailed while the expedition was at anchor, and would, at the same time, suggest a removal when the wind shifted round to the east. All these points, added to Tasman's description, “There are many islands and cliffs all around here,” enable us to locate the anchorage from the positions quoted with tolerable certainty.

The sailor's log differs somewhat from Tasman's Journal in giving the twenty-second as the date when the vessels anchored, but its description is generally fully as good as that of the commander's. It says they “came into

Visscher's Chart of New Zealand, 1642–3Indicating presence of Cook Strait 128 years before its discovery. a creek about one mile from the shore.” As it is speaking of Dutch miles, which are equivalent to four English miles, it evidently is referring to the shores of D'Urville Island. Our sailor friend tells us that on the twenty-fifth the master of the Zeehaen and the merchant came on board the Heemskerck as guests of the Commander, two pigs were killed for the crew, and a tankard of wine given to every man “as it was the time of the fair”—the first Christmas celebrations on the coast of New Zealand. While Tasman's journal gives the same, his chart shows a different latitude for the two anchorages. The site marked on the chart would place his second anchorage near the mouth of the Pelorus, which might be read as the “creek” mentioned by the sailor. Under the circumstances the more specific statement of the latitude in the journal must prevail as against the appearance of the chart, though the latter is quite as definite in fixing the locality as is the former.

On the twenty-sixth, easterly weather brought a suitable opportunity of getting away, but when the ships were clear of their anchorage the weather changed to southerly and south-westerly with a stiff gale. Tasman therefore had to abandon the idea of examining whether a passage existed to the south-east, and was compelled to follow the coastline seen stretching away to the northward. So satisfied was he that a passage would be found to the south-east that one of the maps prepared by Visscher contains a break in the coastline at the very spot where 128 years afterwards Cook discovered the strait.

Tasman kept within reach of the western coast until 4th January, 1643, when he found himself off a cape with an island N.W. by N. of him.

A conference of the officers declared for touching at the island for fresh water and vegetables, but on getting nearer, it appeared to hold out little prospect of supplying their needs, and it was decided to take advantage of the favourable weather and run on. The island was called Three Kings, because the expedition came to an anchor there on Twelfth Night Eve, and sailed thence on Twelfth Day.

On the morning of the fifth, the wind being favourable, Tasman steered for the island, and at noon two boats were sent off to look for water, but although water was seen, they could not procure it on account of the surf at several places, which prevented their landing. They found the island inhabited, seeing in all thirty or thirty-five persons, heavily-armed men, who took enormous strides as they walked. That evening the vessel anchored close to the shore. The attempt on the following day was again unsuccessful. It was found impossible to land with the casks, on account of the surf, and the two boats sent out for that purpose were recalled to the ships, the Council was summoned, and the expedition sailed away.

Thus ended Tasman's visit to New Zealand. From 13th December, 1642, to 6th January, 1643, the Dutch expedition was on the coast, and surveyed with wonderful accuracy many hundred miles of it. In all else attempted, however, nothing but the most miserable failure appears to have attended the efforts of the officers. What the real cause of the want of success was, it is hard to say. The Dutch authorities were not at all satisfied with the work accomplished, and, in the memorandum penned on the occasion of the return of the expedition to Batavia, stated that the real situation and nature of the lands would require to be further ascertained. In the instructions, too, given to the subsequent expedition, Van Diemen speaks of Tasman as having been “somewhat remiss in investigating the situation, conformation and nature of the lands discovered, and of the natives inhabiting the same, and as regard to the main point, has left everything to be more closely inquired into by more industrious successors.”

When the previous history of Tasman is taken into consideration, it is difficult to believe that the repeated failures on the New Zealand coast were due to any personal fear on the part of the commander. Rather are they to be traced to the peculiar powers given to the Council, which consisted of six officers associated with Tasman. This Council decided all matters relating to the progress of the voyage and the execution of the instructions, Tasman having only a deliberative and a casting vote. Disciplinary questions required the presence of the master boatswains; navigation questions, the presence of the second mates. What could a body of this kind do, where majority of votes reduced almost to the level of the common sailor the genius of the commander? Without reflecting on the ability or bravery of Tasman, the author thinks that the terror inspired in the officers by the massacre of 19th December, 1642, prevented all attempts to land while anchored for about five days in Admiralty Bay, upset one after another the decisions arrived at by the Council, hurried the expedition away when the question of the strait called for a settlement, stopped the landing on the Three Kings, pictured to the imagination the island as peopled with giants, and ultimately sent away the expedition from New Zealand, without the refreshments which were so much needed by themselves, without the commercial information which was of such advantage to the Company, and without the geographical knowledge which was of such importance to the world.

Speaking, before we leave the work of this great man, upon the subject of the retention of the names given by Tasman, the author is compelled to admit that his countrymen have scarcely been fair to the Dutch expedition. Rocky Cape is now Cape Foulwind; Steep Point is Rocks Point; Murderers Bay is Golden Bay; Abel Tasman's Road is now Admiralty Bay; and Zeehaen Bight has no name. None of the names given by Tasman are now found attached to the South Island. Names, it is true, have been given indicative of Tasman's visit. We have, for instance, Abel Head and Tasman Bay, though Tasman never saw the Head, nor did his ships sail into the Bay. Nothing can disguise the fact that we have not acted rightly to the great Dutch navigator who first unfurled a flag of Europe on the coast of New Zealand. It should be mentioned that the name New Zealand was given when Brouwer, in 1643, proved that the Staten Land, to the south of America, was not part of a continent, and therefore could not be identical was the Staten Land of Tasman.

Tradition is always interesting to compare with official record, and is often necessary to identify uncertain spots. Looking to tradition in the case before us, we are unfortunate in having to deal with a part of the country whence the original inhabitants have been driven out by the conqueror. In 1642 the shores of Massacre Bay were occupied by the Ngati-Tu-mata-kokiri tribe, which were driven out in the early portion of the eighteenth century by the Ati-Awa tribes. Some of the conquered remained as slaves to the conquerors, and Mr. James Mackay, a native land agent, who spent some considerable time among the Massacre Bay natives, learning that some of the old Ngati-Tu-mata-kokiri tribe still lived at Croiselles, or Whangarae, about 1859, visited them and was told that their ancestors had seen white men in former days, and had, a very long time ago, killed some of them who came in a ship to “Whanawhana (near Separation Point.)1 The locality mentioned, when compared with Tasman's chart, leaves little doubt that the story of the naval engagement with the Dutch expedition, and the cannibal feast which our knowledge of the Maori tells us must have happened, were so impressed upon the history of that tribe as to live through two centuries of time and survive the effects of war and slavery.

Mr. S. Percy Smith, in his researches among the northern natives, discovered what was evidently a tradition among them regarding Tasman's visit. “There was a ship came to these northern parts (of New Zealand) in very ancient days, long before that one which called in to the north of Mangonui. It is said that the name of the country from which it came was Te-upoko-o-tamoremore (‘the head of baldness’), and the name of the ship was Te-pu-tere-o-Waraki (‘the drifting stem of Waraki’—a sea-god, a European). This was before the first ship came to the Bay of Islands, in the days when the father of Nene and Patuone was alive.”

CHAPTER II. Cook Explores, 1770.

THE period from 1643 to 1769 seems, as we look back to it, to be a very long one for explorers to sit calmly down and make no effort to clear up the mystery of the South Pacific. Whatever energy was spent elsewhere in geographical exploration, the Australian coastline and the shape of New Zealand were left as Tasman marked them on the map of the world. And it is difficult to say how long that state of things would have continued but for the interest in exploration which was awakened amongst scientists by the approach of the transit of Venus in 1769. A memorial had been presented to the King praying for a thoroughly equipped vessel to be sent out to the South Seas to observe the phenomenon, and the petition contained therein having been granted, Tahiti was selected as the locality, and James Cook was appointed commander of the expedition.

Although the object was astronomical, additional instructions were given to Cook. The old idea of Tasman's day of an immense continent in the South Pacific had not been disproved by the discoveries of 1642. All that Tasman had done was to confine the range of the unknown to a smaller portion of the earth's surface. It was still believed that a large area of land must exist somewhere in the south, to compensate for the known area of land in the north, and the New Zealand coastline of Tasman was thought to be the margin of the long looked for territory. To solve this problem, Cook had instructions to proceed to the south, and on the fortieth parallel sail westward until he discovered the New Zealand of Tasman. That country he was to explore thoroughly before he returned home.

Amongst the passengers on board the Endeavour were two men of distinguished attainments—Joseph Banks and Dr. Solander. The former, a Fellow of the Royal Society, accompanied Cook, and took with him, at his own expense, Dr. Solander, one of the librarians of the British Museum, as scientist. Banks had also on his staff two draughtsmen, a secretary, and four servants. His trip on board the Endeavour made him, for the remainder of his busy and distinguished career, the warmest and perhaps the most useful friend the young countries of Australia and New Zealand have ever possessed.

Cook followed out his instructions to the letter and sighted New Zealand near where Gisborne now stands on 6th October, 1769. Thence he sailed south and then north, passing round the North Cape and down the west coast of the North Island until, on 13th January, 1770, he reached Cape Egmont.

After passing Cape Egmont, Cook continued in a southerly direction, along the coast of the North Island, and at 5.30 a.m. on Sunday, 14th January, 1770, got his first glimpse of the South Island in the form of the high land in the vicinity of Pelorus Sound and, steering his vessel for it, was within 2 leagues of the land by 8 p.m. Looking at Tasman's charts, which were used on the voyage, it was thought that the Endeavour was then in Murderers Bay, and preparations were made for going into one of the inlets visible from the ship. Next morning, however, it was found that the Endeavour had been carried to the eastward during the night, and was opposite the entrance to Queen Charlotte Sound. This Cook entered.

Not much difficulty was experienced in sailing up the Sound, and when the wind fell away or chopped about, the boats were got out and manned, and the Endeavour towed up past the Island of Motuara, and anchored in Ship Cove.

While sailing up the Sound, canoes passed backwards and forwards in front of the Endeavour, and on Motuara the inhabitants of a very populous village greeted the expedition with loud shouts as the vessel swung round the outside of the island and made for a sheltered cove which Cook detected on the mainland. No sooner was the anchor down in Ship Cove than several canoes visited the vessel, and as they paddled round, vented their humour by throwing stones at the strange apparition. One native, however, evinced a desire to board the Endeavour, and though his companions did their best to restrain him, he took advantage of a rope's end thrown him and climbed on deck. Once communication was established, Cook took care that the visitor was well treated, and with a substantial supply of presents, and no jarring note in his reception, the native returned to the canoe and its occupants paddled away.

It should be mentioned that among those on Cook's ship was a young Tahitian named Tupaea, a chief priest, well versed in the literature of his countrymen. This young man was brought on board through the action of Banks, after Cook had refused his request “to be taken with the expedition.” His presence proved of great value, from the fact that he could converse with the New Zealand natives. It was owing to his capabilities in this respect that Cook returned laden with knowledge regarding the New Zealand natives, and perhaps it was the means of getting this information that caused the result of Cook's work to contrast so favourably with that of other navigators.

As the Endeavour was badly in need of cleaning, she was next morning careened, and two days were spent in cleaning her sides. This work was suffered to go on without molestation from the natives, after the first forward ones had received a charge of small shot as a gentle warning to keep their distance.

Naturally, one of the first things inquired after was for any tradition concerning ships having been on the coast before, and the reply of the natives that they had never seen or heard of any vessels but their present visitors, showed that Tasman's vessel was unknown, at any rate to the natives of this part of the country.

During Cook's stay on the coast the question of the cannibal tendencies of the natives came under notice on several occasions, but it was not until Queen Charlotte Sound was reached that actual demonstration of the fact that the bodies of human beings were used for food by the inhabitants of New Zealand was obtained. After dinner on 16th January Cook and Banks rowed round to the first cove to the north, a distance of only two miles from where the vessel was lying, and there found, among the provision baskets, human bones, which the natives did not seek to hide nor to deny the knowledge of. They were cannibals, they admitted it, they gloried in it, and they showed how the flesh was prepared for their cannibal feasts.

When we look at the present deserted appearance of Queen Charlotte Sound in the neighbourhood of Motuara Island, it is difficult to conceive that at the date of Cook's visit the mouth of the Sound had a population of from 300 to 400 souls. The Scenic Reserve at Ship Cove and the few bays where the original forest covering has been preserved, give us, however, an idea of the lovely scene which greeted Cook's eyes when first he sailed up past the island. The dense bush-clad hills supplied sustenance to vast numbers of birds, the sea gave similar supplies to quantities of fish, and the birds and the fish thus provided for were the chief food supplies of the comparatively dense population which inhabited the Sound.

The bird life can be compared with nothing there now, and, probably, with very little else now to be found in the Dominion. The mere protection of a few thousand acres of bush-clad hills will no more save for posterity the native fauna of a country than will a National Park in America preserve herds of bison from extinction. Banks describes the morning melody of the feathered songsters of Queen Charlotte Sound:—

“I was awakened by the singing of the birds ashore, from whence we are distant not a quarter of a mile. Their numbers were certainly very great. They seemed to strain their throats with emulation, and made, perhaps, the most melodious wild music I have ever heard, almost imitating small bells, but “with the most tunable silver sound imaginable, to which, maybe, the distance was no small addition. On inquiring of our people, I was told that they had observed them ever since we had been here, and that they begin to sing about one or two in the morning, and continue till sunrise, after which they are silent all day, like our nightingales.”

The first arrivals of the New Zealand Company reported the same melody in 1839. The visitor in 1909 listens in vain.

The natives appeared to Cook to group themselves around fortified spots on different islands, from which they sailed out and occupied the little coves and bays on both sides of the Sound. The citadel at Motuara, Cook now visited, apparently without any fear of treachery from the natives. On the first visit he was shown over the stockade “with a good deal of seeming good nature,” though signs were everywhere visible of recent cannibal feasts. A week later, he again visited the spot, to obtain the consent of the chief to the erection of a memento of his visit. On the other hand, when his men visited the locality on their own account, terrified at two canoes paddling towards them, firearms were used, fortunately without loss of life; but it served to show what misfortunes might happen when the directing mind of the commander was absent.

Cook's description of the fortified post at Motuara as “a small island or rock separated by a breach so small that a person could jump across, its steep sides only requiring a slight pallisade and one small fighting stage,” still serves for a description as it is now, covered with dense undergrowth, and giving to the visitor a very different reception to that which it accorded the great explorer, when, in 1770, he sailed past its pallisades lined with wild, shouting cannibals.

Having overhauled the Endeavour, Cook set himself first to provide for the refreshment of his crew, and then to undertake the exploration of the coastline in the vicinity. Empty casks were taken out and filled, timber for firewood was cut, fish were caught, and birds were shot. In addition to this the scientists scoured the bush-clad hills. On Monday, 22nd January, on one of his many surveying expeditions, Cook went some twelve or fifteen miles up the Sound, and, not finding the end of it, landed and climbed the hills on the eastern side. He was disappointed in his hoped-for view of the Sound itself, but was rewarded, on looking over to the east, with a sight of the long suggested strait, which Tasman had in vain attempted to locate. Cook had climbed the hill with only one companion, and, as might have been expected, “returned in high spirits.” He had seen the strait, the land stretching away to the eastward on the other side, and the open sea to the south-east.

On a later date, accompanied by Banks and Solander, Cook again ascended the hill and carefully examined the western entrance of the strait, which was to be named after him. Cook Strait. On this occasion, the party, before returning, erected a pyramid of stones, in which were placed musket balls, shot, beads, and anything available likely to stand the test of time. On Monday the 29th, or three days after this, a visit was made to Jackson Head, and on the top of the hill, from which a view was taken seaward and the different spots located, a cairn was built, mementos placed therein, and an old pennant left flying from a pole upon it.

In addition to these records of his visit to the Sound, Cook caused two posts to be prepared giving the day, date and name of his vessel. One of the posts was erected at the watering-place, where it is to-day proposed that Cook's monument shall be located; the other was taken over to Motuara, and, after the consent of the natives had been procured, was carried to the highest point of the island, When it was placed in position there, the flag was hoisted, the inlet was named Queen Charlotte Sound, after the King's Consort, and possession of the mainland was taken in the name of the King.

On Motuara Island, therefore, British sovereignty was, on 31st January, 1770, first declared in the South Island of New Zealand.

In view of our present knowledge of New Zealand, it is worth recording that Cook, on the occasion of hoisting the flag, was told by an old Maori who accompanied him that New Zealand consisted of three islands, of which two were called Te Wai Pounamu, and could be circumnavigated in four days. It was not until 39 years afterwards that geographers proved the old Maori's statement in regard to the number of islands to be correct. The reference to the four days, however, is not easy to understand.

In his explorations of the Sound, Cook sailed a considerable distance towards the head of it, and his published chart gives a very accurate representation of the broken coastline up to and beyond Tory Channel. His plan shows that he must actually have seen the channel though unaware that it communicated with the ocean. As the Sound at the mouth of Tory Channel trends away to the westward, Cook thought that it provided an outlet to the sea in that direction. When making inquiries amongst the natives regarding a channel, he was told that there was none, but this error might have been caused by Cook's idea of a western channel suggesting the form of question, which would, of course, be answered in the negative.

On Monday, 5th February, Cook weighed anchor and left the Cove, but did not get further than Motuara Island, where he was forced to remain until 6 o'clock next morning, when a light breeze enabled him to leave the Sound.

Before getting clear of the land Cook had a very exciting experience off Stephens Island. There the force of the tide is very great, and in a calm he was carried along at a great speed, and only prevented from being dashed against the rocks by letting go his anchor in seventy-five fathoms, and paying out one hundred and fifty fathoms of cable to bring his ship to a standstill, two cables' length from danger. From this perilous position the Endeavour did not get clear until the turn of the tide at midnight, when a favourable wind enabled Cook to get clear of a very dangerous headland.

After sailing through the strait Cook would have passed to the southward, but a discussion having arisen among his officers whether the land to the north was really an island, he decided to put the point beyond doubt, and, steering northward, followed the eastern coastline until a sight of Cape Turnagain put the question beyond doubt.

Having satisfied himself regarding the insularity of the northern land, Cook put about and resumed his southern journey. When off Kaikoura on Tuesday, 14th February, four double canoes, with fifty-seven men on board, came off to visit the Endeavour, but nothing would induce the natives to come on board. “They talked much, put themselves in threatening postures and shook their lances, though all possible means was used we could not get them to venture alongside.”1 The low lying land from which the natives came off appeared like an island, and, from the attitude of the natives, was called Lookers On. It is now known as Kaikoura, and is one of the most beautiful spots along that coast.

At daylight on the Friday following, land appeared to the south, “seemingly detached” from the coast along which Cook was sailing, and the vessel's head was directed towards it. Next morning, at sunrise, “we plainly discovered that the last mentioned land was an Island, by seeing part of the land of Tovypoenammu open to the Westward of it.” This was called Banks Island, and shows how difficult it is from the sea to distinguish peninsula from island. A passenger from Wellington to Lyttelton has only, an hour or so before reaching port, to look towards Christchurch and try to pick up the connection of the peninsula with the mainland to realise the difficulty of making certain whether a peninsula or an island is in view.

As the Endeavour sailed past, Cook saw and noted the clear, bold entrance to Akaroa Harbour.

Almost the only part of New Zealand which Cook allowed himself to get out of sight of, for any length of time, was the stretch of coastline from Banks Peninsula down below Timaru, and this is the weakest spot of his otherwise accurate chart. Passing the peninsula, Mr. Gore, one of the officers, thought he detected land to the S.E., and Cook, although regarding the appearance as clouds, gave way to this officer and sailed towards that quarter. Nothing could be found, and when the land to the westward was no longer visible Cook thought that here must be the end of the land as described by the Maori at Queen Charlotte Sound, and accordingly hauled to the westward to weather the island. The result was that the land was again picked up and the southern coasting voyage continued.

Between Timaru and Oamaru climatic conditions were unfavourable, and considerable time was lost before Cape Saunders came in sight on 25th February, 1770. The bays towards Waikouaiti were noted, and at one stage Cook thought of casting anchor within one of them, but his desire to survey the coastline (the extent of which in front of him still remained uncertain), prompted him to go on. Cape Saunders he called after Admiral Sir Charles Saunders, who commanded the fleet in which Cook served at Quebec in 1759. As he sailed along, Saddle Hill caught the keen eye of the explorer, who noted: “There is a remarkable saddle hill laying near the Shore, three or four Leagues S.W. of the Cape (Saunders).”

When in a line with Foveaux Strait the great navigator made an effort to pick up the supposed continent to the south, and sailed in that direction, looking for signs of land. On the twenty-eighth, finding none, he stood away to the north, and on 2nd March was about 68 miles from Cape Saunders. A south-west swell continuing until the third, confirmed his opinion that there was no land near in that direction, and on the fourth he made westward to complete his survey of the mainland. Whales, seals, and a penguin were seen on the fourth, and the fact is recorded that no seals had been seen by him on the whole coast of the North Island. At half-past one land was again visible and before dark they were within 9 or 12 miles of it. The description given by Cook indicates that the land sighted was part of the coast at the Molyneux. This name was, in fact, given to the bay by Cook after the master of the ship, Robert Molyneux. A fire was visible on the coast the whole night, so that evidently at that date the land was inhabited.

As Cook sailed on, the mountains of Stewart Island, stretching away to the south, loomed out over the top of Ruapuke, and are thus described: “We could not see this land join to that of the Northward of us, there either being a total separation, a deep Bay, or low land between them.” It is interesting to note that the first appearance of the land at Stewart Island suggested to Cook its insularity. Why he put it down as the mainland will appear later. On this subject Sydney Parkinson, Banks' draughtsman, speaks even more emphatically: “The land which we then saw at a considerable distance, seemed to be an island, having a great opening between it and the land which we had passed before; but, the captain designing to go round, we steered for the south point, hoping it was the last.”1

During the night of the ninth and morning of the tenth March the expedition nearly came to a sudden and disastrous termination. At daybreak, when off the southern point of Stewart Island, there was suddenly discovered under the bow, not more than three-quarters of a mile distant, a ledge of rocks upon which the sea broke very high. Owing to the direction of the wind, the rocks could not be weathered, so Cook tacked, made to the eastward, and got clear of the danger, through a lucky change of the wind. On examining these rocks, Cook found that they were six leagues from the land, and that three leagues to the northward lay others on which broke a tremendous surf. As he had passed these latter rocks in the night, and discovered the others under his bow at day-break, his escape was a very narrow one indeed. To these rocks the name Traps was given.

At this point Cook describes the land (Stewart Island) as having “very much the appearance of an Island extending N.E. by N. to N.W. by W., distant from the Shore about 4 or 5 leagues.”

It was now patent that they had reached the end of the land. A large hollow swell from the south-west continuing ever since their last gale convinced Cook that there was no land in that direction. He gave, therefore the name of South Cape to the point, and decided to try and make round to his initial point by the west coast. Here let it be noted that Cook did not call the point the South Cape under the impression that it was the extremity of the mainland. At this stage he had twice concluded that it was an island; the error of supposing it to be part of the mainland had yet to be made.

The day on which the south of New Zealand was rounded was a junior officer's birthday, and to provide a special delicacy, a dog was killed, the hind quarters roasted, the fore made into a pie, and with the stomach the nearest possible approach to a haggis provided for the Scotchmen of the expedition. Early as it was in New Zealand history, indications pointed to Scotch domination of Southern New Zealand.

On 11th March Cook discovered on his left, a very high barren rock about a mile in circumference, which he named Solander Island, after Dr. Solander, who accompanied him. He now found himself in what appeared a large, open bight, with no sign of any harbour or shelter for shipping, against south-west and southerly winds. The face of the country was rugged, being full of craggy hills, on the summits of which were several patches of snow. Bush could be seen in the valleys and on the high ground, but there was no sign of any inhabitants. The wind inclining to the shore, Cook did not like the position, and again stood out to sea.

It was here he made his final observations on the question of whether what is now known as Stewart Island, was an island or merely part of the mainland. He says:—

“And now we thought that the land to the Southward, or that we had been sailing round these 2 days past, was an Island, because there appeared on Open “Channel between the N. part of that land and the S. part of the other in which we thought we saw the Small Island we were in with the 6th Instant; but when I came to lay this land down upon paper from the several bearings I had taken, it appeared that there was but little reason to suppose it an Island. On the contrary I hardly have a doubt but what it joins to and makes a part of the Mainland.”

Unless given us in Cook's own words, it would be incredible that he could have made such a mistake—of concluding that it was part of the mainland. The opinion too, appears to have been formed after mature deliberation. The island is triangular in shape; and while off the eastern angle “we could not see this land join to that to the Northward”; while off the southern angle it had “very much the appearance of an Island”; and while off the northern angle “we thought we saw the Small Island we were in with the 6th Instant.” Satisfied from looking at Nature's work that it was an island, Cook changed his mind when he contemplated his own sketch on his cabin chart, and marked down the coast seen as part of the mainland. One of the great observers of Nature of his day, he discounted three observations of Nature by one observation of his own handswork. The mistakes at Kaikoura and Banks Peninsula were easily made, and were very different from calling Stewart Island a peninsula, after making three observations that it was an island. Cook's conclusion was adopted by all for thirty-eight years, and navigators, acting on it, sailed round the South Cape instead of coming through the strait. It was not until early in 1809 that the error was rectified, and Foveaux Strait disclosed to the shipping world.

Coming out of Colac Bay, Cook steered round Solander Island, and on the thirteenth picked up the land again. As it cleared up in the afternoon, he hauled in for a bay which he detected, and in which there appeared to be good anchorage; but in about an hour, finding the distance too great to run before it would be dark, and the wind blowing too hard to make the attempt safe in the night, he bore away along the coast. This bay Cook called Dusky Bay, the name evidently suggested by his inability to make it before dusk. About noon on the day after leaving Dusky, Cook describes passing “a little Narrow opening in the land where there appear'd to be a very Snug Harbour form'd by an Island”—Doubtful Sound. Cook says:—

“The land on each side the Entrance of this Harbour riseth almost perpendicular from the Sea to a very considerable Height; and this was the reason why I did not attempt to go in with the Ship, because I saw clearly that no winds could blow there but what was right in or right out, that is, Westerly or Easterly; and it certainly would have been highly imprudent in me to have put into a place where we could not have got out but with a wind that we have lately found to blow but one day in a Month. I mention this because there was some on board that wanted me to harbour at any rate, without in the least Considering either the present or future Consequences.”

He is evidently referring to the incident which produced the name Doubtful, and that the person indicated was Banks, is put beyond doubt when we read the latter's journal, where he says they passed, much to his regret, three or four places, with the appearance of harbours as he wished to examine the mineral appearance.

Reviewing his trip along the west coast, Cook, when in sight of Stephens Island, summed up the result as follows: “From Point Five Fingers down to the Latitude of 44° 20′ there is a narrow ridge of Hills rising directly from the Sea, which are Cloathed with wood; close behind these hills lies the ridge of Mountains, which are of a Prodidgious height, and appear to consist of nothing but barren rocks, covered in many places with large patches of Snow, which perhaps have lain there since the Creation. No country upon Earth can appear with a more ruged and barren Aspect than this doth; from the Sea' for as “far inland as the Eye can reach nothing is to be seen but the Summits of these rocky Mountains, which seem to lay so near one another as not to admit any Vallies between them. From the Latitude of 44° 20′ to the Latitude 42° 8′ these mountains lay farther inland; the Country between them and the sea consists of woody Hills and Vallies of Various extent both for height and Depth, and hath much the Appearance of Fertility. Many of the Vallies are large, low, and flatt, and appeared to be wholly covered with Wood; but it is very probable that great part of the land is taken up in Lakes, Ponds, etc., as is very common in such like places. From the last mentioned Lat. to Cape Farewell, afterwards so Called, the land is not distinguished by anything remarkable; it rises into hills directly from the Sea, and is covered with wood. While we were upon this part of the Coast the weather was foggy, in so much that we could see but a very little way inland; however, we sometimes saw the Summits of the Mountains above the fogg and Clouds, which plainly shew'd that the inland parts were high and Mountainous, and gave me great reason to think that there is a Continued Chain of Mountains from the one End of the Island to the other.”

Cook decided to anchor and obtain refreshments for his homeward voyage without pushing on as far as Queen Charlotte Sound; accordingly, after rounding Stephens Island, he sailed along the coast of D'Urville Island and past the small Rangitoto Islands until he reached a cove on the eastern shore of the former island. Here he cast anchor within two or three miles of where Tasman had, in 1642, anchored the Heemskerck and the Zeehaen. In the immediate vicinity was found a suitable water place. There the Endeavour was moored, and wood and water obtained for the expedition. Cook himself took advantage of the opportunity to explore the bay, and sailed in his pinnace along the coast until he reached a projecting piece of land at the entrance to the French Pass, but though he obtained a good view he failed to distinguish the head of the bay. The name Admiralty Bay was given to the stretch of water between the capes, which were called after the Secretaries of the Admiralty, Stephens and Jackson. Cape Jackson in New Zealand and Port Jackson in New South Wales are named after the same person.

Cook decided to return home via the east of Australia and chart that coastline, rather than, in the depth of winter, try to solve the problem of the southern continent by sailing for Cape Horn. At daylight on Saturday, 31st March, 1770, he put to sea.

While Tasman had traced out the general coastline of the Australian continent, and had indicated the western coastline of New Zealand on the heretofore unknown map of the South, Cook's discoveries now brought to light the Islands of New Zealand, and shrunk into very moderate limits the area of the supposed Antarctic Continent.

The vast extent of the South Pacific still left unexplored naturally occupied Cook's attention a good deal, and from his coign of vantage as an explorer, on the return of the Endeavour, he placed upon record his opinion of the best course to follow when the problem of further discoveries in the south came again to be faced. His plan was to enter the South Sea by way of New Zealand, first touching and refreshing at the Cape of Good Hope, thence proceeding to the southward of New Holland, and on to Queen Charlotte Sound, again refreshing there, taking care to be ready to leave that place by the latter end of September, or the beginning of October at the latest. By this means the whole summer would be before him after getting through Cook Strait, and consequently a run could be made to the eastward in as high a latitude as was thought desirable. Queen Charlotte Sound was thus made the base of future South Sea exploring operations. Subsequent chapters will show to what extent his advice was adopted.

Cook attributes a great deal of his success and others' failure to the class of vessel employed. Everyone had his own opinion of what was a suitable vessel. Some advocated forty-gun boats or East India Company's ships; others preferred large, good sailing frigates, or the three decked ships employed in the Jamaica trade. Cook's idea was entirely different. The ship must have the qualities which would best combat the anticipated dangers, the greatest of which in the most distant parts of the world was running aground on an unknown, and perhaps savage coast. The ship, therefore, must not be of very great draught, yet of sufficient burden and capacity to carry a proper quantity of provisions and necessaries for her complement of men for the full time necessary. She must be constructed to take the ground with a minimum of danger, and to lie comfortably on shore while accidental damage was being repaired. This could not be done with forty-gun ships of war, frigates, East India Company's ships, or the large three-decker West Indiamen. The only vessel fulfilling these requirements was the North Country ship, intended for the coal trade. The Navy Board, therefore, recommended the Lords of the Admiralty to purchase “a cat built bark” instead of a ship of war, as providing more storage room for a long voyage. Being authorised to purchase, they procured a “bark of the burthen of 368 tons,” called her the Endeavour, and fitted her out for a voyage.2 Cook's eulogium on his old vessel was as follows:—

“It was upon these considerations (mentioned above) that the Endeavour was chosen for that voyage. It was to these properties in her that those on board owed their preservation; and hence we were able to prosecute discoveries in those seas so much longer than any other ship ever did, or could do. And, although discovery was not the first object of that voyage, I could venture to traverse a far greater space of sea, till then unnavigated, to discover greater tracts of country on high and low south latitudes, and to persevere longer in exploring and surveying more correctly the extensive coasts of “those new discovered countries, than any former Navigator, perhaps, had done during one voyage.”

The fate of the Endeavour has often been a matter of doubt, and always one of interest. Distinguished persons have held that her bones were laid to rest in New Zealand; an ex-Governor of this colony going so far as to label a piece of our oldest wreck, “Cook's Endeavour.” Only quite recently one of the leading politicians in Australia stated that the old Endeavour would be purchased by his Government and anchored in Botany Bay. For what records we have of her history we are indebted to the enthusiasm of admirers of Cook in different parts of the world, whose researches show that the old barque had many ups and down after Cook left her.

The first account of her career may be thus stated with perfect confidence.

1768 A barque called the Earl of Pembroke built at Whitby, was purchased by the Admiralty, renamed the Endeavour, and sailed with Captain Cook.

1770 Sailed round the South Island of New Zealand.

1771 Arrived in England, and on 15th August was put into commission to sail to the Falkland Islands as a store ship.

1774 Paid off on 22nd October, after completing her third voyage to the Falkland Islands.

1775 Sold on 7th March for the sum of £645.

After this, there are conflicting accounts regarding her.

Some claimed that she is identical with La Liberte, a French vessel which ended her days at Rhode Island and that her history is as follows.

1790 Sold to an American (Capt. Wm. Hayden) in France, and name changed to La Liberte.

1791 Fitted out as a French whaler at Dunkirk and sailed from there.

1793 Arrived at Newport Harbour on 23rd August from a whaling voyage near the Cape of Good Hope. Nathaniel Churchill, master.

1794 Attempting to leave Newport she was disabled; subsequently she was condemned, dismantled and sold.

1815 A great gale in Newport Harbour demolished her hull.

1827 From a piece of the hull, dragged out of the mud, a presentation box was made, and given to Fennimore Cooper by his admirers.

The rival contention thus lays down her history:—

1825 On the Thames near Greenwich on show to visitors.

1834 Between Greenwich and Woolwich, used as a receiving ship for female convicts.

When the American contention was first published in 1834 it evoked a lengthy correspondence in the Newport, Providence and Boston papers and met with most emphatic opposition from shipping masters and others, who contended that Cook's Endeavour was not in Newport Harbour but in the Thames above Greenwich. After a careful examination of the evidence, the author has come to the conclusion that the long accepted Newport version is not established, and that the balance of testimony is in favour of the contention that Cook's Endeavour ended her days in the Thames.

CHAPTER III. Cook's Second Visit, 1773.

COOK had not long returned from his first voyage, when the Admiralty resolved to equip another expedition of two vessels to complete the exploration of the Southern Hemisphere. The Endeavour, which had proved so suitable for this class of work, was, however, not available, having gone as a store ship to the Falkland Islands, so it was decided to purchase two other vessels of similar construction. This was done, and two vessels (built in the same yards as the Endeavour) were secured; the larger of 462 tons, under the name of the Resolution, was equipped at Deptford; the smaller, of 336 tons, under the name of the Adventure, was equipped at Woolwich. Cook was given the command of the Resolution, and of the expedition; and Furneaux, who had served under Wallis, was appointed to the command of the Adventure. On board the Resolution were 112 men; on the Adventure, 81.

Everything which knowledge suggested as useful and desirable was supplied to combat the ill effects of a long sea voyage. To provide for contingencies also, the frame of a small vessel of twenty tons was built and shipped on board each vessel of the expedition. Scientific men were also sent; Hodges as painter, Forster, father and son, as naturalists, and Wales and Bayley as astronomers. The expedition therefore was very well provided for, but it was originally intended that it should have been even better equipped. Banks and Solander, and two other eminent men, intended sailing with it; the Resolution had been specially fitted with deck accommodation for them; they had been farewelled by their friends; medals had been designed to celebrate the event; and five expert draftsmen to assist them had been accommodated on board, before the Resolution sailed to Sheerness. On the voyage complaint was made that, the excessive top hamper was likely to endanger the vessel, and on the matter being reported to Cook, he recommended its removal, which was done.1 Banks and his associates then withdrew. So far as the correspondence between Cook and Banks is concerned it throws no light on the reason for their going no further. They appear, however, to have parted in a friendly manner. Whatever was the reason, the loss to science was enormous.

The expedition left England in July, and the Cape of Good Hope in November, 1772. It was Cook's intention, at this stage, to see if Van Diemen's Land was connected with New South Wales, but the wind proving unsuitable for making that shore, he headed away for Dusky Bay, or any other port to be found in the southern portion of New Zealand.

Land was sighted on Thursday, 25th March, 1773, and in a thick haze Cook sailed up to the mouth of a bay which he took to be Dusky, but which turned out to be Chalky Inlet. Finding his mistake, he stood off for the night, and entered Dusky next day at noon. On the former trip he had done nothing more than ascertain the entrance to the bay, so he had now to feel his way in with the greatest circumspection. The Adventure did not accompany him, as the two vessels had separated on the 8th February. Sailing in by the southern entrance and steering his vessel carefully amongst the numerous islets that met him there, after spending 117 days at sea, and covering 3660 leagues of ocean without seeing land, he let go his anchor under Anchor Island in 50 fathoms, and moored his vessel with a hawser to the shore. In the face of all the difficulties and privations, only one man was laid up with scurvy, a result attributed to the sweet wort used so largely, and to the freqtient airing and sweetening of the ship.

Not liking the anchorage—and captains familiar with Dusky say that it is a very bad one—Cook and his first lieutenant, Pickersgill, went out in different directions to look for a better. Both were successful, but Cook preferred his officer's discovery on the S.E. side of the bay, and the next morning the Resolution was worked over to Pickersgill Harbour. Entering by the beautiful narrow channel between Crayfish Island and-the mainland, Cook moored the Resolution “in a small creek, moored head and stern, so near the shore as to reach it with a brow or stage, which Nature had in a manner prepared for us in a large tree, whose end or top reached our gunwale.” As the boats sent out brought in great quantities of fish, and numbers of wild fowl were to be seen, and as no one had ever landed before on these shores. Cook determined to stay some time and thoroughly explore the bay. This decision of his played a very important part in the history of southern New Zealand, and gave an accurately surveyed harbour to the merchant service of the world.

Thus did Captain Cook go into recruiting quarters in Pickersgill Harbour, Dusky Bay. Places were cleared in the bush to set up an observatory, a forge for repairing ironwork, tents for the sailmakers and coopers, a small brewery to brew for the sailors, and the hundred and one other things required in the conduct of such an expedition while recruiting. Forster says:—

“In the course of a few days, a small part of us had cleared away the woods from a surface of more than an acre, which fifty New Zealanders, with their tools of stone, could not have performed in three months. This spot, where immense numbers of plants left to themselves lived and decayed by turns, in one confused inanimated heap; this spot, we had converted into an active scene, where a hundred and twenty men pursued various branches of employment with unremitted labour. We felled tall timber-trees, which, but for ourselves, had crumbled to dust with age; our sawyers cut them into planks, or we split them into billets for fuel. By the side of a murmuring rivulet, whose passage into the sea we facilitated, a long range of casks, which had been prepared by our coopers for that purpose, stood ready to be filled with water. Here ascended, the “steam of a large cauldron, in which we brewed, from neglected indigenous plants, a salutary and palatable potion, for the use of our labourers. In the offing, some of our crew appeared providing a meal of delicious fish for the refreshment of their fellows. Our caulkers and riggers were stationed on the sides and masts of the vessel, and their occupations gave life to the scene, and struck the ear with various noises; whilst the anvil on the hill resounded with the strokes of the weighty hammer. Already the polite arts began to flourish in this new settlement; the various tribes of animals and vegetables, which dwelt in the unfrequented woods, were imitated by an artist in his noviciate; and the romantic prospects of this shaggy country lived on the canvas in the glowing tints of nature, who was amazed to see herself so closely copied. Nor had science disdained to visit us in this solitary spot; an observatory arose in the centre of our works, filled with the most accurate instruments, where the attentive eye of the astronomer contemplated the motions of the celestial bodies. The plants which clothed the ground, and the wonders of the animal creation, both in the forests and the seas, likewise attracted the notice of philosophers, whose time was devoted to mark their differences and uses. In a word, all around us we perceived the rise of arts, and the dawn of science, in a country which had hitherto lain plunged in one long night of ignorance and barbarism. But this pleasing picture of improvement was not to last, and like a meteor, vanished as suddenly as it was formed. We reimbarked all our instruments and utensils, and left no other vestiges of our residence than a piece of ground from whence we had cleared the wood.”

The author's visit to the spot was in January, 1905, during the trip of the Hinemoa round the Sounds. We anchored close to Astronomer Point. To our right lay the

Stumps of Rimus in Cook's Clearing, Pickersgill Harbour, Dusky. narrow opening through which the great navigator had towed his vessel into the little sanctuary. In front of us Cook had cleared the bush to fix his various stations, and at the water's edge could be seen the identical projecting ground from which the branches of trees reached the vessel and locked in the yards. To our left was the little stream of fresh water which proved of such value. Here we were face to face with the most historic ground on all the southern portion of New Zealand. We went ashore and stood on the spot. In the gloom of the new forest which has grown up over the clearing, were visible here and there the stumps of the old rimus that one hundred and thirty-one years before, Cook had cut down for ships' purposes. Under ordinary circumstances a period of fifty years would have proved too much for them; but here, protected from interference by man; shut off from sunlight and air by a new growth of forest, and enveloped in a garment of roots and fern of all kinds, the outlines of these mementos of Cook's stay have been protected from the ravages of time. And there seems no reason to doubt, that if the conditions are allowed to remain, they will continue to resist the “effacing fingers” of decay for another century. Venerable monuments indeed they are, and it should be the care of the young Dominion, that a spot which is rendered so sacred from its associations with the greatest navigator of history, should be protected from all outside forms of destruction. Pondering over Cook's life and work, as we had been, and inspired as we were by the surroundings, it was difficult to tear ourselves away from that wooded knoll, every tree on which sprung from hallowed soil.

On Sunday, 28th March, the first natives were met with. They were discovered by some of the officers who had gone out shooting, and shortly afterwards a boat containing seven or eight of them came within musket shot of the ship, but would approach no nearer. After dinner Cook himself went after them, but though their huts were discovered, the inhabitants kept out of his road.

This Sunday appears to have been a busy day with Cook. In addition to following up the natives, he penned an order to Captain Furneaux, dealing with his treatment for scurvy. At this time his colleague was in Queen Charlotte Sound, and did not meet Cook until 18th May.

“Whereas scurvey grass, sellery, and other vegitables are to be found in most uncultivated countries, especially in New Zealand, and when boil'd with wheat or oatmeal, with a proper quantity of portable broth, makes a very wholesome and nourishing diet, and has been found to be of great use against all scorbutick complaints, which the crews of his Majesty's sloops Resolution and Adventure must in some degree have contracted after so long a continuance at sea, you are therefore hereby required and directed, whenever vegitables are to be got, to cause a sufficient quantity to be boil'd with the usual allowance of wheat or oatmeal and portable broth every morning for breakfast for the company of his Majesty's sloop under your command, as well on meat days as on banyan days and to continue the same so long as vegitables are to be got, or untill further order. Afterwards you are to continue to boil wheat or oatmeal for breakfast on Mondays, as directed by my order of the 6th of December last, but you are to discontinue to serve the additional half-allowance of spirit or wine mentioned in the said order. Given under my hand, on board his Majesty's sloop Resolution, in Dusky Bay, this 28th day of March, 1773.—J. Cook.”2

It was not until 6th April, when a man and a woman hailed them from Indian Island, that Cook obtained an interview with the natives. The conversation, which was little understood, was carried on chiefly by the younger of the two women. The natives turned out to be a small family, consisting of the man, his two wives, a young woman, a lad of about 14 years of age, and three little children. Sketches of them were made by Mr. Hodges, and reproduced in the narrative of the voyage. On Cook's third visit he found them “all dressed, and dressing, in their very best, with their hair combed and oiled, tied up upon the crowns of their heads, and stuck with white feathers. Some wore a fillet of feathers round their heads; and all of them had bunches of white feathers stuck in their ears; thus dressed, and all standing, they received us with great courtesy.”

The home of this now celebrated family, and the scene of the first recorded “at home” in southern New Zealand, is thus recorded by Mr. Richard Henry in 1900:—

“I was several days weather-bound there, and camped in Indian Cove, where Cook visited the Natives. It is a beautiful little place, though gloomy looking from outside, but after a little acquaintance it is all changed for the better…. I saw the sites of several Maori huts quite distinctly, and not very old…. One curious fire-place I dug out. It was about 2½ft. square and 4ft. deep, lined with big stones, as much as a man could carry, with ashes on the bottom mixed with shells. If it was a Maori fireplace, it was probably intended to hide the fire at night from enemies, or it may have been used by the older people. Then, it would account for us finding the charcoal so deep down at Pigeon Island. It was up on a precipice 40ft. above the boat harbour, and a good place to keep a look-out in the day time, though hidden in the bush. Indian Island is a poor anchorage but a good boat harbour. The levelled places for the canoes are just as if they were used yesterday, because there is no creek to disturb them.”3

Although the natives were so friendly, Cook had great difficulty in persuading them to come on board. He went into their canoe with them. He caused the bagpipes and fife to be played, and the drum to be beaten for them as they sat on the shore; yet they would not come. The drum was the only thing that made any impression. When'at length the chief was prevailed upon to come on board, he followed the South Sea custom of striking the side of the vessel with a small green branch before doing so. Sheep and goats which Cook had put on shore they gazed at stupidly, as things quite beyond their comprehension; hatchets and nails alone they regarded as of value. They also had the custom of making presents before securing any, which, Cook states, was common to the South Sea Islanders, but which he had not seen in New Zealand before. Natives, estimated to compose three or four families, were met with on several occasions during the stay at Dusky. Many traces, however, were seen of native habitations, from which it was concluded that they wandered about a good deal, and were not very friendly with one another. So much for the native settlement on the shores of Dusky when Cook landed there.

As Cook visited Dusky to recruit his men and refit his ship, it is but natural that under these headings his observations should be fairly numerous. His first act on the vessel being moored was to send out a boat for fish to provide fresh food for his men. He found that the Sound teemed with fish, so that an hour or two of fishing per day provided enough for the whole ship's company. At the very start some of the officers killed a seal on Anchor Island, and the first fresh meat eaten by Cook in New Zealand on his second voyage was from this seal. Summarising his experience, Cook says:—

“What Dusky Bay most abounds with is fish; a boat with six or eight men, with hooks and lines, caught daily sufficient to serve the whole ship's company. Of this article, the variety is almost equal to the plenty; and of such kinds as are common to the more northern coast; but some are superior, and in particular the cole fish, as we called it, which is both larger and finer flavoured than any I have seen before, and was, in the opinion of most on board, the highest luxury the sea afforded us… The only amphibious animals are seals. These are to be “found in great numbers, about this bay, on the small rocks and isles near the sea coast.”

It was doubtless this information, coupled with the published chart of the Sound, that brought the sealers round to Dusky about the end of the eighteenth century; making it a great trade centre for many years. But seals are just like other animals with a price set on their heads. The senseless, reckless, mad career of slaughter only stops when the means of gratifying it no longer exists. When the seals were practically exterminated, the butchery, perforce, ended; and now the seal, which once dotted every rocky headland, has to be protected by law, to enable one or two to be visible at long intervals of time.

Cook found the same lavish supply of life in the bird kingdom. Here for the first time, he saw the paradise duck, called by him the painted duck, and in all he found five different kinds. He enjoyed sport at all times, his journal teems with references to shooting seals and ducks and the enjoyment thus afforded, and this, doubtless, trained him to those habits of observation among the animal kingdom, which no one but a sportsman could possibly acquire.

Cook landed on 26th March, and sailed again on 11th May; having spent nearly two months within the hospitable confines of Dusky. The great work done during that period was, of course, the accurate survey and charting of the Sound; and Cook must have been kept very busy to accomplish the work in the time, with distance, length of coast line, and weather, all against him.

The chart is, without exception, the finest made during his second voyage; and Cook says, as though apologising for taking up so much space descriptive of Dusky: “For although the country be far remote from the present trading part of the world, we can, by no means, tell what use future ages may make of the discoveries made in the present.” He therefore supplied an accurate chart, and laid down precise directions for entering and leaving the bay; for vessels entering Dusky and intending to sail to the southward, he recommended Facile Harbour, subsequently the scene of the wreck of the Endeavour.

It should also be remembered of Cook's visit to Dusky, that there he liberated geese, which he had brought with him from England. Goose Cove still commemorates the fact. Seeds were also sown on the clearings he had made. The non-success of the importation of geese was doubtless due to the depredations of the weka; while the re-growth of the native forest would smother the growing plants. To show how deadly the weka could be to the harmless geese, the author instances a case which came under his own notice in Dusky. The party disturbed a swan sitting on her nest, and although less than one minute elapsed before they reached the spot, the solitary egg, which proved to be quite fresh, had in that short time been tapped by a weka and the contents partially extracted. No imported geese could successfully contend with such an ever present foe.

On arrival at Dusky, Cook had a number of men on the sick list, but daily these became less. Fresh food, in the shape of fish, seal, and roast duck, is not to be easily beaten for the storm tossed mariner; and although the bay was found to be very wet, this does not appear to have been injurious to the health of the sailors. One of the first things Cook did when landing was to look out for a tree, from the leaves and branches of which he could brew beer, and he found the rimu, which he called the spruce fir. The beer brewed from this tree was used to take the place of vegetables. Proving too astringent, there was added an equal quantity of manuka leaves (the tea plant), and the beer was thus rendered very palatable.

Cook's recipe for this primitive beer was as follows:— “Make a strong decoction of the small branches of the spruce and tea plants, by boiling them three or four hours, or until the bark will strip with ease from off the branches; then take them out of the copper, and put in the proper quantity of molasses; ten gallons of which is sufficient to make a ton, or 240 gallons of beer; let this mixture just boil; then put it into the casks; and, to it, add an equal quantity of cold water, more or less according to the strength of the decoction, or your taste: when the whole is milk-warm, put in a little grounds of beer, or yeast if you have it, or anything else that will cause fermentation, and in a few days the beer will be fit to drink.” All previous efforts to make a suitable beer had failed, and it was while at Dusky, on this trip, that he was successful in the mixture which subsequent experience showed to be so useful for his men.

Of so much importance to mariners did Cook think this discovery to be, that he gave in his journal elaborate descriptions of the rimu and the manuka to assist in their identification. Of such value to humanity did the Royal Society think the results that they presented him with their medal. The use of the manuka leaf for making tea was known to the old whalers, as Shortland tells of tasting it, when calling at their homes, and describes it as a beverage much drunk, wholesome, and agreeable when once the taste had been acquired.4

Fresh animal food and the best substitute that could be obtained locally for fresh vegetable food, formed the basis of Cook's system of nourishing his men during a long sea voyage. So strongly did he believe in this system that when amongst the icebergs, he sent boats' crews to break off large portions of ice to enable fresh water to be given to the men. Fresh food was followed by fresh surroundings. After wet weather everything was got up from between decks and thoroughly aired, and the decks themselves well cleaned and dried with fires.

Cook's mention of the whale and the seal on these coasts did much to direct mariners to this portion of the world for whale oil and seal skins, and his survey of, and information regarding Dusky as a safe harbour, completed the knowledge required for embarking on the enterprise. In this connection it might even be claimed for Cook that he inaugurated the seal trade. He used the flesh for food, utilised the skins for repairing his rigging, and boiled down the fat to enable him to lay in a provision of lamp oil. How soon sailing captains took up hints, what results followed, and to what extent he was correct in anticipating that a knowledge of Dusky would aid the commerce of the world, must remain to be told hereafter.

The Resolution was thoroughly overhauled, the rigging attended to, wood and water taken on board, and she left Pickersgill on Thursday, 29th April. It was, however, Tuesday, 11th May, before she reached the open sea, as Cook sailed through what is now known as the Acheron Passage to the entrance north of Resolution Island, called Breaksea.

During the run from Dusky to Cape Stephens, the only incident worthy of mention was the appearance, on the afternoon of 17th May, of waterspouts, one of which passed within fifty yards of the Resolution. Pickersgill's description of the strange phenomenon is as follows5:—

“From 4 to 5—Ship's head and wind all round the compass—several water spouts forming around us, one of which came so near as to give us very disagreeable apprehensions, for the Wind wou'd not enable us to make any way from it, not staying ½ a minute in either quarter of the Compass—so made the best preparation we cou'd for its reception by laying tarpauline over the Hatchways, shortening all sail, &c., &c., the whole atmossphere seem'd in the strangest purterbation and the Water in the most violent agitation that can be conceiv'd—however the Spout very fortunately alter'd its direction just as it came upon our Quarter—run alongside and clear ahead of us.”

After rounding Cape Farewell a very good view was obtained of the bay called by Cook, Blind Bay, and believed by him to be the Murderers Bay of Tasman. At daylight on the 18th the Resolution was off Queen Charlotte Sound, and to the intense delight of everyone, signals from Hippah Island showed that the Adventure was safe.

With the help of the boats of both vessels, the Resolution was anchored in Ship Cove by 6 p.m. on Tuesday, 18th April, 1773, giving and receiving a salute of eleven guns, and Captain Furneaux, after an absence of fourteen weeks, reported himself to his commander.

The Adventure had reached Ship Cove on 7th April, and Furneaux, finding Motuara uninhabited, had selected it as the site for the tents necessary to accommodate the sailmakers, the coopers, and those suffering from scurvy. The first visit of the natives occurred two days afterwards, when some fifteen of them arrived in three canoes; thereafter they regularly visited, to trade with fish and fern root, for nails and other trifles. Intercourse with these natives was rendered much easier than would otherwise have proved the case by the possession of a vocabulary made up from the acquaintance with the language gamed during the Endeavour's visit. This list, which gave the Maori names of the different articles for barter, awakened among the simple natives an intense and wondering interest, accompanied with a keen desire to secure its possession.

The old Maori citadel, which bristled with fighting men when Cook sailed past in 1770, was now deserted, and was selected by the astronomer as a suitable site for his observatory. A small guard was also placed there. The native houses, which were little more than roofs raised from the ground, were rendered habitable for European occupants by sinking the floors about a foot. The presence of immense quantities of vermin was taken by the sailors as a rough and ready indication that the huts had not been long abandoned by the Maoris.

As Cook had failed to put in an appearance, Furneaux had concluded that no further exploration would be done that season, and had accordingly moored the Adventure in Ship Cove, removed all her top hamper, given the hull and rigging a winter coat and erected tents for the men at the watering-place. The advent, however, of the restless commander changed the whole aspect of affairs. He was abroad early next day looking for scurvy grass, celery, and other vegetables which he knew were to be found in the Sound. His first care was for the health of the men, his next for the further prosecution of the voyage. The Adventure received instructions to throw off her winter garb and prepare for sea, and as the Resolution had been made ready at Dusky, all hands concentrated their efforts on Furneaux's ship.

When the Adventure first arrived the natives asked after Tupaea, and the same inquiries were repeated when Cook appeared. When told that he was dead they manifested considerable grief and were anxious to know whether he had been killed or had died a natural death. Cook, failing to recognise any of the natives as having visited the Endeavour in 1770, concluded that they had only heard of Tupaea and had never seen him; the small number of natives present, their deserted pah, and the new habitations, all pointed to the fact that the Sound was peopled by the peaceful successors to, or the warlike conquerors of, Cook's old friends. It was Tupaea's fame that evoked inquiries from lips that had never applauded his oratory, and tears from eyes that had never beheld his face.

While in the Sound on board the Endeavour, Cook had spent all the time at his command surveying the coastline and adding to his geographical knowledge. Now, however, his mission was an entirely different one. The preparation of the Adventure for sea, the final touches to the health of the crew, and the landing of various domestic animals in the hope that the progeny might one day stock the country, took precedence of everything else, and Cook may be said to have left the Sound without adding anything to his knowledge of its coastline.

The scientific men had no limitations imposed upon them and pursued their research work with the greatest vigour. They reported that, compared with Dusky, the latter had the greater supply of wild fowl and fish, but that Queen Charlotte Sound abounded more in excellent vegetables. The want of the ducks of Dusky was compensated for by killing and eating the shags which were fairly plentiful, and which the men soon came to like.

Forster, the naturalist, describes the native dogs as a rough, long-haired variety with pricked ears, resembling much the common shepherd's cur. They were of different colours, black, white, and spotted. The natives fed them on fish and kept them, when in their canoes, tied by a string round the middle. Their flesh was used for food and their skins for dress and ornaments. When some of these animals were taken on board the Resolution, the old ones sulked and refused to take food, but the young ones did not take long to accustom themselves to their altered surroundings. In the water a sea lion, on the land a bat, and with the natives a dog, brought the number on the list of indigenous quadrupeds which had up to that time been discovered in New Zealand to five.

On 4th June the Sound was visited by a party of North Island natives from Terawhiti, under Teiratu. These men at once claimed the attention of the expedition as a better race of men, with better arms, dress, and ornaments, than the Queen Charlotte Sound natives possessed, and only resembling them in their excessive uncleanliness. One large canoe visited the Resolution, but the bulk of the natives, in seven canoes, landed at Motuara Island, where they were visited by Cook personally, and were presented with some of the medals which had been struck to commemorate the expedition. Arms, tools, dresses and ornaments were readily exchanged for iron, cloth, and beads. These natives also had heard of Tupaea, and, according to the ancient custom of their race, wailed their grief when told that he was dead. Before parting with the natives, Cook consigned the gardens he had planted to the care of the chief, whose knowledge of the cultivation of roots in the North Island it was hoped would help him to safeguard them.

This same day Cook forwarded to Furneaux his formal instructions regarding the course to be followed after leaving Queen Charlotte Sound. These stated that he was to explore the sea between the 41st and 45th parallel as far as longitude 140° or 135° W., then to make to Tahiti for refreshments, and afterwards return to Queen Charlotte Sound.

On the 7th the anchor was weighed and the expedition sailed, getting clear of Cook Strait by midday on the 8th with only one sick man, a consumptive, on board the Resolution.

CHAPTER IV. Cook's Third and Fourth Visits, 1773 and 1774.

THE course laid down to Furneaux when in Queen Charlotte Sound was followed out to the letter, and the advent of summer found the two ships making for New Zealand preparatory to invading the icebound region of the hitherto unexplored Antarctic Circle.

Hawke's Bay was sighted on the morning of Tuesday, 21st October, 1773, and the vessels skirted along the coastline, crossed the Bay itself, and when south of Cape Kidnappers received their first visit from the natives. Cook was anxious to reach Queen Charlotte Sound, and therefore spent as little time as possible with his visitors. On the 24th the expedition reached Cook Strait, when it encountered one of those terrific storms which at times visit this locality. Day after day the vessels were driven about off the mouth of the Strait, and if the storm abated for a few hours the ships never ceased to toss about amongst mountainous seas. After five days at the mercy of the gale the Adventure was lost sight of, not again to be seen until the expedition's return to England.

Until 2nd November the Resolution was blown about off the Strait itself or out to sea, even away south as far as the Lookers On. It was, in fact, only because Queen Charlotte Sound had been appointed the meeting place that Cook did not abandon his intention of making that port and seek instead, away to the southward, a haven to refresh in. On the date mentioned, tired of combatting the continued N.W. gales, Cook crept for relief under the shelter of Tera-whiti, and discovered the harbour now known as Port Nicholson, on the shores of which the City of Wellington is built. He sailed into the bay with the intention of entering the harbour, but by the time he made the entrance, the tide was on the ebb and the wind was against him. He was, therefore compelled to anchor at one o'clock about a mile S. by W. off the furthest out of the black rocks. While at anchor, canoes put off from both shores and visited the ship to sell hooks and dried crayfish. Cook followed his usual practice of giving them fowls to take home and domesticate. This was Cook's nearest visit to Wellington Harbour, and he left with some doubt in the minds of members of the ship's company whether the harbour was not part of a waterway to the sea on the other side, and the land in front of them but a small island. While at anchor, about 3 p.m. a southerly gale was seen coming up, when all haste was made to get out of the apparently risky position, and in front of a live “southerly buster” the Resolution rapidly passed through the Strait, and that evening the anchor was dropped at the mouth of the Sound, Ship Cove not being reached until next morning.

The Maoris were found clad in rough shaggy cloaks, which constituted their winter garments, and eager as ever to supply fish to the visitors. Cook repeatedly mentions the difficulty his men experienced when left to their own resources for fish getting, when ignorance of the resorts of the fish, combined with unsuitable means of catching them, rendered their best efforts unavailing.

An early visit was paid to the gardens to see how they fared after the winter. Cabbages, carrots, onions and parsley were found in excellent condition, but of the others the radishes and turnips had seeded, the peas and beans had been eaten by rats, and the potatoes had been lifted by the natives. Cook's foresight had not only introduced these vegetables to the notice of the natives, but had provided a much appreciated supply for the ship's company. Of the animals liberated, the goats had been killed and eaten, and the pigs had been kept alive, but separated from one another amongst the different settlements. Success had attended the introduction of the vegetables, failure that of the animals.

Teirati, with his colony of natives, was still in the Sound and visited the Resolution, and to facilitate trade came and fixed upon a settlement close to the anchorage. A good deal of thieving went on, first of a petty nature, as the theft of a sailor's clothes, then it took the form of pocket picking, and finally ended in the natives running away with six small water casks. These casks were no great loss, but the want of fishermen, who were the thieves, was, and a day or two's honest fishing would have given them far more by way of payment than the dishonest possession of the casks meant to them, had their foresight been equal to their desire.

After the Resolution had spent twelve days in the Sound and there was still no appearance of the Adventure, Cook visited East Bay and ascended the hill on which he had built the cairn in 1770, to see if any traces were visible out to sea of his missing consort. He found the cairn of stones levelled to the ground, evidently destroyed by the natives in search of hidden treasure. Nothing could be seen of the Adventure, and Cook, giving up hope of ever seeing her again, directed all his energies to preparations for the Antarctic voyage.

Readers will remember that it was at Queen Charlotte Sound, during the visit of the Endeavour, that absolute proof of the cannibalistic tendencies of the New Zealanders was obtained. Cook now obtained visible evidence, for he actually saw the diabolical feast take place. Lieutenant Pickersgill, on the 23rd November, purchased from the natives at Indian Cove and brought on board, the head of a young slave who had been killed in a recent war expedition. While on board it was seen by natives of another party, and at their request a portion was cooked and given to them, which they ate greedily before the ship's company. Just then Cook came on board, and, to be an eye witness of an act of cannibalism, ordered another piece to be cooked and given to one of the natives. It was greedily consumed, a gruesome spectacle which made some of those witnessing it sick, while others it roused to feelings of deepest horror, indignation and disgust.

Cook left the Sound on the 25th with his ship's crew in first-class condition for the Antarctic voyage. Thanks to his course of fresh fish and vegetables, he had neither a sick nor a scorbutic man on board. His last act before leaving was to bury in a bottle in the garden a letter to Captain Furneaux, if by any chance he should put in to Ship Cove.

Before leaving the strait Cook searched along the coast of the North Island from Terawhiti to Cape Palliser, firing guns as he sailed along, in the hope that some signs might be found of the missing ship. When passing the mouth of Wellington Harbour he noted, beyond what he had observed before, that it inclined to the westward. In this visit Cook also observed Mana Island. Before leaving the coast Cook sailed over towards Cape Campbell, without finding any trace of his consort, and on the 26th set sail for the south.

On 6th December Cook reckoned that he was at the antipodes of London, but could see no land, though there were visible penguins and seals, which he concluded must resort to the southern part of New Zealand when requiring to land.

The Adventure had parted with the Resolution on 30th October. After establishing communication with the natives near Cape Palliser on 4th November, Furneaux had to put back on the 9th to Tolago Bay for refreshments, getting away from there on the 16th. It was not until the 30th, however, that a favourable wind was experienced and Queen Charlotte Sound reached.

Furneaux, finding from the message left him that Cook had sailed, devoted all his energies during his stay in the Sound to the preparation of his vessel for the work laid out for him. In addition to the fitting out of the vessel, the food supplies had to be overlooked, and on inspection the bread was found to be so bad that an oven had to be erected on shore and the whole rebaked. For fish supplies the natives, as usual, were depended upon.

On 17th December the invariable success which had attended Cook's intercourse with the natives of the South Island received a sudden check, and without any warning a terrible tragedy took place in the Sound. A large cutter, with Midshipman Rowe and nine others, was sent to Grass Cove to gather greens for the ship's company prior to sailing. They were to return that night. Next morning, as there was still no sign of them, Mr. Burney, with a boat's crew and 10 marines, was sent to ascertain the cause of the non-appearance of the party, which was generally attributed to some injury to the boat, and the carpenter's mate was sent with material to repair the damage.

Amongst the manuscripts in the magnificent collection of Mr. A. H. Turnbull, of Wellington, is one, believed to be the report made to Captain Cook by Burney on the return of the former to England. A portion of it is here reproduced to furnish in the language of an eyewitness an account of the awful scene of cannibalism, his own companions being the unhappy victims:—

“At ½ pt: 1 we stopt at a beach on the left hand side going up East Bay, to boil some victuals, as we brought nothing with us but raw meat. Whilst we were cooking I saw an Indian on the opposite shore, running along a beach towards the head of the Bay. Our meat being drest, we got it in the boat & put off, and in a short time got to the head of this Reach where we saw an Indian Settlement. As we drew near some of the Indians came down to the rocks & waved for us to begone but seeing we disregarded them they alter'd their notes. Here we found 6 large canoes haul'd up on the beach most of them double ones, a great many people but not so many as one might expect from the number of houses and size of the canoes. Leaving the Boats crew to guard the Boat I stept ashore with the Marines (the Corporal and 5 men) & search'd a good many of their houses but found nothing to give me any suspicion. 3 or 4 well beaten paths led further into the Woods where were many more houses but the people continuing friendly, I thought it unnecessary to continue our search. Coming down to the beach one of the “Indians had brought a bundle of Hepatoos (long spears), but seeing I look'd very earnestly at him he put them on the ground and walk'd about with seeming unconcern. Some of the people appearing to be frightened, I gave a Looking Glass to one & a large Nail to another. From this place the Bay ran as nearly as I could guess NNW a good mile, where it ended in a long sandy beach. I look'd all round with the Glass, but saw no boat, canoe, or sign of inhabitants, I therefore contented myself with firing some guns, which I did in every cove as I went along. I now kept close to the East shore & came to another settlement where the Indians invited us ashore. I inquired of them about the boat, to which they pretended ignorance. They appeared very friendly here & sold us some fish. Within an hour after we left this place, in a small beach adjoining Grass Cove we saw a very large double canoe just haul up, with 2 men & a dog. The men on seeing us left their canoe & ran up into the Woods—this gave one reason to suspect I should here get tidings of the Cutter. We went ashore & search'd the canoe where we found one of the Rullock ports of the Cutter and some shoes, one of which was known to belong to Mr. Woodhouse, one of our Midshipmen. One of the people at the same time brought me a piece of meat which he took to be some of the Salt Meat belonging to the Cutter's Crew. On examining this & smelling to it I found it was fresh. Mr. Fannin (the Master) who was with me supposed it was Dog's flesh & I was of the same opinion, for I still doubted their being cannibals, but we were soon convinced by most horrid & undeniable proofs—a great many baskets (about 20) laying on the beach tied up, we cut them open: some were full of roasted flesh and some of fern root, which serves them for bread. On further search we found more shoes & a hand which we immediately knew to have belonged to Thos: Hill one “of our Forecastlemen, it being marked T. H. with an Otaheite tattow instrument. I went with some of the people a little way up the Woods, but saw nothing else. Coming down again was a round spot covered with fresh earth about 4 feet diameter, where something had been buried. Having no spade we began to dig with a Cutlass, in the meantime I launched the canoe with an intention to destroy her, but seeing a great smoke ascending over the nearest hill, I got all the people in the boat and made what haste I could to be with them before sunset. On opening the next bay, which was Grass Cove, we saw 4 canoes, a single and 3 double ones, a great many people on the beach who on our approach retreated to a small hill within a ship's length of the water side where they stood talking to us. A large Fire was on the top of the High Land beyond the Woods from whence all the way down the hill the place was thronged like a Fair. As we came in I ordered a musquetoon to be fired at one of the canoes as we suspected they might be full of men laying down in the bottom, for they were all afloat, but nobody was in them. The Savages on the little hill still kept hallowing and making signs for us to land. However as soon as we got close in we all fired. The first Volley did not seem to affect them much, but on the 2nd they began to scramble away as fast as they could, some of them howling. We continued firing as long as we could see the glimpse of a man through the bushes. Amongst the Indians were 2 very stout men who never offered to move till they found themselves forsaken by their companions & then they march'd away with great composure & deliberation, their pride not suffering them to run. One of them however got a fall & either lay there or crawl'd off on all fours. The other got clear without any apparent hurt. I then landed with the Marines & Mr. Fannin' stay'd to guard the Boat. On the beach “were 2 bundles of Cellery which had been gathered for loading the Cutter, a broken oar was stuck upright in the ground to which they had tied their lances, proofs that the attack had been made here. I then searched all along at the back of the beach to see if the Cutter was there. We found no boat but instead of her such a shocking scene of carnage & Barbarity as can never be mention'd, or thought of, but with horror. Whilst we remain'd, almost stupified, on this spot, Mr. Fannin calld to us that he heard the Savages gathering together in the Woods, on which I returned to the boat & haul'd alongside the canoes, 3 of which were demolished. Whilst this was transacting, the fire on the top of the hill disappeared & we could hear the Indians in the woods at high words. I suppose quarrelling whether or no they should attack us & try to save their canoes. It now grew dark, I therefore just stept out & look'd once more behind the beach to see if the Cutter had been haul'd up in the bushes, but seeing nothing of her, returned & put off. Our whole force would have been barely sufficient to have gone up the hill & to have ventured with half (for half must have been left to guard the boat) would have been foolhardiness. As we opened the upper part of the Sound we saw a very large fire about 3 or 4 miles higher up which formed a complete Oval, reaching from the top of a hill down almost to the water side, the middle space being inclosed all round by the fire, like a hedge. I consulted with Mr. Fannin & we were both of opinion that we could expect to reap no other advantage than the poor satisfaction of killing some more of the Savages. At leaving Grass Cove he had fired a general Volley towards where we heard the Indians talking, but by going in & out of the boat, the Arms had got wet and 4 pieces mist fire. What was still worse it began to rain, our ammunition was more than half “expended & we left 6 large canoes behind us in one place. With so many disadvantages I did not think it worth while to proceed where nothing could be hoped for but revenge. Coming between 2 round Islands that lay to the Southward of East Bay, we imagined we heard somebody calling, we lay on our oars & listend, but heard no more of it. We hollowed several times, but to little purpose. The poor souls were far enough out of hearing & indeed I think it was some comfort to reflect that in all probability every man of them must have been killed on the spot. Between 11 & 12 we got on board. The people lost in the Cutter were Mr. Rowe, Mr. Woodhouse, Francis Murphy, Quarter Master Wm. Facey, Thos. Hill, Michl. Bell, & Edwd. Jones, Forecastlemen, Jno. Cavanagh & Thos. Milton belonging to the Afterguard & James Swilley the Captain's man—being 10 in all. Most of them were of our very best seamen, the stoutest and most healthy people in the Ship. We brought on board 2 hands, one belonging to Mr. Rowe, known by a hurt he had received on it, the other to Thos. Hill as before mention'd & the head of the Captn's servant. These with more of the remains were tied in a Hammock & thrown overboard with ballast & shot sufficient to sink it. We found none of their Arms or Cloathes except part of a pair of Trowsers, a Frock & 6 shoes, no 2 of them being fellows.”

Stunned by the awful blow which had so unexpectedly fallen upon the expedition, and realizing the uselessness of any form of punitive treatment, Furneaux took the first opportunity which good weather gave him of getting his anchor up, and on the 23rd left the Sound which had proved such a disastrous resting place.

A year had almost elapsed before Cook put into the Sound for refreshments, prior to his return to England. During that time he had not seen Furneaux and not a hint of the tragedy of the boat's crew had reached his ears. On 17th October, 1774, Mount Egmont was sighted and the next day the anchor was cast at the entrance to Ship Cove.

Although Furneaux had left no notification of his visit, Cook had not long anchored before he found, in the absence of the bottle of instructions, in the cutting down of certain trees with saws and axes, and in the site of an observatory different from Wales', evidences that some one had been there since he left. Birds nesting in exposed places and the tameness of those in the bush showed that some time had elapsed since their departure. The absence of all natives and the fact that they fled at sight showed that trouble had occurred somewhere, and was felt very much in the short supplies of fish available for the recuperating sailors.

It was six days before communication could be established with the natives, and even then it was only on Cook's initiative that it was secured. They, after ascertaining that no hostile designs were held against them, spoke about a battle and about killing, but the knowledge of their language was not sufficient to enable the visitors to understand clearly what was meant, and although fears for the safety of the Adventure were entertained, every thing was done that could be done to win once more the confidence of the natives.

This done, the Maoris came again round the ship and traded their fish and canoes for nails and other trifles. This went on day after day, and the watering place became a favourite spot for them to gather together for trade or to talk to the marines for hours together. In the midst of their friendly intercourse they told a tale of some European vessel that had come in to the harbour, and that her people had quarrelled with and fired on them but were all killed and eaten. Some said it was across at Terawhiti. One said it was two moons ago, but another counted twenty or thirty days. They also described the vessel as having beaten against the rocks and gone all to pieces. When however, the natives saw the anxiety their remarks occasioned, they evidently realized that the Resolution's crew knew nothing of what had happened, and no more information was available.

Captain Cook, frustrated in his efforts to ascertain what had occurred, now tried a very interesting experiment to learn if the Adventure had sailed away safely. “We made two pieces of paper, to represent the two ships, and drew the figure of the Sound on a large piece; then drawing the two ships into the Sound, and out of it again, as often as they had touched at and left it, including our last departure, we stopped a while, and at last proceeded to bring our ship in again; but the natives interrupted us, and taking up the paper which represented the Adventure, they brought it into the harbour, and drew it out again, counting on their fingers how many moons she had gone. This circumstance gave us two-fold pleasure, since at the same time that we were persuaded our consort had safely sailed from hence, we had room to admire the sagacity in the natives.”

Scarcely anything had been done in the way of exploration of the Sound since Cook's visit in the Endeavour in 1770, and he accordingly decided to ascertain what new information was to be obtained regarding the bay. First he visited West Bay to ascertain whether any of the pigs or fowls liberated there still survived, but the search was fruitless. Grass Cove was next visited, and all unconscious of the awful tragedy which had taken place there Cook made a close examination of the surrounding country.

On Saturday, 5th November, he set out up the Sound and, interrogating the various canoes met with, learned that it ended in a bay surrounded with mountains but with an outlet to the sea towards the east. This outlet, now known as Tory Channel, was entered, and the shores found to be thickly populated with natives. At one village Cook landed and spent some time with the chief and traded with the people.

The ease with which a quarrel with the natives might be started was well shown here. When Cook was putting off in his boat after an interview of the most promising and profitable nature, it was found that one of the sailors had not paid for a bundle of fish he had purchased. Cook called to the native who had sold the fish and threw him a nail by way of payment. The native, thinking himself attacked, picked up a stone and threw it at Cook with his full force, luckily without hitting him. The attention of the native having been directed to the nail he laughingly picked it up and all his anger vanished. A passing weakness of the leader at the moment might have re-enacted the story of the Adventure boat's crew, especially as there probably were some there who took part in that fight.

Cook followed the arm of the Sound down to the sea and looking through the entrance saw the North Island. He would have sailed round to the Resolution by sea but for the wind which was blowing against him. Sighting the entrance at four in the afternoon, he did not reach Ship Cove until ten o'clock, thoroughly fatigued with the day's work.

This appears to have ended Cook's exploration of the Sound. The remainder of the stay was devoted to necessary preparation prior to sailing and to the ever present question of stocking the island with domesticated animals. It was during this time too that Wales the astronomer found out that Ship Cove was 40′ too far to the East on the chart, a mistake which applied to the whole of the South Island.

Cook had followed out to the letter his own advice to the scientific world to make Queen Charlotte Sound the base of operations when exploring the South Pacific, and the results were all he had pictured them to be. Forster says:

“As often as we visited this country, it had abundantly supplied us with refreshments, which were particularly efficacious in restoring our health, and banishing the symptoms of the scurvy. Not only well-tasted antiscorbutic plants, but likewise the fish, which are easily digested, seem to me to have been equally salutory restoratives. The keen air which is felt in New Zealand, on the finest days, contributed not a little to brace our fibres, relaxed “by a long cruise in warmer climates, and the strong exercise we took was doubtless beneficial in many respects. From hence it happened that we always left that country with new vigour. If we came in ever so pale and emaciated, the good cheer which we enjoyed during our stay, soon rekindled a glow of health on our cheeks, and we returned to the south, like our ships, to all outward appearance, as clean and sound as ever, though in reality somewhat impaired by the many hard rubs of the voyage.”

On 10th November, Cook left the Sound and on the 12th land was out of sight and the expedition was homeward bound.

Great as was Cook's conquest of the ocean highway it sinks into insignificance when compared with the victory he obtained over the ocean's disease. His voyage in the Resolution earned for him the medal of the Royal Society in 1776. This distinction was granted him for performing a voyage of three hundred and eighteen days in a ship with one hundred and eighteen men, travelling between 30° N. and 71° S.; with the loss of only one man by sickness. Cook was the first who successfully combatted that terrible enemy of the navigator, scurvy. So great had been the human tribute which this fell disease levied upon seamen, that cases where one-fourth of the ship's complement died, were not unknown and it is recorded that during twenty years in the early part of the sixteenth century, ten thousand mariners died of scurvy alone.

Among the mementos of Cook's visit to New Zealand in the Resolution and the Adventure none have been the object of such close search as the medals which were struck to commemorate the expedition and taken with it to distribute amongst the natives visited. These medals were about one and three-quarter inches in diameter, having on one side a bust of the King with the inscription GEORGE III., KING OF GR. BRITAIN, FRANCE, AND IRELAND, and on the other two vessels of war representing the Resolution and the Adventure, with the words Resolution Adventure Sailed From England March MDCCLXXII. A small horseshoe ring attached by a staple to the medal enabled it to be suspended by a string round the neck of a native.

Although these medals were distributed amongst the natives at two places only—Dusky and Queen Charlotte Sounds—they have been found at different spots along the coast. The few distributed, and the small number of natives who resided at Dusky, suggest the probability of the medals discovered having come from the neighbourhood of Ship Cove rather than from Pickersgill Harbour. Their distribution up and down the coast shows the trade routes of the original holders or the course followed by them when Northern warriors drove them from their old homes.

A discovery of one in Otago is thus described by Mr. Murray G. Thomson, of the Railway Workshops, Dunedin, who was present when the medal was picked up:—

“In 1863, when a lad of 12 years of age, I went to live with an old couple, Mr. and Mrs. J. W. Hunter, at Murdering Beach, about 4 miles to the left of the Otago Heads, at one time called Smaill's Bay, but altered to the former name after the murders took place. I lived there for over three years with the Hunters who had been living in the District ever since 1840, and I used to listen to their tales of their early days with great attention, especially when they spoke about the whaling days under Johnny Jones at Waikouaiti. Well it was our custom on Sunday afternoon to go for a walk to the beach, and also to take a stroll over the old Maori camps that were scattered about the sandy flat inside of the low sandhills. Murdering Beach had at one time been the headquarters of a large body of manufacturing Maoris from the number of places that we used to call Maori Workshops that were to be found. Many a time I have spent a whole afternoon looking over these interesting places just to see what I could find. I sometimes

Medal to Commemorate Cook's Second Expedition.Found by Mr. T. D. McManaway. Original in the Library of Mr. A. H. Turnbull, Wellington. “was very fortunate in finding numbers of nicely finished greenstone weapons, implements or ornaments. One Sunday, in company with Mr. and Mrs. Hunter we were having our usual look round when Mrs. Hunter called out,—“I have found an old penny, and handed it to me to look at. My young eyes soon saw that it was not a penny and soon I had it polished up a little by rubbing it on the sleeve of my coat. Very soon the two ships came into view and part of the names were to be seen. Mr. Hunter at once said it had something to do with Captain Cook's voyages. When we got home I procured some oil and with a small piece of cloth I soon had it polished up quite bright and clean so that I could read the inscriptions quite easily. We kept it for a while, and then it was handed over to my father the late Mr. Peter Thomson. After his death it came into my hands again and I have taken great care of it ever since. It is in a good state of preservation, the inscriptions and the two ships being seen quite plainly.”

A second medal was discovered by Mr. T. D. McManaway, of Garns Bay, Elaine Bay, Pelorus Sound, who says:

“About thirteen years ago I found it at Rams Head, Tawhitinui Reach, Pelorus Sound. It had apparently been buried in a old go-shore or three legged pot, and was indicated by the appearance of the earth around, which showed signs of rust. An unusually high tide and heavy weather had removed the vegetation and earth, showing a circle of rust. I removed the earth to a greater depth and found the medal. It is now in the possession of Mr A. H. Turnbull, of Wellington.”

A third medal, now in the possession of Mr. James Jackson, a resident on the northern shore of Tory Channel, was, says the owner, “found by a Mr. Hood on this island in a bay called Otanarua, where a boat's crew of white men were murdered by the Maoris. It was found about fifty years ago.”

Chapter V.Cook's Last Visit, La Perouse and Bligh, 1776 to 1788.

On Cook's return to England from his Second Voyage, a vacancy occurred among the captains of the Greenwich Hospital, and he immediately made application for the position, asking at the same time that he should be allowed to quit it for active service at the call of his country or when he could be of use. Naturally the application was favourably entertained and the condition assented to. The salary accompanying the post was the modest one of £200 per annum, with residence, fire and light, and one shilling and two pence per diem table allowance; but small as it was Cook described it as “a fine retreat and a pretty income,” though he must inwardly have felt that he would chafe under the limits and comparative inaction of his new command.

The opportunity of testing the opinion of the Admiralty soon came. The problem of a great southern continent was not the only geographical problem of the day. The idea was widespread that a sea passage existed between the Atlantic and the Pacific by way of North America. The mystery of the Southern Pacific being settled, men turned their minds to that of the Northern Pacific, and, in compliance with a widespread desire, George the Third sanctioned the fitting out of an expedition of two vessels to solve this second problem. No man at that date held such a reputation as a voyager as Cook, and when, on 10th February, 1776, he wrote and offered his services as commander of the expedition, the Admiralty felt itself relieved of any difficulty it might otherwise have experienced in filling that important post. Kippis, in his “Life of Cook,” states that the whole thing was arranged prior to this, when Palliser, Sandwich and Stephens consulted with him regarding the equipment of the expedition. Cook threw himself with all his well-known ardour into his new undertaking, and until the hour of sailing worked day and night, getting men and ships into a fit state for the important and hazardous voyage.

The object of the expedition was not associated in any way with New Zealand, but Cook was directed, if he thought it advisable to do so, to touch at New Zealand on his road from the Cape of Good Hope to Tahiti or the Society Islands. The vessels given him were his old friend the Resolution, and a sloop called the Discovery, commanded by Captain Charles Clerke, who had sailed with him as A.B. and third lieutenant in the Endeavour and then as second lieutenant in the Resolution. Cook was therefore well armed for his work in that his brother commander was a man after his own heart and trained in his own school. Advantage was taken of the opportunity which thus presented itself to send to his home at the island of Raiatea, Omai, who had joined Furneaux in 1773, and had been present at Queen Charlotte Sound in the Adventure when the boat's crew was massacred there.

The two vessels sailed from Plymouth on 12th July, 1776, and cast anchor in Ship Cove on the morning of Wednesday, 12th February, 1777, and that very day preparations were made for the refreshment of the crews, for the establishment of two observatories, and for substantial guards. Canoes of natives quickly gathered round the ships, but contrary to previous experience their occupants showed the greatest disinclination to come on board. They saw Omai and probably realised that Cook had been back to his own country where he had met the Adventure's crew, and their first thought naturally was that the expedition had returned to demand satisfaction for the massacre. It was with the greatest difficulty that Cook could persuade even those natives with whom he had previously been particularly friendly, that his intentions were strictly peaceful, and he had to make specific declaration upon the subject before the former confidence was restored and the old intercourse renewed.

During the next two days the observatories were put into working order, under King and Bayley, and two tents were erected on the old sites. These are shown in the illustration reproduced, and an examination of the Cove to-day will enable anyone on the spot to locate the site of the tents to within a few feet. Profiting by the experience of the Adventure's crew, in addition to the guards provided for the shore party, the workmen and the boats leaving the ship were all armed. Cook had never done this before, and, though he did not think it necessary now, did not care to follow his old practice after Marion's experience at the Bay of Islands in 1772 and Furneaux's at Grass Cove in 1773.

Cook says that after provision had been made for the ship's crew the natives occupied every available spot in the Cove. As the artist's sketch shows no native huts intruding on the foreground the presumption is that they kept upon the left bank of the creek. Referring to Webber's sketch it may be mentioned that a comparison on the spot with nature speaks even more in favour of the artist's accuracy than does a comparison of the sketch with any photograph. The greatest difference is visible in the outline and the flora of the hillside, the former not being so full in appearance, whilst the forest growth is represented as denser and heavier. The steep face of Long Island and the outline of the mountains above and beyond it are faithfully portrayed. The artist's position must have been close to the site of the monument now being erected to mark that historic spot.

The view of native canoes in the sketch shows the long hollow trunk for a bottom, the side planks lashed together with flax passed through small holes, and the seams caulked with the down of reeds. A distorted human face at the prow and the high carved ornament at the stern, give a very picturesque appearance when contrasted with the plain blunt ship's boat of that day. The dress and posture of the men and women are shown with wonderful fidelity, and the armed sentry near the tents reveals the precautionary measures taken by Cook upon this occasion.

So successful had Cook's treatment of the men been that of the two ships' companies only two men, and these on board the Resolution, were upon the sick list. Health precautions however were not relaxed and fresh fish, vegetables, and spruce beer, were supplied daily to the men. The results of this treatment amply justified the presentation to him of the Royal Geographical Society's medal the previous year.

The pah at Motuara was visited and found to have the houses and pallisades rebuilt, as in 1773, but unoccupied. The gardens had many of the vegetables growing in them, but were overrun with weeds. The attempt to get the natives to cultivate them had resulted in failure. Webber's sketch of the inside of a pah shows the interior of the fortified promontory at Motuara and is worth examination for its excellent representation of the homes of the ancient Maori in Queen Charlotte Sound.

On Sunday, 16th February, Cook set out with five boats to collect grass for the stock and to visit the scene of the massacre of Furneaux's men. Here he met a native named Pedro with whom he had been on terms of great personal friendship during his previous visit. The natives, though at first somewhat fearful, showed Cook over the scene of the carnage and explained what had taken place. They represented that while the boat's crew was at dinner, with Furneaux's black servant taking care of the boat, some of the natives stole some bread and fish for which they were beaten. A scuffle took place and two New Zealanders were shot. Only two shots were fired, as the natives rushed in and overpowered the party with numbers. From what the young New Zealander (who accompanied Cook when he sailed) stated, it would appear that the theft was from the boat and that the negro in charge had struck the culprit a heavy blow with a stick. The cries of the injured man caused the natives to think he was being murdered and they immediately attacked the sailors, who were killed before they could reach the boat and defend themselves. From the position of the sun, as indicated by the natives, the massacre must have taken place late in the afternoon. Cook had the exact spot pointed out to him and states that “it was at the corner of the cove, on the right hand.” The boat was about two hundred yards away. Evidently none of Burney's relief party were with this expedition or mention would have been made of where the bodies were found.

Monday was stormy and no work done. On Tuesday and Wednesday however the weather cleared up and work proceeded as usual. On Thursday a blast, so furious as to make it difficult for the ship to ride it out, was experienced and the week ended with the great bulk of the natives belonging to the Sound encamped in the Cove, going in and out of the vessel and drinking the oil produced by the melting of seal blubber ashore. “They relished the very skimmings of the kettle, and dregs of the casks; but a little of the pure stinking oil was a delicious feast.”

Cook had now accomplished his task and accordingly he brought everything on board and made preparations for leaving Ship Cove for what was to be the last time. Some delay took place however through an unfavourable change of the wind, and it was not until Tuesday, 25th February, that he got clear of the Sound.

During that time, in answer to the urgent solicitations of some of the chiefs, more goats and pigs, which all the efforts of the past had failed to establish, were handed over to the natives. The idea of leaving cattle was abandoned.

One of the last of the natives to visit Cook was Kahoora, a chief who had been pointed out as the man who killed Mr. Rowe, and who had been the leader of the massacre of the Adventure boat's crew. He appears to have been hated by many of his countrymen and some did not hesitate to urge his death. His courage in placing himself in the hands of Cook commanded the latter's admiration. Omai, not capable of the same feelings, upbraided him for his part in the massacre and threatened all sorts of dire vengeance if he appeared again, but the Maori chief knew enough of the rules of government to understand the difference between Omai's threats and Cook's looks. Always anxious to hear more of Mr. Rowe's fate, Cook ascertained from Kahoora that a Maori had brought a stone hatchet to trade and on giving up the implement the purchaser refused to hand over anything in return. The defrauded Maori then snatched the bread as an equivalent and the row commenced. In the struggle Kahoora only escaped death by dodging behind another who received the charge meant for him, and thereupon attacked and killed Mr. Rowe, but not before the latter had wounded him in the arm with his hanger. Speaking of the encounter next day, all agreed in the statement that Mr. Burney, who commanded the relief expedition, failed to injure a single person in the encounter. As illustrating Kahoora's confidence in Cook's promise that he would not be injured it may be mentioned that while on board and away from his friends he sat to Mr. Webber the artist and had a sketch made of himself, a marvellous exhibition of courage when the grim savage must have known that some of his own countrymen were actually soliciting his death and many more were expecting it.

Cook took away with him from Queen Charlotte Sound a young chief named Taweiharooa, 17 or 18 years of age, and a boy named Kokoa about 9 or 10. These willingly, and with the consent of their relatives, left the homes of their people and came on board the ships with Omai the South Sea Islander. From the young chief Cook learned that prior to the arrival of the Endeavour a ship had visited the N.W. coast of Terawhiti and spent some time there, the captain living with the natives ashore. Of this vessel nothing more is known beyond the information thus obtained, and as Taweiharooa did not impart the information until after Cook had left the Sound, it was impossible to obtain details from older natives who might have seen this unknown navigator during his visit.

Thus on 25th February, 1777, Cook left Queen Charlotte Sound for the last time. No part of Australasia can claim his presence at any one spot for so long a time as can Ship Cove.

First Voyage, 15th January to 6th February, 1770, 22 days Second Voyage 18th May to 7th June, 1773 20 days Second Voyage 3rd to 25th November, 1773 22 days Second Voyage 18th October to 10th November, 1774, 23 days Third Voyage 12th to 25th February, 1777 13 days

In all he spent 100 days at anchor there and his only other stay on the shores of the South Island was at Dusky Sound from 24th March to 11th May, 1773, a period of 46 days.

We have seen that in 1770 Cook selected this spot as the recruiting ground of any expedition which might thereafter be fitted out to explore the Pacific for the long talked of Southern Continent. And when he was himself selected to perform the work he not only carried out his former advice to the letter, but entirely ignored all the harbours on the North Island, calling at no other port but Dusky during his four succeeding visits to New Zealand. The result was that no place in the southern world was so well known to the voyagers of the latter portion of the eighteenth century as was Queen Charlotte Sound; the names and manners and customs of its people had been placed upon record, and its exact position on the map had been ascertained by a succession of brilliant scientific men, whose observatories had for weeks stood near the site of the now proposed Cook monument at Ship Cove.

During his visits to New Zealand after his survey of it in 1770, Cook never allowed himself to explore stretches of coastline admittedly left uncertain in his survey from the deck of the Endeavour. This at first blush would appear to indicate a disregard for accurate survey work which was quite foreign to his usual methods. The reason for this seeming carelessness is not difficult to find. He only visited New Zealand to enable him to carry out his grand plan, and the question of the exact coastline of our islands was a minor one when the problem of the existence of continents required solving, or the presence of connecting lands between ocean and ocean had to be ascertained. He had surveyed New Zealand and proved its insularity. Nobler game than the further details of its survey was in sight.

No true conception of Cook's great work can be obtained by ascertaining the list of islands he discovered, or the length of coastline he explored. His greatest achievement was the exploration of the Southern Ocean, when he proved that it was an open sea and not a closed-in continent. This class of discovery does not appear so conspicuous on the map of the World as does the discovery of a few islets in the Central Pacific, and we are apt to regard the ocean unmarked by islets as involving no field of discovery, and contributing nothing to the fame of an explorer.

With the information gleaned by Cook during this visit to Queen Charlotte Sound and the sidelights thrown upon the scene by Forster, the scientist of the Resolution, it is not difficult to reproduce the events which led up to the massacre of the Adventure's crew, and to place the blame upon the proper shoulders. Speaking of Rowe, the midshipman who had charge of the boat's crew, Forster says “he combined with many liberal sentiments the prejudices of a naval education, which induced him to look upon all the natives of the South Sea with contempt, and to assume that kind of right over them, with which the Spaniards, in more barbarous ages, disposed of the lives of the American Indians… This relation is very reconcilable with the opinion which the late Mr. Rowe always entertained of the New Zealanders, viz: that they would never stand the fire of European musketry. He had before, when at Tolaga Bay, been exceedingly desirous of firing upon them, for having stolen a small keg of brandy from the boat's crew; but the judicious and humane advice of Lieutenant Burney checked his impetuosity.”

We recognise the type at once, brave and fearless himself, he, so very different to Cook, held his opponents in the utmost contempt. The history of our wars with barbarous and even civilised foes is full of such cases, and for the possession of such men our country has paid a terrible toll in human life. He was a relation, it appears, of Furneaux the commander.

It is evident that the massacre was quite unpremeditated and that it arose suddenly through the happening of some event which roused to fury the wild savage instincts of the Maoris. Several initial circumstances are mentioned by the natives; the first was the stealing of a sailor's jacket; the second was the theft of some bread and the consequent punishment of the culprit by the negro in charge of the boat, causing the Maoris to think that their countryman was being killed; the third was Kahoora's statement that a sailor had refused to pay for a valuable axe offered him for barter and the native forthwith stole the bread as an equivalent.

A fourth version—an improbable one—rests upon the authority of John Ledyard, an American, who accompanied Cook in the Resolution and who published an account of the voyage in 1783. In this account he tells of one of the sailors who formed a violent attachment for a Maori maiden and obtained from her the following account of the massacre:—

“She gave him to understand that one Gooboa, a very bad man, who had been often at the ship and had stolen many things, when he came to understand she was about to sail went up into the hill country and invited the warriors to come down and kill the strangers. They at first refused, saying the strangers were stronger than they, particularly insinuating the force of the fire arms he told them they need not fear, for he knew where they must come “before they departed, in order to procure grass for their cattle, and that on such occasions they left their fire-arms behind them in the Ship or carelessly about the ground, while they were at work. They said they were no enemies but friends, and that they must not kill men with whom they were in friendship. Gooboa said they were vile enemies, and complained of their chaining him and beating him, and showed them the marks and bruises he had received at the ship: And told them besides how they might destroy their firearms by throwing water over them. Gooboa undertook to conduct them in safety to the place where the strangers were to come, and showed them where they might conceal themselves until he should come and give them notice, which he did. And when the men were busy about getting grass and not thinking any harm, the warriors rushed out upon them and killed them with their Patapatows, and then divided their bodies among them. She added that there were women as well as men concerned, and that the women made the fires while the warriors cut the dead men in pieces; that they did not eat them all at once, but only their entrails; that the warriors had the heads which were esteemed the best, and the rest of the flesh was distributed among the crowd.”

The first three reasons are quite consistent with the well-known propensity of the old native for theft. Probably the three incidents happened before the eyes of the Maoris and subsequent events were regarded as the consequence of what had been seen to take place. The Maori could only tell what happened; which of the incidents precipitated the attack by causing resentment in the breast of the European, the ignorant savage could not even surmise. If we could reproduce the events of that day in Grass Cove the most conspicuous reasons for the massacre would probably be found first of all in a weakness in the discipline of the boat's crew which allowed of the men taking liberties with the natives, and, when a crisis arose, in the fatal but erroneous belief of the young midshipman that the New Zealanders would never stand the fire of European musketry.

With Cook's expedition during his last visit to Queen Charlotte Sound were three officers whose names afterwards became famous in English history. These were William Bligh, who afterwards, as Commander of the Bounty, experienced being set adrift in a boat in mid-ocean by his sailors, and later on, as Governor of New South Wales, endured being deposed and held under arrest by his soldiers; Edward Riou, afterwards Captain of H.M.S. Amazon, whose death at the battle of Copenhagen was characterized by Nelson as an “irreparable loss” to his country; George Vancouver, the celebrated explorer of the North West Coast of North America and after whom the Province, Island and City of Vancouver are called. The first was master on board the Resolution, the second and third were midshipmen on board the Discovery.

Omai was landed at Huahine, and with him the two natives of New Zealand who came away from Queen Charlotte Sound. At the parting the older native took things very complacently but the younger proved so unwilling that he had to be forcibly taken away from the ship. So great was the latter's disinclination to leave that Cook confesses that had he thought there was the most distant possibility of any ship being sent again out to New Zealand he would have brought the two youths to England with him. When Bligh reached the island in October, 1778, he was informed that Omai had died about two and a half years after Cook left, and was shortly afterwards followed by the older of the New Zealand lads and then by the younger.

The explorations and observations of Cook had brought prominently before our own people the benefits of Queen Charlotte Sound for any expedition which might propose to examine the southern portion of the Pacific, but they had also brought these benefits before other nations as well. The French, in 1785, profiting by Cook's experience, decided to fit out and send for exploratory work an expedition, on a scale beyond anything hitherto attempted, and the frigates Boussole and Astrolabe were selected, and their command given to La Perouse.1

The sailing instructions issued by the King of France set out in great detail the course the vessels were to take in an expedition which was expected to be away for something like five years. La Perouse was directed, amongst other things, to explore the western and southern coast of Australia and Van Diemen's Land, to sail eastward for Cook Strait in New Zealand and to make Queen Charlotte Sound the third rendezvous of the expedition. March, 1787, was the date fixed for his departure from the Sound, and the course thereafter was along the 41st or 42nd parallel.

Cook had supplied such a mass of information about New Zealand that little remained to be investigated and his praise of Queen Charlotte Sound and the length of time he spent there, indicated that spot as a likely place for any settlement established by the British Government. La Perouse was therefore directed to inquire, not so much about the natives as whether the English had formed or intended to form any settlements in the Sound, and if any had been established, to visit them and learn their condition, strength and objects. The scientific institutions of France asked for information regarding New Zealand flax and the fern root used by the Maoris for food.

The expedition sailed from Brest on 1st August, 1785, and reached Avatscha Bay, Kamchatka, in September, 1787. On the 21st of that month La Perouse in a letter stated that he intended to proceed from the Caroline Islands or from the Island of Guam to Queen Charlotte Sound, which he hoped to reach about 20th January, 1788. So far therefore nothing had happened to take New Zealand out of his programme.

While at Avatscha, however, a mail arrived from France, and although no mention is made in any letter published that New Zealand was to be left out of the programme, La Perouse altered his plans and proposed to use the time intended for the New Zealand trip in exploring the coast of New Holland. What the instructions were which caused the original plan to be altered and New Zealand dropped out of the itinerary, cannot be known without a perusal of the letter of instructions received from Paris, and that is not at present at the author's disposal. His plans were however altered, and seeing that he reached Botany Bay shortly after the First Fleet, and as the main object of the visit to New Zealand was to examine into the English settlements there, it is probable that the proposal to establish a British colony at Botany Bay was the subject of discussion in Paris at the time, and La Perouse was commanded to call and report upon, or call and forestall, the establishment of that colony.

La Perouse arrived too late to do other than be the first visitor to the new settlement, and after obtaining what refreshments were available, sailed away with the object of visiting the Friendly Islands and then circumnavigating Australia. The gallant commander and his brave crew never reached their native land.

On his voyage La Perouse used, for his magnetic work, the dipping needle which Cook had employed for that purpose during his voyages. Sir Joseph Banks generously handed this treasure to the French navigator.

Passing from the wish of the French nation to extend their knowledge of the geography of the World we come to the desire of the British residents of the West Indies to have the bread fruit tree introduced among them. This desire was voiced in applications to the King, who, in order to comply with the request of his subjects in Jamaica, sent Lieutenant Bligh, in 1787, to the South Sea Islands in a vessel called the Bounty, to procure as many plants as possible and take them to the West Indies.

Failing, through bad weather, to round Cape Horn, Bligh took the route via the Cape of Good Hope, which he reached on 24th May, and Van Diemen's Land on 20th August, 1788. Continuing his voyage past the south of New Zealand, he says2:—

“On the 19th (September 1788) at daylight, we discovered a cluster of small rocky islands, bearing east by north four leagues distant from us. We had seen no birds nor anything to indicate the nearness of land, except patches of rock-weed, for which the vicinity of New Zealand sufficiently accounted. The wind being at N.E. prevented our near approach to these isles; so that we were not less than three leagues distant in passing to the southward of them. The weather was too thick to see distinctly, their extent was only 3½ miles from east to west, and about half a league from north to south, their number including the smaller ones, was thirteen. I could not observe any verdure on any of them: there were white spots like patches of snow; but, as Captain Cook, in describing the land of New Zealand, near Cape South, says, in many places there are patches like white marble, it is probable that what we saw might be of the same kind as what he had observed. The westernmost of these islands is the largest; they are of sufficient height to be seen at the distance of seven leagues from a ship's deck. When the easternmost bore north, I tried for soundings, being then 10 miles distant from the nearest of them, and found bottom at 75 fathoms, a fine white sand; and again at noon, having run six leagues more to the E.S.E., we had soundings at 104 fathoms, a fine brimstone-coloured sand. The latitude of these islands is 47° 44′ S.; their longitude 179° 7′ E. which is about 145 leagues to the east of the Traps, near the south end of New Zealand. Variation of the compass here 17° E. While in sight of the islands, we saw some penguins, and a white gull with a forked tail. Captain Cook's track, in 1773, was near this spot, but he did not “see the islands; he saw seals and penguins hereabouts, but considered New Zealand to be the nearest land. I have named them after the ship, the Bounty Isles.”

On 28th April, 1789, the celebrated Mutiny of the Bounty took place. Bligh's later history would be out of place here, but the mutiny on board the Bounty, Bligh's subsequent governorship of New South Wales, his deposition, and the stormy events of that distant period are intimately associated with the history of the little group of islets in the far south.

The spelling adopted by Cook, of the names of natives met by him during his second and third voyages, has been followed in this work. The Hon. Mr. Carroll, Native Minister, states that in his opinion the more correct spelling is:—

Te Weherua for Taweiharooa

Kahura for Kahoora

Ko Koa for Kokoa

Te Ratu for Teiratu; and

Omae for Omai.

While on the subject of Maori names and spelling it may be mentioned that, according to Mr. S. Percy Smith, Long Island is Te Ketu, and Motuara should be Motuanauru.

CHAPTER VI. Vancouver's Visit, 1791.

BOOK'S system for preserving the lives of his sailors which he had perfected with such care during his stay in Dusky, had proved so successful that the long ocean voyage was now robbed of half its terrors, and a great impetus given to exploration, and the commerce of the world. Sailors of all nations now embarked on long voyages, and the utmost ends of the earth were visited. These visits naturally rendered a proper survey and scientific exploration of the new lands absolutely necessary in the interests of shipping. There was also the question of a passage between the Atlantic and the Pacific still waiting to be solved. To make provision for these, George the Third, in the autumn of 1789, planned an expedition to explore the coast of North West America.

The command of this expedition was given to Captain Henry Roberts, one of Cook's men during his second and third voyages; George Vancouver, who in 1773, in the capacity of a midshipman, was with Cook in the Resolution at Dusky Sound, and who had been four times to New Zealand, was appointed second in command. A Thames built vessel of 340 tons was purchased, named the Discovery, and sent to Deptford to be fitted out. It was also intended that, in addition to her, the Gorgon should go to Sydney and thence with the nucleus of a settlement to North America.1

While the above-named officers were preparing for their new commission, trouble arrived. The Spaniards and the British had come into conflict with one another at Nootka Sound, on the coast of North West America, and British vessels and factories had been seized by the ships of Spain. Negotiations between London and Madrid failed to settle matters and preparations were made to employ force, the pacific employment of the Discovery was postponed, and the officers repaired to their several war stations. The dispute was, however, amicably settled by Spain withdrawing from her position, and a vessel was ordered to Nootka Sound to formally receive everything back. At the same time the accurate survey of the coast line was to be proceeded with. Captain George Vancouver was appointed to the command of this expedition; the Discovery, which was lying ready was put into commission, and the Chatham, of 135 tons was ordered to accompany her. On board the Discovery were 100 officers and men, on the Chatham, 45.

In the plan of the expedition as outlined by Lord Grenville to the Lords of the Admiralty,2 and in the first set of instructions given to Vancouver later on, no mention was made of New Zealand. Subsequent communications dated 20th August, 1791, were however sent by a third vessel and Vancouver was informed that this despatch boat was, after leaving him, to proceed from the Sandwich Islands to the New South Wales Settlement, and on her way down, was to touch at New Zealand and secure two natives to teach the Port Jackson settlers how to prepare the flax fibre, but no instructions were given Vancouver himself to call at New Zealand. His visit to Dusky, therefore, shows the importance to the navigators of that day of this well surveyed harbour, and is another tribute to Cook's farsightedness.

Vancouver sailed via the Cape of Good Hope and King George Sound, calling at both places. When south of Tasmania he found his men in want of provisions which were only to be got on shore, and not knowing of any other place within reach where food supplies, planks, spars, tent poles, &c., could be procured, he made choice of Dusky Bay. Cook, on his visit to New Zealand in 1773, when all the adjoining lands were unsettled, had selected Dusky to recruit his expedition at, and here we have Vancouver, in 1791, notwithstanding that a new settlement had been established for three years at Sydney, and while on a voyage not to New Zealand, but to the Sandwich Islands, finding Dusky the best port of call.

On 2nd November, 1791, Vancouver sighted the south coast of New Zealand, and by evening the Discovery and the Chatham were anchored in the arm leading into Facile Harbour, the spot recommended by Cook after his residence in Dusky Sound in 1773.

Vancouver's first few days' stay was celebrated by rather an exciting experience. Though with Cook at Dusky in the capacity of an A.B., in 1773, he had never been in Facile Harbour, so he thought it necessary to take Broughton, the captain of the Chatham, to fix sites for their several ships and shore occupations. This had no sooner been done, than the captains were alarmed at hearing two guns discharged from the vessels. Hastily getting into their boat they found that Vancouver's vessel, the Discovery, was on the move; and by the time they reached her, she was abreast of the entrance to the Sound. Having got on board, an attempt was made to regain Facile Harbour, but about five o'clock in the afternoon a violent gust created disorder aloft, and nothing remained but to make for Anchor Island Harbour, to leeward of them, where they anchored the vessel and moored her to the trees ashore.

The following is a description of the storm from the journal of an officer of the Chatham, now in the possession of Mr. A. H. Turnbull:—

“The wind which in the morning blew moderate over the Land from the Nd & Ed. had by noon freshened to a Gale and the Discovery who lay in only 40 fams. water without us drove off the Bank and though she let go another Anchor she did not bring up but was obliged to heave them up. By the time this was accomplish'd she had drifted nearly out of the Bay. She fir'd some Guns as Signals to Captn. Vancouver who was away in the Boat and we perceived him & Mr. Broughton return to her while she was driving. The wind had increased to a very hard Gale indeed with heavy Squalls and she made as much sail as she cou'd possibly bear, endeavouring to work up into her old Anchorage. After beating “about some 3 hours without gaining anything considerable, her Fore Topsail Sheet Block gave way and being then nearly abreast of an opening in which there is a very Snug Harbour call'd by Captn. Cook Anchor Island she ran into it and we presently lost sight of her. She was compleatly land locked. We gave our Cable good scope and held on very well but in the Evening finding the weather still grow more Tempestuous and that we dragg'd our Anchor a little we let go another Anchor and veer'd away upon both and hoist in the Boats. We had no abatement of the Gale in the night and the following morning the 4th it seem'd to blow with greater violence. The sudden Gusts that came from the high land was amazing and so quick did they follow each other, that we scarcely had an interval of a lull for 5 minutes together. We got our Top Gallant Masts on Deck, struck the Lower Yards & Top Masts, secur'd the Boats and bent the Storm Staysails, with every other necessary precaution in case of our being driven to Sea. All this day and the night it blew dreadfully and we expected every minute either to part our cables or drive but tho' the Squalls were as hard as many on board ever remember'd to have seen, we had but very little sea with them. The morning of the 5th brought no abatement of the Wind till about 9 o'clock when after some very heavy rain it suddenly fell a perfect Calm, from being the minute before a hard Gale and we had the water at the same instant as smooth as a Mill Pond. The clouds began now to disperse, and to clear up all round, and about 10 o'clock we had a moderate Breeze at N.N.E. we therefore hove up one Anchor, and hove short on the other. About 11 our Captain came on board from the Discovery and about 3 we weigh'd and turn'd into Facile Harbour where about 6 o'clock we anchor'd in 5 fatm. water within a hundred yards of the shore.”

H.M.S. “Discovery” (Vancouver's). From a Sketch in the possession of Mr. H. Baillie, Public Library, Wellington.

H.M.S. “Chatham.” From a Pencil Sketch in the Library of Mr. A. H. Turnbull, Wellington.

No time was lost in getting things refitted. Vancouver did not intend to make as long a stay as Cook had done, and parties were at once employed cutting wood for fuel, and timber for spars and planks, brewing rimu beer and repairing sails, rigging and casks. A boat with four men was constantly employed fishing, and everyone had his task assigned to him.

There was only one part of the Sound that Cook did not explore in 1773—the upper part of the northern arm. On the 13th, 14th, and 15th November this unchartered portion was visited, found to divide into two arms and surveyed. Cook had named the unknown portion “Nobody Knows What.” Vancouver called it “Somebody Knows What.” Fortunately, these senseless names have been discarded in favour of the names of the two vessels.

Cook was too much pressed for time to survey this Sound and he ventured the opinion that it might communicate with Doubtful Harbour although he admitted that appearances were against this theory.3 An opinion, no matter how erroneous, when once advanced, may sometimes die hard. This opinion of Cook's, hazarded in 1773, was disproved by Vancouver in 1791, and the facts made known to the world, but in spite of that, we find maps published as late as 1841, showing an uncertain channel named Mac's Passage, connecting the two sounds.4

During the period they were engaged in survey work, a continual look out was kept for signs of Maoris; Cascade Cove and Indian Cove, places where families lived duririg Cook's visit 18 years before, were visited, but at neither of these places was any trace found, nor any circumstance that in the least indicated that the country was inhabited. The sole signs of human habitation observed by Vancouver were one or two miserable huts in the neighbourhood of Facile Harbour, and even these had not the appearance of having been lately occupied. Menzies, the botanist of the expedition, describes these huts as built in an obtuse form, about four feet in height and six in diameter at the bottom; composed of slender sticks, crossing each other and fastened together with twigs; closely thatched over with grass and fern; and having marks of a fireplace in front of the door. Cook's surmise that the inhabitants of the bay led a wandering life received verification during this visit.

Every entry in his journal shows Vancouver to have been a careful and conscientious commander, and loyal to his old master. Not having been in Facile Harbour before, he must inspect it before entering. Cook said that the first thing to do on anchoring was to attend to the health of the men. This was done. Cook had left the north arm unexplored. This must be attended to now and completed. Cook had taken a great interest in the natives. Although 18 years had passed away, they were now looked for and information gleaned about them. Cook had recommended Facile Harbour. Vancouver's experience showed the difficulty of making this harbour sometimes, and the advantage of Anchor Island Harbour as a standby. To give this knowledge in nautical form to the shipping world, the 16th November was spent surveying the harbour, making out sailing directions, and naming some of the islands about it. In addition to the survey of Anchor Island Harbour by Vancouver, Broughton, whose vessel remained in Facile Harbour throughout the stay, made a survey of that Harbour, and it is published in the narrative of the voyage. Vancouver, for his chart, took as a basis that of Cook, adding to it his own discoveries and such trifling additions as in the course of his observations he had been able to make.

Some of Vancouver's records, however, show great differences between himself and Cook. It is difficult to conceive Cook making the mistake of having the captains of the two vessels ashore together and out of sight, while one of the ships might, unknown, be drifting seaward. Again Cook was a great sportsman. Every seal he saw was noted in his journal, and every fowl he killed was discussed with all the zeal of one anxious to inspect it scientifically as well as at the mess table. Killing seals or shooting ducks was always an enjoyable recreation with Cook, and there is no doubt that his love of sport made him a very close observer of the habits of animals. His list of names in Dusky shows this characteristic: Shag River, Seal Rock, Seal, Curlew, Shagg, Petrel, Pigeon and Parrot Isles; Cormorant, Goose, Duck, Wood Hen, and Sportsman's Coves. Vancouver, on the other hand, never mentions seals in the bay, nor does he refer to their absence; he merely states that some wild fowl were procured, though they were found in by no means such numbers as in 1773, owing, he suggests, to the difference in the seasons. He had made a search for the geese placed there by Cook, but seeing none, attributed it to the same cause. Speaking on this question of a season for the birds, Mr. Henry, late caretaker at Resolution Island, mentions visiting the Petrel Islands at the same period of the year that Cook did and finding no petrels,5 but he does not say whether his visit was made during the day or at night, and Forster records the fact that the petrel was not to be seen during the day.6 Mr. Henry states however, that birds visiting the Sound appear to be very uncertain in their times of coming.7

On Sunday, 20th November, the Discovery sailed out of Anchor Island Harbour and took up a position alongside the Chatham in Facile Harbour. Monday was spent completing their cargo of wood and water, and rimu and manuka for brewing beer; and at noon they sailed, adding another tribute to Dusky as a marine sanatorium. “Thus we quitted Dusky bay, greatly indebted to its most excellent refreshments, and the salubrity of its air. The good effects of a plentiful supply of fish, and spruce beer, were evident in the appearance of every individual in our little society. The health of our convalescents was perfectly re-established, and excepting one with a chronic complaint, and two wounded by cuts in their legs, we had not a man on the surgeon's list; though, on the most trifling occasion of indisposition, no person was ever permitted to attend his duty.”

The salubrity of the air is characteristic of the sounds, and of the mountain tracks. In the opinion of many, who have traversed the Te Anau-Milford track, the air is absolutely germless, and ill effects seldom follow exposure to the elements there.

Cook when he discovered Dusky had sailed north, and when in 1773 he surveyed it, he went over the same course. Vancouver's expedition was the first which visited Dusky, and after leaving it made for the south. Here was an opportunity of ending the uncertainty which Cook had left in the coast line where now is Foveaux Strait. A storm which rivalled the celebrated one experienced in Dusky, now came up from the south west, and the means taken for safety, precluded all possibility of examining the coast line. The two vessels were so completely separated that they did not sight each other again until they met at Tahiti on 30th December. Both vessels on parting adopted the same tactics, and kept well away to the south to get round the land and clear the Traps. In doing so they both stumbled, quite unexpectedly, upon the same group of islands. Vancouver in the Discovery sighted them at eleven o'clock on the 23rd and called them the Snares, “a cluster of seven craggy islands.” Broughton in the Chatham sighted them at two o'clock the same afternoon, “a cluster of small islets and rocks,” and called them Knight's Island, after Captain Knight of the navy. The Chatham actually sailed in between them, and closely observed their position and outline. “In this passage we had a confused irregular swell, with the appearance of broken water; large bunches of seaweed were observed, and the whole surface was covered with birds of a blackish colour.” When the two commanders afterwards met and compared notes, Vancouver having discovered the islands first, the name Snares was retained, but Broughton having sailed in between them, their relative situation as laid down by him was accepted as against Vancouver's.

Mr. Archibald Menzies has already been mentioned and we are indebted to him for by far the most pleasant account of Vancouver's stay at Dusky. Menzies was a great personal friend of Banks and to that gentleman doubtless owed his position. The correspondence between the two shows that Vancouver did not always get on well with his subordinates. But the manuscript, which Menzies evidently meant for publication, contains no reference to friction with the commander. Menzies was on board the Discovery and therefore his first botanical work was on Anchor Island, but after a careful search of that ground, he shifted over to the Chatham and spent a very profitable time in that neighbourhood. His favourite plants were ferns and mosses which he found, to his intense delight, were very numerously represented in the Sound. Live specimens of new and uncommon plants were collected for the King's gardens at Kew. If Vancouver was no sportsman, the same cannot be said of Menzies, who, with the officers of the Chatham, went out on expeditions lasting over several days but not associated with very much success.

Broughton's party, as they returned from the exploration of the northern arm, visited the site of Cook's old camp on the shores of Pickersgill Harbour, and found, so Menzies, who accompanied them, says, that in the garden there had grown up a dense covering of brushwood and fern, which completely obliterated all sign of the old clearing, and only the fact that its position was recorded and described enabled the spot to be identified. In the journal of the Chatham, on the other hand, the writer says that by the remains of trees cut and sawn down and by the cleared ground, they readily found out the place where Cook carried on his operations ashore.

After leaving the Snares Broughton sailed on in very variable weather till about two o'clock on the morning of the 29th, when all were astonished by the “Land ahead” shout of the fore top lookout. The Chatham immediately hove to until daylight and Broughton named the point which had been sighted, Point Alison. A hill alongside was named Mount Patterson, a name which has since disappeared from the maps and a Cape Pattisson has been substituted. The most northerly point was called Cape Young, and two islands lying off the Cape were called The Two Sisters, now the Sisters. Broughton sailed along the northern coast looking in vain for a bay in which to anchor. Signs of inhabitants were visible, but it was some time before people were observed running on the beach. On seeing them the Chatham immediately put back and came to anchor on the northern shore about 3 miles from the eastern extremity of the land which the commander called Point Munnings.

Having landed, Broughton found some canoes so strangely constructed that it was some time before he could decide what they were. They were formed like a common wheelbarrow and their sides, which consisted of small sticks lashed together, were about 8 or 9 feet long. Three feet wide at one end and two at the other these primitive floats narrowed downwards until they ended in a flat bottom about a foot broad and two feet deep. They were filled with seaweed to the top and they were evidently used for floating about in smooth water to enable their occupants to, fish close to the rocky beach.

While engaged in the inspection of these boats and some fishing nets that lay about, the natives crowded round in a rather threatening manner, and Broughton, who did not desire to promote a conflict, withdrew his men to the boat, and keeping out of arms reach endeavoured to cultivate friendly relations with them. They willingly received all that was offered in the way of gifts, and Mr. Sheriff, one of the mates, tempted by their friendly demeanour, stepped on shore among them. His reception however was neither what he expected nor desired, as the natives endeavoured to hustle him inland, and he quickly returned to the comparative safety of the boat. They then rowed to the other side of the little bay, but the Morioris were there as soon as the visitors and it was not deemed advisable to land.

Broughton now made up his mind to return on board, but as the natives remained at the last point he changed his mind and returned to where he had first landed and thus, having evaded the natives, stepped on shore unopposed. Here to one of the trees was nailed the lead inscription “His Britannic Majesty's Brig Chatham, Lieutenant William Robert Broughton commander, the 29th November 1791,” and in a bottle at the foot of the tree a paper written “Navis Britann. Majest. Chatham, Gulielm, Robertis Broughton, Princeps, 29th of November 1791.” The British flag was hoisted, a sod turned over, and the land, which Broughton named Chatham Island, taken possession of in the name of King George the Third.

When the interesting ceremony was completed some of the natives, this time more friendly in their appearance, arrived upon the scene. Their dress consisted of mats of seal skins and they responded to the saluting of noses as did the New Zealanders. Deceived by their friendly conduct Broughton decided to visit the east point of the bay and with the boat close in shore set out along the beach. From the ship, signs of water inland had been seen and a party now proceeded to examine it; this accomplished, a return was made to the boat, when matters assumed a rather threatening aspect. The party had not proceeded very far, when all doubt of the intention of the natives was at an end. Led on by a youth, the natives became very demonstrative and threatening, and pressed round the men as they prepared to enter the boat. Broughton tried small shot on one of them but with no effect and the natives at once commenced the assault. Four more shots were fired and the natives fled, one of them dropping dead before reaching the wood. As danger was still threatening Broughton left a few trinkets about in the canoes and embarked for the Chatham. Skirmish Bay was the name given to the scene of this unfortunate incident, and it is described as “a bay from which to Point Munnings the shore is low, rocky, and clothed with wood.”

In view of Lieutenant Broughton's version of the encounter the native tradition of the story recorded by Mr. A. Shand, of the Chatham Islands is intensely interesting.

“He landed at Kaingaroa Harbour, or Skirmish Bay, as he named it, where the Morioris of the place came round in wondering amazement to ascertain “what these strange creatures were. Noticing the sailors smoking, they remarked, ‘See Manuhika's fire proceeding from their throats!’ The rigging of the vessel they likened to Kupenga (nets), and so forth, with many amusing remarks. The sex of these strange creatures puzzled the natives, and seeing the visitors were friendly, they touched and handled them. Ultimately some concluded that they were women, while some of the bolder spirits attempted to take hold of them and drag them off to their homes in the bush above the sea beach. In order, apparently, to put a stop to this the sailors fired to alarm them, on which they remarked, ‘Hear the crack of the kelp of their god Hauoro!’ alluding to the report made by thrashing long arms of bull kelp on a sea-beach. Then, seeing another party coming up from the east of the harbour, the sailors fired, killing and wounding some of the Morioris, which scared them, and they fled into the bush. Subsequently the Morioris relate that they thrashed severely those who took part in and caused the mishap to the strangers. It appeared also that some had remonstrated with the others regarding their behaviour to the strangers. Later on a boat came ashore and left some beads and other things as gifts, which the natives took only when the strangers had departed. The time of year when this happened was that of the maturity of the young of the seabird kukuri—November, as stated by Lieutenant Broughton.”

If the traditionary story can be relied on, and a close investigation will show that it certainly coincides with Broughton's own description, the natives who caused the attack were not those who first met the party. This is more clearly shown from the journal in Mr. Turnbull's possession, where it states that the attacking party consisted of only 14, while 40 had been present at the earlier interview. Had Broughton, instead of sailing away as he did, returned the following day, it is more than probable that he would have found the natives very friendly disposed towards him and ready to make up for the hostile reception they had given him the day before.

Broughton, directing his course to Tahiti, the place appointed for next meeting place of the expedition, sailed away without getting any further idea of the configuration of the island than a knowledge of the northern coastline.

Of the names given by Broughton to the newly discovered land, Chatham is after the vessel in which the discoverers sailed, Point Alison, from the name of the lookout who first detected land, and Skirmish Bay owes its name to the unfortunate encounter with the natives. The origin of the nomenclature generally of the island is not so certain. It may be mentioned, however, that in a list of the crew of the expedition, professing to be copied from the Admiralty Records in the Public Record Office, London, appears the names of Patterson and Manning on board the Discovery, and Young on board the Chatham. Cape Pattisson taking, as we saw, the place of Mount Patterson, would suggest that the names were given after members of the crew. Strange to say, the name Alison does not occur in the above list of the members of the expedition, though Broughton states that this man first sighted the land.

CHAPTER VII. First Sealing Gang, 1792.

THE first recorded intention of captains to visit Dusky Sound for trade purposes pure and simple, is referred to by Collins, the New South Wales historian. Mr. Eber Bunker, the master of the William and Ann, a vessel of 367 tons, “had some thoughts of touching at Dusky Bay in New Zealand” and “Governor King finding after trying every process that came within his knowledge for preparing and dressing the flax plant, that unless some other means were devised, it never would be brought to the perfection necessary to make the canvas produced from it an object of importance, either as an article of clothing for the convicts or for maritime purposes, proposed to the master of the William and Ann to procure him two natives of that country, if they could be prevailed on to embark with him, and promised him £100 if he succeeded, hoping from their perfect knowledge of the flax plant, and the process necessary to manufacture it into cloth, that he might one day render it a valuable and beneficial article to his colony; but Captain Bunker had never returned.”1

The date of this may be taken to be about November, 1791, as the William and Ann arrived in Sydney with convicts on 28th August, 1791, and sailed for the whale fishery on 22nd November.2 Whether Bunker ever visited Dusky is not stated; he does not appear, however, to have applied for the reward promised, and disappeared from Australian history until June, 1799, when he brought out the Albion, belonging to Messrs. Champion, in the then record time of three months and fifteen days. The Albion was a whaler and “was intended to give the whale fishing upon the coast a complete and fair trial.”3

Flax dressers were afterwards procured by the Daedalus and landed at Norfolk Island.

The first attempt to establish trade between New South Wales and Dusky resulted in failure.

The next man to move in this direction was Mr. William Raven, the master of the Britannia, a vessel of 300 tons burden, which, like the William and Ann, had come out to Australia with convicts. She was owned by the well known firm of Messrs. Enderby. Told in Captain Raven's own words, his plan was as follows:—“My first plan after discharging the cargo I brought from England to Port Jackson, was to have gone to Dusky Bay to procure Seals' skins for the China market.”4 He accordingly made a start for Dusky on the thirtieth day of September, 1792, armed with a three year's trade license from the East India Company;5 but before getting clear of Sydney, his plans were entirely altered, his trip to Dusky was postponed, and his voyage to China cancelled.

Major Grose, who commanded the soldiers in Sydney, finding that his men were without shoes and had only the miserable rations issued from the Government stores, called a meeting of his captains to consider the position. After discussion it was decided to charter the Britannia, then ready to sail to Dusky, and send her to the Cape of Good Hope for provisions. Governor Phillip when informed of the position of matters and asked for a protection for the ship during her voyage, pointed out that the charter of the East India Company might come into conflict with their proceedings. At the same time he defended the Government ration, deprecated private action, and offered to write to the Cape of Good Hope and ask the authorities to forward such stores as the officers might order to be purchased.6 The Governor, however, evidently realised his own inability to prevent the officers trading in the manner proposed, as he ultimately informed them that he could take no official step in the matter. The officers completed their charter for the sum of £2000 for the vessel, and eleven shares of £200 each were subscribed to purchase the stock and other articles.

The Britannia, having a very good between-deck, was well adapted for carrying cattle, and military artificers were immediately employed to fit her with stalls for the reception and accommodation of cows, horses, &c. A quantity of hay, sufficient to lessen considerably the outlay for that article at the Cape was put on board; the vessel was made ready for sea by the middle of October, and Raven sailed for the Cape of Good Hope on the twenty-third, leave being granted to station a gang at Dusky to collect seal skins for the China market.

On Saturday, 3rd November, the snowy summits of New Zealand were sighted, but the weather proved so unfavourable that it was not until the following Tuesday evening that the Britannia was moored in Facile Harbour. Raven at once set about an examination of the Sound, visiting in succession Cormorant Cove, the Seal Islands and Pickersgill Harbour. At both Facile and Pickersgill Harbours were the signs of trees newly cut down, probably by Vancouver's men in the previous year, and there were still visible the logs at Cook's clearing. Though his own visit to the Seal Islands did not prove successful, Raven sent his chief mate there, and on the latter's report decided to leave a gang at Dusky.

On the twelfth a party set out for Breaksea, and when approaching the opening of the sea, smoke was seen issuing from a native hut in a small cove on the left hand side. When the boat's crew landed, the natives fled to the woods and Raven contented himself with leaving an axe and two knives, but nothing would induce the Maoris to return.

The spot finally decided on for the location of the sealing gang was Luncheon Cove on Anchor Island, and on 14th September Raven commenced the work of the construction of the sealers' huts. All the ships hands were employed to make the men's quarters comfortable, and by the latter end of November they had completed a dwelling house, 40 ft. long, 18 ft. broad, and 15 ft. high. Provisions and stores for twelve months were landed. The second mate, a carpenter, and a party of men, were left at the bay, and to make provision against the danger of the non-return of the Britannia, ironwork, cordage, and sails for boatbuilding were included in their equipment, and the men were directed to commence the building of a small craft, sufficiently large to carry them, in the event of accident, to a friendly port. Thus was the first sealing gang stationed on the New Zealand coast. Luncheon Cove, Dusky, claims the honour of being the spot, and Wm. Leith, second mate of the Britannia, had the distinction of being its commander.

On 1st December, 1792, the Britannia left for the Cape of Good Hope via the South of New Zealand, leaving this small band of intrepid spirits on the wild southern coast of a veritably unknown region, cut off from all communication with civilization, save such as they could establish for themselves by the construction of a vessel from timber growing in the virgin forest. And they had volunteered for the work. As the Britannia was leaving Facile Harbour a sharp earthquake was experienced.

The day after leaving Dusky, Raven sighted the Snares and not knowing of their prior discovery by Vancouver, called them Sunday Islands.7 It was not until he returned to Sydney and met Vancouver's men that he ascertained the fact of their prior discovery. This was the first time after their discovery that these islands are known to have been sighted.

The following February, while the sealing gang was at Dusky, Malaspina with two Spanish discovery corvettes attempted to enter Breaksea Sound, but failed, and made for Sydney. Neither the Spaniard nor the sealing gang, was aware of each other's proximity.

When Raven, in accordance with his charter, landed his cargo from the Cape of Good Hope at Sydney, seven months had elapsed since he had seen his men, and naturally his first anxiety was to have them relieved. The necessity for further supplies at Sydney was, however, very great, and again the Britannia was chartered, this time to proceed to India. Grose, who had command of the soldiers when Raven got his first charter, was now Lieutenant-Governor, and doubtless was only too willing to assist Raven in every possible way. He met Raven's anxiety about his men by granting leave in the charter-party to call at Dusky, in addition to which he ordered the newly built colonial schooner the Francis, a vessel of 41 tons, to accompany Raven. The Francis, it is interesting to know, was the first vessel completed in Sydney. She had been imported in frame from England in the Pitt, and called the Francis because she was launched on the birthday of Francis, the son of the Lieutenant-Governor. The foremast of the vessel was a red pine spar brought from Dusky by Raven8 by whom also she was launched and fitted out. Her first voyage was, by direction of the Lieutenant-Governor, to Dusky and she was commanded by William House, late boatswain of the Discovery, who had been with Vancouver in Dusky in 1791, and who, having been invalided, had recovered sufficiently to accept a Government appointment. An official reason had, of course, to be given for the Francis going to Dusky, and in the Lieutenant-Governor's own words it was stated that the Francis “was to sail for Dusky Bay in New Zealand immediately in order to ascertain how far that place, which, I understand, possesses all the advantages of Norfolk Island, with the addition of a safe harbour and seal-fishery, may tend to the benefit of his Majesty's service, as connected with these settlements.”9

It should be noted that two months before this, in April, 1793, the results of Vancouver's visit to the south of New Zealand were made known by the arrival of the Daedalus, store ship, under the command of one of Vancouver's men, Lieutenant Hanson, late of the Chatham. He brought copies of Vancouver's new maps showing the Snares and the Chatham Islands.10 It was by this vessel that House reached Sydney. From Lieutenant Hanson of the Daedalus and William House now appointed master of the Francis, the Lieutenant-Governor would doubtless obtain information about Dusky and its capabilities. The favourable reports of these men suggested to Grose the possibilities of opening up lucrative trade, and justified the sending of the colonial schooner. The dates suggest that the first sealing gang was stationed at Dusky on Cook's information, and the Francis sent to report on Vancouver's.

The two vessels sailed from Sydney on 8th September, 1793, the Britannia reaching Dusky on the twenty-seventh of that month, while the Francis, having been blown off the coast four times, did not make the bay until the twelfth of October.4

On the first visit, Raven had anchored in Facile Harbour, the choice of Cook; on the occasion of the second, in Anchor Island Harbour, the refuge of Vancouver. The moment the vessel came to an anchor, Leith and a party of five, who had been seen coming round the south point of the island from their sealing station at Luncheon Cove, came on board and reported that all were well. Everything was found to be snug. As a sanatorium Dusky had sustained its reputation acquired from Cook and Vancouver. Raven tells us the health of the men, with one exception, had been good, and that exception was attributable to illness contracted before leaving Sydney, and the fact kept from the knowledge of the captain. This case however, was on a fair way to recovery. On the other hand, it had not turned out a pronounced success as a sealing station; the ten months that Raven was away had yielded only 4500 seal skins, but there were circumstances to account for this, and as the party had used every exertion, and procured as many as possible, Captain Raven was satisfied.4

The boat built during the gang's stay was, as far as the author can ascertain, the first vessel built in Australasia, purely from Australasian timber. The Francis, the first vessel built in Sydney, came out from England in frame, in one of the ships, and was only completed with Australian timber. The building of the Dusky craft is an Australasian historical event, and justifies us here in placing upon record the particulars as given by Raven himself. “What excited my admiration was the progress they had made in constructing a vessel of the following dimensions: 40ft. keel, 53ft. length upon deck, 16ft. 10in. extreme breadth, and 12 feet hold. She is skined, ceiled, and decked, and with the work of three or four men for one day would be ready for caulking. Her frame knees and crooked pieces are cut from timber growing to the mould. She is planked, decked, and ceiled with spruce fir, which in the opinion of the carpenter is very little inferior to English oak.

“Her construction is such that she will carry more by one half than she measures, and I am confident will sail well. The carpenter has great merit, and has built her with that strength and neatness which few shipwrights belonging to the merchant service are capable of performing.”4

The Francis had not been seen since the afternoon of 22nd September, and it was now the 28th and there was still no appearance of her. Under the terms of his charter Raven was allowed to stay only fourteen days at Dusky, and, all being anxious to get away, sails were repaired, the balance of the stores got on board, some timber secured for planking, and on Thursday, 9th October, Luncheon Cove with the unfinished craft of some 70 tons burden was abandoned. Stress of weather compelled Raven to make for Facile Harbour, where several days were spent in completing preparations, in visiting various spots ashore, and in inspecting some native huts. It was fortunate that events turned out as they did, because with the somewhat prolonged stay awaiting suitable weather to leave, a boat was sent back to Luncheon Cove for no other purpose than to bring away one of the domestic cats which had been left by the last boat. To the great joy of the boat's crew they found the Francis at anchor and learned that she had arrived the previous day, after being driven as far south as the Snares.

The condition of the tender was so bad that without repairs she could not have ventured to sea again, and the following day she was taken round to Facile Harbour, where lay the Britannia, and all hands were set to work to effect what was necessary. She had been rigged as a sloop, and as her want of success in making the coast of New Zealand was attributed to this, she was converted into a schooner and under that rig, on Sunday 21st October, left for Port Jackson, the Britannia sailing the same day for Norfolk Island.

During the stay of the sealing gang, the weather had been very bad, severe gales and heavy rains from the northwest often impeding the fishery and other labour.

Before the site of the shipbuilding yard in Dusky was known, Mr. Henry, late caretaker in the Sound, after carefully investigating different localities, indicated Luncheon Cove as the spot, and informed the author of his view. Now that the locality has been placed beyond doubt through the discovery of the Britannia's log, this opportunity is taken of testifying to the accuracy of Mr. Henry's researches.

The Britannia, after leaving Dusky, called at Norfolk Island and took Governor King, with the two Maori flax-dressers, back to New Zealand.

When House reached Sydney with his vessel, he reported to Grose on the result of his visit, but he cannot be said to have given a very favourable report. Collins the historian remarks regarding it. “Nothing appeared, by this information from Dusky Bay, that held out encouragement to the Government of Port Jackson to make use of that part of New Zealand. So little was said of the soil, or face of the country, that no judgment could be formed of any advantages which might be expected from attempting to cultivate it; a seal fishery there was not an object with it at present, and besides, it did not seem to promise much. The time the schooner was absent however, was not wholly misapplied, it proving the event of having, as Mr. Raven had done, left 12 people for 10 months on so populous an island, the inhabitants whereof were known to be savages, fierce and warlike. It might certainly be supposed that these people were unacquainted with the circumstances of there being any strangers near them, and that consequently they had not any communication with the few miserable beings who were occasionally seen in the coves of Dusky Bay.”11

This was the first impression gathered from House's report. Probably the four times he had been driven off the coast and the hard work he had been put to in altering the rig of his vessel had more to do in producing an unfavourable report than anything he saw. Others held an entirely different opinion. An officer at Norfolk Island writing in 1793 to a friend in Lincoln, England, and speaking of Raven's visit to Dusky, says: “They speak so highly of the country, for the goodness of the soil and the fine timber with which it abounds, that it may be an object to Government in course of time.”12

The Britannia, on her road to India, called, as we have seen, at Norfolk Island, and from this place on 2nd November Raven penned his official report to Lieutenant-Governor King, from which the following, outside the ordinary narrative of events, is extracted.

“There are various kinds of timber in Dusky Bay, but that which is principally fit for shipbuilding is the spruce fir, which may be cut along the shore in any quantity or size for the construction of vessels from a first-rate to a small wherry.

“Fresh provisions are readily procured. Coalfish are innumerable, and may be caught with hooks and lines in almost any quantity, and have this peculiar excellence—my people ate them without bread for many months twice a day, and were fond of them to the last. Ducks, wood-hens, and various fowls they had procured in great plenty. Tea they made from the spruce and tea-trees. The animals I left had fed themselves on what they found in the woods, and were exceedingly fat and prolific.

“The rains here are not attended with that inconvenience experienced in other climates. Colds or rheumatisms my people were never afflicted with. “The winter was mild, and in general they had better weather than in the summer months. The flax grows here in great abundance, from which our people made fishing-lines and kellick-ropes.”

Collins says: “The natives had not molested the Britannia's people; indeed, they seemed rather to abhor them, for, if by chance in their excursions (which were very few), they visited and left anything in a hut, they were sure, on their next visit, to find the hut pulled down, and their present remaining where it was left. Some little articles which Mr. Raven had himself placed in a hut, when he touched there to establish his little fishery, were found three months after by his people in the same spot.”13

Captain Raven had intended procuring “seal skins for the China market.” This was at the very earliest dawn of the Australasian seal trade. Two vessels had sailed southwards from Sydney in quest of seals, but returned in November, 1791, unsuccessful. Governor Phillip expressed concern for the prospects of trade in 1792, and in March of that year reported that he feared that “the fur trade of the north-west coast of America, and the trade among the islands, was too great an object to those employed in it to allow of them giving the Australian trade a trial.” The Russians had long before an extensive fur trade with China, going overland from Siberia, and the northwest coast trade of America, which was American and British, also went largely to China. The result was that when a fur industry arose in Australasian waters, China appeared to be the natural market for the produce. Later on the market became flooded to such an extent that the price of a fine seal fur was only four shillings to five shillings and sixpence—a non-paying price. About the commencement of the new century the trade shifted to England, where fur began to be used for the making of felt for hats.

The early whaling trade was pelagic and can scarcely be claimed as a trade by any country, while, on the other hand, the sealing trade was essentially coastal and local. Beyond a spar or two put on board a stray vessel in the North Island, the Dusky Bay sealing of Captain Raven in 1792–93 was the first trade with New Zealand, and that was destined for the China market, and not for the English. References to the China trade crop up everywhere in the old records. Even the mails sometimes went from Australia via China, the vessels arriving from England being under charter to the East India Company to go from Australia to China and take thence a cargo of tea to England.

We saw that when Raven set out for Dusky in the first instance, he was armed with a three years' trade license from the East India Company. It was under this authority that he was able to kill seals on the New Zealand coast, as trade in the East was a monopoly of the United Company of Merchants of England trading to the East Indies. When in 1795 whaling was found to be a profitable employment in the newly explored waters, legislation was passed fixing the limits for the Southern Whale Fishery. By that legislation, vessels could not proceed further east than 51° E. This still kept New Zealand and the New Zealand sealing under the domain of the East India Company and doubtless encouraged the seal trade to go to China, rather than to England. In 1797 the Board of Trade considered a petition of the merchant adventurers of the Southern Whale Fishery for an extension of their limits, owing to the war between Great Britain and Spain; and the application was referred to the East India Company for favourable consideration. In 1798 the extended limits sought were granted by legislation. In 1801, Messrs. Enderby and Champion on behalf of merchants, secured a further extension which opened the whole Southern Ocean for fishing, provided the vessels delivered their journals to the Court of the Directors of the East India Company on their return to England. Thus the New Zealand seal trade became free to British subjects, as to foreigners.

CHAPTER VIII. Malaspina Visits Doubtful Sound, 1793.

NEW voyages of any magnitude are wrapped in such mystery as is that of the Spanish corvettes, which, in 1789, under Malaspina, sailed from Cadiz, on a five years' tour of the world. It cannot be due to the fact that the narrative of their voyage was never translated into English, because other voyages, under similar conditions, are well known and referred to. On the author's part, it is because of a feeling that national jealousy was responsible for our ignorance of the exploratory work done by Malaspina, that he quotes in extenso an American opinion on that work. If we exempt Sir Joseph Banks, who knew no nationality when the prosecution of science was the object sought, English writers kept a close silence regarding the movements of the Spaniards. The American notice is here reproduced.

“The following particulars of the last attempt of a voyage of discovery, which has made but little noise, and has not even been mentioned by an English journal, cannot fail to procure attention. A magnificent work is at this moment in the Madrid press containing a full and ample detail of all the transactions that occurred during this voyage of discovery; and, on its publication, we shall be gratified with an account of the manners and customs of the Babaco Isles, a nondescript cluster then visited for the first time by Europeans.”

“The two sloops called the Discovery and the Subtile, the former commanded by Don Alexander Malaspina, and the latter by Don Joseph de Bastemente, sailed in company from the port of Cadiz, on the 30th July, 1789, in order to co-operate with the other maritime powers in the execution of human knowledge, and more particularly of navigation. The commanders of these vessels made correct charts of the coasts of America and the adjacent islands, from the river La Plata to Cape Horn, and from that Cape to the farthermost northern extremities of that part of the world. Their intentions in this were merely to repeat the attempts of the same kind, formerly undertaken either by foreigners or their own countrymen, and thus acquire a more minute knowledge of the subject.

“On their arrival at the north-west coast of America in lat. 59, 60, and 61 degrees, they searched, in vain, for a passage by which they might penetrate into the Atlantic ocean; they accordingly concluded that the predictions of Cook were founded on sound reasoning, and that the gut mentioned by Maidanogo, an old Spanish navigator, had no existence, except in his own brain.

“In the beginning of the year 1792, the Subtile, and a galliot, called the Mexican, under the command of Don Dion Galvyno and Don Cais de Taldies joined the English squadron, commanded by Captain Vancouver, with an intention to examine the immense Archipelago, known by the name of the Admiral's Fonte, and Juan de Foca.

“They continued the greater part of the year 1792 in visiting the Mariannes and Philippines, as also the Macas, on the coast of Guian. They afterwards passed between the isles Mindanoa and the isles called Mountay, shaping course among the coasts of New Guinea, and crossing the equator. On this occasion they discovered a gulph about 500 maritime leagues to the extent, which no former navigator had traversed. They then stopped at New Zealand and New Holland, and discovered in the Archipelago, called the Friendly Isles, the Babacos, a range of Islands which had never before been seen by any European mariner.

“After a variety of other researches in the southern ocean, they arrived in June 1793 at Calao. From this port they made other occasional expeditions; and each separately examined the port of Conception. and the rest of the coast of America, which extends to the southwest, as well as the western coast of Moluccas. They then entered the river La Plata, after having surmounted all the danger incident to those southern latitudes. Having been equipped and supplied anew with provisions at Montecedia, they joined a fleet of frigates and register ships and sailed for Cadiz, where they arrived after a passage of nine days, with cargoes to the amount of eight millions of dollars in money and merchandize.

“These voyages have not a little contributed to the extension of botany, mineralogy and navigation. In both hemispheres, and in a variety of different latitudes, many experiments were made relative to the weight of bodies, which will tend to important discoveries, connected with the irregular form of our globe; these will also be highly useful, so far as respects a fixed and general measure. While examining the inhabitants our travellers collected all the monuments that could throw any light either on the migration of nations, or on their progress in civilization. Luckily for the interests of humanity, these discoveries have not caused a single tear to be shed. On the contrary, all the tribes with whom they had any connexion will bless the memory of those navigators, who have furnished them with useful seeds, or presented them with a variety of instruments, and made them acquainted with several arts, of which they were before entirely ignorant.

“The vessels brought back nearly the whole of their crews; neither of them, in short, lost more than three or four men; which is wonderful, if we but consider the unhealthy climate of the Torrid Zones, to which they were so long exposed.

“Don Antonio de Valdes, the minister of the marine, who encouraged and supported the expedition, is busied at this moment in drawing up a detailed account of this voyage, so as to render the enterprize of general utility. It will soon be published; and the curious will be gratified with charts, maps, and engravings, now preparing to accompany it.

“In the mean time he has presented to the king the captains, Don Alexander Malaspina, Don Joseph de Bastamente and Don Dion Galeano, and Lieutenant Don Carlos de Cavalles. These officers are entitled to, and will soon experience, the royal munificence.”1

Shortly stated, their movements in these latitudes were as follows: Passing Norfolk Island en route from the Phillipines they sailed south to Dusky, which they sighted on 25th February, 1793, and at midday were at Doubtful. A boat's crew sailed into the Sound while the vessels kept off the entrance. The next morning they attempted unsuccessfully to enter Dusky, but could not get past Breaksea Island, and the weather becoming stormy they sailed for Sydney. Had they succeeded in entering Dusky, as we have seen, they would there have met Captain Raven's sealing gang. After staying a short time at Sydney the expedition sailed eastward, steering well to the north of New Zealand and past the Kermadecs. Malaspina's New Zealand experiences will be best told in his own words.2

“On the 21st we found ourselves in latitude 40 deg. longitude 45 deg. 30 min. east of Manila. Dusky Bay lay 100 leagues to the south, and Cape Farewell and Queen Charlotte's Channel 107 leagues to the east.

“A new softness in the air, longer days, and the brilliancy of the stars made these climates much more convenient for navigation than the tropics. Even in this latitude, the favourable east wind still blew, and in a measure as we approached the coast we discovered a larger number of aquatic birds, whereas on one side a dense mist obscured the horizon. Consequently although by midday of the 24th being in latitude 44 deg. 34 min. longitude 46 deg. east of Manila, we judged the coast to be near, and although the Atrevida signalled land in sight, it was impossible, on account of the mist, to approach nearer, and by nightfall, finding no bottom we steered to the west, the wind at N.N.E. light breezes.

“February 25. These changed to a soft S.S.E. breeze, which sprang up at midnight, clearing away the mist, which obscured the horizon, so that towards 3 o'clock, having taken the altitude to starboard, we found ourselves at break of an exceedingly fine day, within five leagues of the coast, which extended from N.E. to S.S.E.

“By the exact details which Captain Cook, with his usual accuracy, has given of this part of the coast, we were able without difficulty, to make out all the points within sight. Five Fingers Point bounded our view to the south, the opening of Dusky Bay was clearly visible, and the course we followed carried us slightly to leeward of Doubtful Bay, which at 9 o'clock was about two or three miles distant. Having made a careful survey of its surroundings, we put off from the coast, and stood in on the other tack somewhat to windward. It would be difficult to give a more perfect description of the ruggedness and elevation of these coasts than that given by Captain Cook on his first voyage. Two miles from shore we sounded in 100 fathoms without finding bottom, and although the intermediate island showed signs of a fairly abundant vegetation, the entrance of Dusky Bay, and all the coast of the port, closed in with inaccessible mountainous peaks, justified the Captain's accounts, which have caused this port to be looked upon as dangerous to ships leaving it.

“Nevertheless the fact of its latitude being only 45 deg. 13 min., of its being to leeward while the south winds held, and the well known importance of taking advantage of the weather on that coast, and the fine day we were enjoying being, as it were, a warning, were all reasons which prompted us to lose no time in availing ourselves of this favourable opportunity of achieving our purpose. The more so that every change of wind, and the examination of Captain Cook's meteorological diary, made us fear that we should again meet the east winds directly opposed to the entrance of both ports.

“For these reasons, having taken up at mid-day a convenient position to windward, ready to follow any course that circumstances might render advisable, the armed boat of the Descuvierta, under the command of Don Felipe Bauza, was sent to reconnoitre the interior of the port, and particularly to ascertain the facilities for watering and wooding. She was under orders to return with the utmost despatch. Meanwhile the corvettes, sometimes lying to, sometimes making small boards, kept the same position relative to the entrance.

“The boat did not return until 9 at night, only at the entrance, on the outside of the island, had they touched bottom in 20 and 25 fathoms, gravel, but afterwards in both channels they sounded in 50 fathoms, without finding bottom, nor could they again touch it in all the surroundings of the island. Both channels were intercepted by some rocks, presenting no danger to navigation. Wood and water were abundant in the interior; in an inlet to the north the coast was somewhat more level and sandy, offering safe and convenient anchorage. Time being limited they had not been able to take soundings. To the southeast, a channel of two or two and a half cables ran through the mountains, the latter rising in sharp peaks, then becoming much narrower the channel wound round to the south, perhaps going to meet the internal channels of Dusky Bay. The tide was not very rapid from the signs on the shore, the ebb appeared to be about mid-day. They saw a few birds, not a single seal, no shell fish save a few small limpets, and not a sign, however remote, of inhabitants. These were the chief points in their report of this place, to which must be added a total lack of pine trees, vegetation consisting of a species of medium sized shrub. In brief, unless chance or dire necessity bring mariners to this port, we must suppose that it is destined to be perpetually deserted, and that Dusky Bay will ever remain the port of welcome in this neighbourhood, offering as it does a more convenient, a safer, and a healthier refuge.

“Night falling and the boat taken up, we remained becalmed some little time off the coast, but soon a light north wind sprang up, which enabled us to put off, and by midnight we were three leagues from shore. Anxious to lose no time, we steered to the south, calculating we had still seven leagues to run, and by 3 in the morning, having made three of the seven we again stood to the coast, expecting to enter Dusky Bay at daybreak. The wind was now increasing considerably, a heavy mist obscured the coast, and there was every sign of an unfavourable change in the weather.

“26th. We hoped that the first daylight would accord us a favourable opportunity of ascertaining our course, but dawn revealed a different outlook, and we appeared to have completely lost our advantageous position for gaining the port. At 4 in the morning, the fog having for a moment cleared off, we found ourselves suddenly at the entrance of Dusky Bay, and only two or three miles distant from Breaksea Island, which it was impossible to pass on account of the wind. Finding thus an error of three leagues in our calculations since midnight, we steered due west, the wind blowing a strong gale. At 9 o'clock we again tacked and stood in to the land, waiting an opportunity of gaining the wind.

“But our efforts were vain. We were again standing in to the coast at the same position as in the early morning, the wind at N.E. and gaining strength every moment as we neared the shore, which warned us that to hold our purpose was to run the risk of serious losses. Consequently we were compelled to take in two reefs in our topsails and steer to the south. At times portions of the coast were still visible, principally Five Fingers Point, which stood out clearly.

“Far from failing, by the afternoon the wind had become so violent that it might be called a hurricane, with a heavy sea running. We suffered considerable damage in our sails and rigging. The corvettes seemed powerless to resist. We had taken three reefs in the foresail and maintopsail, a precaution we considered necessary to prevent the waves from swamping the ships. By 10 o'clock an accident seemed to threaten us at any moment.

“After midnight the wind began to fall, but did not entirely cease until dawn, at which time we were sailing with two reefs in the four chief sails and topsails. The heavy weather was followed by a few brief intervals of calm, which was finally followed by a favourable S.S.E. wind, accompanied by an exceedingly dense fog.

“The course we had been compelled to take in the past storm had carried us to a considerable distance from the coast. Our observations revealed to us a strong current to the N., and thus we were no less than 30 leagues from the bay.

“The warning we had received brought reflection with it, and we decided that to enter into Dusky Bay for the sole purpose of making experiments of gravity was an unnecessary risk. Other reasons were added to this—viz., the extraordinary effects of the cold and of the last storm upon the already weakened and tired Phillipine crew, and the heavy rains experienced in the port, so that at times a fortnight would pass without an opportunity for taking any observations, and finally, as we were twice again to cross parallel 45 deg. on either side of Cape Horn it would not be difficult to find a more favourable opportunity of achieving our purpose.

“For these reasons, we decided that to repair the ships and rest the crew it would be advisable to put in at Port Jackson or Botany Bay in New Holland. We therefore steered west without delay, and at mid-day of the 28th, the following day, we were already 70 leagues from the extreme south of New Zealand.

“Our longitude before Doubtful Bay, compared with that of Captain Cook was as follows: The errors 30 and 20 min. in the two islands of New Zealand, which the captain noticed on his second voyage, had, of course, been corrected in our charts:—

Chronom. 71 Num. 11 Longitude east of Manila 45.35.38 45.35.38 Longitude by time 45.41.01 45.13.12 Difference of time 5.23 22.26“

Malaspina dropped anchor in Sydney on 13th March and sailed again on 12th April. On the twentieth, only eight days afterwards, the Daedalus, with several of Vancouver's men who had been at Dusky in 1791, reached Sydney. They alone could correct the error into which Cook and Malaspina had fallen, of supposing that Dusky and Doubtful were connected, but they never met the Spaniards.

After his return to Spain Malaspina fell into disgrace and was arrested by order of the Spanish Government and thrown into the prison of Buen Retiro.3 From there he was afterwards removed to one of the strong castles of Corunna, where he remained until liberated by Napoleon in 1802. Under these circumstances Malaspina could do nothing in connection with the publication of his journals. El Pedro Gil, a man of great literary abilities, who had undertaken the compilation of the work, shared Malaspina's disgrace and fate. More than that, all papers and documents relating to the voyage were seized and the scientific staff of the expedition ordered to suspend their labours. Doubt is expressed whether the results of the voyage were ever published as a first edition. Certainly nothing had been done up to 1801. A Court intrigue is said to have been responsible for all this trouble. A copy of Malaspina's log can be obtained from Madrid, but search so far has failed to locate his charts. There is a probability that these were prepared by one of the officers, probably by Bauza, and were not kept amongst Malaspina's papers. That there was a chart published is beyond doubt, as the Hydrographic Office of the British Admiralty issued, in 1840, a chart of Doubtful Harbour by Bauza in 1793, and in Wyld's map of New Zealand, dated 1841, several Spanish names are to be found in Doubtful Sound. The meaning of some of these names, from the narrative just given, and with the aid of the list of officers of the vessel published with the work, can be explained. The southern head, Point Febrero, is called after the month of February, when Malaspina visited the Sound. Bauza Island at the entrance, is named after the captain of the “armed boat of the Descuvierta who surveyed it. Don Felipe Bauza was the official director of charts and conducted the astronomical observations. The inlet to the north, offering safe and convenient anchorage, was called by the Spaniards, Pendulo Bay, a name suggested by the object of the expedition, but the name has been lost because the opening was afterwards found not to be a bay, but the entrance to Thompson Sound. “To the S.E. a channel ran among the mountains, the latter rising in sharp peaks.” The name given to the point, Espinosa, was in honour of Don Jose Espinosa, who with Bauza, made observations on the latitude and longitude and the winds. Instead of the Spanish name, the meaningless one of Wood Head is now used on the charts. “The channel wound round to the south, perhaps going to meet the internal channels of Dusky Bay.” To this channel was given the name Malaspina Creek, after the captain of the expedition. The Admiralty surveyors are blamed for calling it Smith Sound, First Arm and Crooked Arm.

Bauza sailed round the island on a track indicated on his chart by soundings. These show that he came past the inside point of the island and into the Sound far enough only to disclose the bay opening up on the northern coast line, while from the same point the southern coastline appeared a continuous wall of high mountains. Had he proceeded farther, the arms to the south would have opened up. Wyld gives to the supposed connecting link with Dusky the name Mac's Passage. Two other Spanish names occur. Nea Island, still retained, at the mouth, may have been called after Luis Nee, the botanist of the Atrevida. The name Point Quintano, one of the points of Pendulo Bay, has not been retained. It was called after Fernando Quintano the third lieutenant of the Descuvierta.

The author hopes that one day the powers that be will pay the graceful compliment to that Spanish expedition, of reviving the old names, so that not only may we have a record of the visit, but may have that record perpetuated in the names of isle, or headland and of sound.

CHAPTER IX. Wreck of the Endeavour.

The departure of Raven and his sealing gang in 1793, left the South Island of New Zealand, without, so far as we can ascertain, one white man upon its shores; in which condition it remained until 1795, when the Endeavour and the Fancy sailed into Facile Harbour, in Dusky Bay.

No wreck upon the New Zealand coast, with perhaps the solitary exception of that of the Boyd, at Whangaroa, has excited so much discussion and controversy as has that of the old Endeavour in Dusky Sound. Her name has been so long before the public and her identity has been so often confounded with that of Cook's Endeavour, that it will be as well to commence by explaining the circumstances under which she came to this country.

The Right Hon. Henry Dundas of the Home Office, in July, 1792, instructed Governor Phillip of New South Wales to send the Daedalus, on her arrival at Sydney from Vancouver, to Calcutta for a cargo of sheep and cattle. Delay however took place in the arrival of the vessel and in April 1793, Grose, Phillip's successor, unable to wait any longer, entered into a contract with Captain Bampton of the Shah Hormuzear to bring one hundred head of cattle and some food supplies, from India.

From one cause or another the voyage was a very protracted one, and in Sydney all hope of the vessel's safety had been abandoned, when the Fancy, a brig of 150 tons, commanded by Captain Dell, arrived from India with a portion of the cargo contracted for, and explained the cause of the delay. Captain Bampton was to follow.1 Waiting for him, the Fancy ran across to the River Thames, in New Zealand, where she spent three months while her crew cut spars to freight whatever vessel Bampton might bring from India. In this work they were very successful, securing two hundred trees from sixty to one hundred and forty feet in length. The Fancy returned to Sydney on 15th March, 1795.2

On 31st May, 1795, Captain William Wright Bampton arrived in Sydney with the Endeavour, 800 tons, a vessel destined to make for herself a name in New Zealand history. We are not so much interested in her cargo as in the circumstances under which Bampton picked her up. These he explained to Lieut.-Governor Paterson on his arrival. The war and the presence of French privateers, kept him a month at Batavia, so that he did not reach Bombay until February, 1794. On his arrival there, no ship fit for conveying cattle to a distance was procurable, and it was not until the middle of May that the Endeavour arrived. After purchasing her, Bampton found that she was not fit to face the boisterous latitudes without docking. This operation took until the month of October, 1794, and as this was not the season for cattle from Surat, it was January before the cargo could be got together. Two months were required to put the animals in condition for shipping, and the Endeavour sailed from Bombay for Sydney on 17th March, 1795, with one hundred and thirty-two head of cattle and a cargo of new Surat grain.3

While the Endeavour lay at Sydney wharf the Britannia arrived and was anchored alongside, and Bampton, being in want of an officer, applied to Raven. The latter suggested to his fourth officer, Mr. Robert Murry, that employment on board the Endeavour might mean more rapid promotion than remaining on board the Britannia, and advised him to accept the position, which he did.

From 31st May to 18th September the Endeavour remained at Sydney undergoing repairs, and on the latter date sailed for Dusky Bay in company with the Fancy (snow) commanded by Capt. E. T. Dell. No sooner had she got clear of the Heads than forty-five men and one woman were found to have stowed themselves on board. Four of these turned out to be carpenters. On 3rd October it began to blow very hard and the water rose so high in the hold that all hands had to be employed at the pumps throughout the two succeeding days. The day on which the vessel reached Dusky cannot be ascertained, because the log has no entry from 5th to 12th October, on which date both the Endeavour and the Fancy were at anchor in Facile Harbour.

No sooner had a landing been effected than Captains Bampton and Dell, taking Mr. Murry with them, went off to Luncheon Cove, to see the vessel which had been left there by Raven's sealing gang in 1793. The little wharf was still standing and so was the vessel on the stocks, and, although she did not appear in a very seaworthy condition, her injuries were found to be confined to the shrinking and splitting of some of the timbers, not much to men in the condition of the Endeavour's crew, who could not afford to be very particular, although they grumbled a little at the appearance of the vessel on the stocks. The utensils of the old station were found lying as Raven had left them.

The Endeavour herself was in such a state that a survey was, on 20th October, made by Captain Dell of the Fancy, Dennison and Fell, his first and second officers, William Bowell and Alms, passengers, and Waine, Weatherall and Murry, officers of the Endeavour, and the carpenters of both vessels. The result disclosed a condition of things quite unseaworthy and made the onlookers thankful she had held together during the tempestuous weather experienced in the voyage across. Nothing remained but to condemn the vessel, and following upon the condemnation, all hands were engaged in getting ashore what could be saved from the wreck. The rigging was taken down and sent away. The masts were cut out, the cables removed, and the food and ammunition placed on board the Fancy. While removing her guns two were lost by the upsetting of a raft, so there remains in the vicinity of the old wreck a prize still to be got by some energetic explorer. On the 25th the vessel was unmoored, and on the 27th she struck a rock on a bank close to where the Britannia had lain during her voyage; and there she lies until this day. Such was the wreck, or to be more correct, the abandonment of the Endeavour. To-day, one hundred and fourteen years after the old craft was laid to rest, timber is being taken from her to satisfy the demands of tourists and curio hunters, and when we remember that she was an old vessel in 1795, the sound teak obtained is a remarkable testimony to the qualities of that timber for ship building purposes.

Including the forty-one who had secreted themselves on board the Endeavour, the total number of people now at Dusky was no less than two hundred and forty-four, and when the mixed nature of the crowd is considered, it is not surprising to find that they did not long remain a happy and contented family. First of all, on the 13th October, came trouble among the officers, when Mr. Bowell, the first mate, resigned and was replaced by Mr. Waine, the second; then on the 18th the miscellaneous crowd, who had refused to take their proper share of work, were mustered and threatened with expulsion from the ship's quarters, and with shore camp for the future. No sooner had these difficulties been surmounted, than on the 23rd the stores were broken into and some of the food supplies stolen, but the thief was discovered and handed over to the tender mercies of the shore men for punishment. Trouble with the crew did not end till the 28th, when Captain Bampton gave his last and fixed resolution to decline to permit anyone, who refused to do his share of the work, to return to the mainland. The desperate position of such a great number of people and the utter hopelessness of relief, except with the assistance of the captain, seems to have so far awed the crew that there were no further complaints.

From the log of the vessel kept by Mr. Rt. Murry, which the author discovered in the Essex Institute at Salem, Mass. U.S.A., it is seen that Captain Bampton's relations with the first officer, Weatherall, were not such as they should have been, which was the cause of a very violent quarrel between that officer and one of the passengers named Alms. The dispute went so far that the mate was challenged to a duel with pistols, but the invitation was declined.

While trouble was going on between the officers and among the men, every effort was being made to get the great crowd on shore taken safely away from the dreary confines of Dusky Bay. The vessel which Raven had left lying at Luncheon Cove was repaired as well as circumstances permitted, and as a schooner under the name of the Providence, put into commission, under Captain Dell, to carry ninety persons. Bampton himself went into the Fancy and made provision for taking with him sixty-four of the shipwrecked mariners. To complete the entire transfer it was necessary to arrange for ninety, and that number was ultimately provided for by taking the long-boat of the Endeavour, and from her frame, with the fittings of the abandoned vessel, building a craft to sail to Sydney under the command of Mr. Waine. When the Fancy and the Providence were ready for sea, this vessel, which Bampton called the Resource, was not expected to be completed for three weeks, but it was decided to sail without her. Whether Bampton was justified in this action of abandoning his first officer is a moot point. The fact that he was not over friendly with Waine; that the new craft was plainly not likely to be a phenomenal success, in spite of the efforts that were put forward to complete her; and the annoyance that Waine must have felt at having his lot cast on board her after Bampton had decided not to stay; all tended to strain the relationship between the commander and his first officer, with the result that on New Year's Day things culminated in Bampton charging Waine with discontent.

On Thursday, 7th January, 1796, the Providence and the Fancy sailed from Facile Harbour, and as they passed Point Five Fingers the former vessel narrowly escaped shipwreck through missing stays and, in the calm, drifting with the tide towards the Point, a position from which she was saved by an opportune breath of wind. The Resource was left behind.

On 19th January, 1796, the Fancy and the Providence arrived at Norfolk Island, at that time a convict settlement, and Captain Dell went ashore to the Lieutenant-Governor's residence with the following letter:—4

Snow Fancy, off Norfolk Island

,19th January, 1796. Dear Sir,—

“I beg leave to acquaint you that I sailed from Port Jackson in the Endeavour, with the Fancy, on the 19th of September last; but, having unfortunately suffered the disaster of the Endeavour's being shipwrecked, and having now only a few days' provisions of rice alone to subsist upon, and that at half allowance, under such unfortunate circumstances, I have taken the liberty of requesting your humane assistance for such necessary supplies as I stand in need of, and his Majesty's store will admit, to enable me to return to India.

“I likewise beg leave to inform you that I have between twenty-five and thirty people who secreted themselves on board the Endeavour (unknown to me or any of the officers), whose time of transportation is not yet expired. I therefore hope, sir, you will be so kind as to send boats and a guard to take them on shore; as likewise a number of others whom I permitted, by leave of his Excellency Governor Hunter to take a passage to India, but from my unfortunate situation cannot take them any further.

“For further particulars, I beg leave to refer you to Captain Dell, who will give you every information of our circumstances, and wait with pleasure.

“With my best respects to Mrs. King.”

I have, &c.,W. W. Bampton.

The miserable condition of the escapees from Port Jackson called from Lieut.-Governor King, in his despatch to the Duke of Portland, the following comment:—5

“The distressed state of the master and people belonging to those vessels has induced me to comply with his request in the manner stated in the enclosure, which I hope will meet with your Grace's approbation.

“I have the honour to enclose lists of persons of different descriptions landed here from the Fancy, snow, and Providence, schooner. They are real objects of pity, being so debilitated from extreme hunger that it will be some time before any labour can be got from them.”

King appeared to think he had performed an extremely charitable act in relieving Captain Bampton, but the document addressed to Deputy-Commissary Clark shows that nothing was parted with, without a quid pro qua. As a sample of Norfolk Island terms of relief to shipwrecked mariners in 1796, its terms are worth producing in extenso.6

“Mr William Wright Bampton (late master of the Endeavour) having represented the distressed state of his people for provisions and some stores, which are necessary for the prosecution of his voyage to India, and as he informs me he can procure a person to lodge twelve hundred pounds of fresh pork in his Majesty's stores in exchange for an equal quantity of salt beef, and that he has a quantity of salt which will be useful in curing Government's pork, which he is willing to give as an equivalent return for the quantity of dholl required, and will pay any overplus in money.

“On these conditions you will deliver him the salt beef out of the stores, and the dholl from that condemned by survey, with the stores as per margin, taking a fair valuation of the worth of those articles, delivering to me original copies of the same, together “with such money as may be given for the overplus value, to be applied by me to the purpose of purchasing grain and fresh pork.

For all which this shall be your order.

Given under my hand at Sydney, on Norfolk Island, this 19th day of January. 1796.

Philip Gidley King.

Margin.

Two tons and a half of dholl; twelve hundred pounds of beef; three pieces of island canvas; one hundred pounds of nails; six hundred deck-nails; some ironwork, about seventy pounds weight, four pounds of thread.”

Word did not reach Sydney about the wreck for some considerable time. Collins tells us:7 “On the 17th (March, 1796), the vessel built by the shipwright Hatherleigh at Dusky Bay arrived, with some of the people left behind by Bampton. They were so distressed for provisions, that the person who had the direction of the vessel could not bring away the whole; and it was singularly fortunate that he arrived as he did, for with all the economy that could be used, his small stock of provisions was consumed to the last mouthful the day before he made the land.

“The vessel, which the officer who commanded her (Waine, one of the mates of the Endeavour) not inappropriately named the Assistance, was built entirely of the timber of Dusky Bay, but appeared to be miserably constructed. She was of near sixty tons burden, and was now to be sold for the benefit of Mr. Bampton.

“The situation of the people still remaining at Dusky Bay was not, we understood, the most enviable; their dependence for provisions being chiefly on the seals and birds which they might kill. They had all belonged to this colony, and one or two happened to be persons of good character.”

It looks suspicious that forty-one convicts and others could secrete themselves, unknown to the officers, on board the vessel before sailing. The presence of passengers would negative a suggestion that it was his intention to go down to Dusky and leave his vessel there, were it not for information given by the historian Collins. That author says that Raven's incomplete vessel was completed and launched “according to a previous agreement between the two commanders.”8

Governor Hunter who left Sydney in 1801, reported in England that when he left New South Wales, one New Zealand built vessel—probably the Assistance—was in Sydney, and another—probably the Providence—had gone to Batavia.9 We do know however that on her arrival in Sydney the Assistance, which Bampton had called the Resource, was sold for £250, while the log of the voyage records the fact that when Bampton reached Norfolk Island he put Murry, of the Fancy, in command of the Providence, and sailed for India.

The log was kept on board the Providence from 2nd February to 17th April, 1796, when the supply of paper for such purposes was exhausted. The vessel turned out to be a very poor sailer, but she made the Loyalty Islands on 5th February, and speaking of her next day, Captain Murry says: “It is the intention of Capt. Bampton to leave us, being a bad sailer, to ourselves, this day we have kept ahead of the brig, and, as we have no ballast very little water and few good sails, the present time should I think be embraced of getting these points accomplished that we may proceed on our passage.” On 10th April, 1796, the position of the Providence was Lat. 1° 22′ S. and 119° 53′ E. She probably made for Batavia and never left the harbour, which would fit in with the story told above by Governor Hunter.

Her log is now in the Essex Institute, Salem, Mass., U.S.A. How it came there is a mystery, but it may have been that one of the Salem East India merchantmen bound for Canton or the East generally, called at Batavia, and Murry shipped on board, taking his log with him. Be that as it may, there is the log of the Britannia 1792–95, the log of the Endeavour 1795–96, and the log of the Providence 1796, all kept by Mr. Robert Murry; and in one volume they form, with perhaps the solitary exception of Cook's manuscripts, the most interesting manuscripts relating to New Zealand ever discovered.

Bampton had hoped that the Assistance would have taken off all but four men who were to be left in charge of surplus stores, and who were to be relieved by a vessel sent from India; but as it happened thirty-five men were left behind, and no vessel came from India. In justice to Bampton it should be pointed out that his arrangements had been upset by the action of Waine—the officer he had left in charge. The Resource was to follow, at an interval of about three weeks, to Norfolk Island and then to India. It is probable that the strained relationship which existed between the captain and his first officer was responsible for Waine changing the name of the craft to that of the Assistance, and, instead of sailing for Norfolk Island, directing his course for Sydney. Whatever was the reason, Waine landed his men at Sydney and took no further steps in the direction of relieving the thirty-five who were still at Dusky. Bampton, expecting his vessel to follow him, would naturally await her arrival before making the next move. Between the two no relief was sent. Time wore on. The year 1796 passed, and still no tidings of the relief from India. Governor Hunter now began to get uneasy for the safety of the men; but as he had at Port Jackson no vessel fit for the work of facing the stormy New Zealand seas, he was powerless. The only thing possible was to try and enter into an arrangement with some whaler to call in and relieve them. The opportunity did not present itself until early in 1797, when an American snow, the Mercury, from Manila, called in at Port Jackson on 11th January, and stayed four months refitting. On being approached, when leaving Sydney, to call at Dusky, the master made no objection, only stipulating that be might be permitted to take from the wreck such stores as he might require. Of course Hunter could not give such permission; he could only direct him to make what terms he could with any of those belonging to her, whom he might find alive. In addition he gave him a letter to the commanding officer of Norfolk Island to permit him to land the survivors there.10

The Mercury sailed about the middle of May, 1797, and although the captain incurred the indignation of Collins, because he had repaid Sydney hospitality by taking away a female convict without the Governor's permission,11 still his heart was in the right place, and he made for the shipwrecked mariners at Dusky and relieved them. In September, 1797, a small decked long boat arrived from Norfolk Island and brought word that the Mercury had landed thirty-five people belonging to the Endeavour, who had been wrecked twenty months before (October 1795) on that island.12 This service was performed, we are told, “under many difficulties,” and we can well believe it. The advice to make a contract with the shipwrecked men was adopted, and a copy of same was sent by the master to Governor Hunter. Unfortunately the terms of the document are not available. Beyond the above, nothing is known with any certainty regarding the Mercury. There was, however, an American snow called the Mercury, Captain Todd, which had been captured by the French, carried into Morlaix and released, and the demand of the American Government for an indemnity had not been answered, when in June, 1797, the lists were published.13 This would fit in with the movements of the Dusky Bay Mercury.

This is the simple narrative of the wreck in Dusky. Romances that have been woven around it and fairy tales that have been told as solemn truth, would fill volumes. Some might be referred to here.

Miss Bourke, in her “Little History of New Zealand,” printed for the use of our primary schools, tells this fairy story to the children:—“No one knows how she came here, but she is of no English or modern make, and some one who was venturous enough to dive down and examine her says she is made of teak.” Her fate is thus described. “One morning a ship sailed into Dusky Bay and when close to shore she suddenly sank and disappeared, the crew swam off and lived for some time on a small island, and there one by one they died, but who they were or where they came from none can say.”

With a mysterious basis like this to work upon and the imagination untrammelled by any facts, it was a simple thing to load up the old craft with untold quantities of gold. With this cargo she blossoms out as the solution of the Madagascar mystery. Told in 1882 by Messrs. Anglem and Gilroy, two names well known among the old families of the south, the vessel was the Madagascar which had sailed from Melbourne. She had on board a large quantity of gold. The men mutinied. The ship was burnt. The treasure was taken ashore and buried, with a pick stuck in the ground to mark the spot. The survivors made for Lake Wakatipu. Of course there was the usual finish. The man who found that pick became rich beyond the dreams of avarice.14 Visions of these riches are said to have tempted cutters from the Bluff to visit the scene of the wreck with, in such cases, the usual, and in this case the inevitable, result. One of the trips was made in the cutter Heather Bell, chartered by three Sydney men representing a syndicate which had been formed there. They brought with them from Sydney a professional diver; they took with them to the wreck stores and dynamite to carry on salvage operations; they carried back to their homes an amount of wisdom and experience which, if properly used, would prove of great value in after life.

As late as 1903, with all the foregoing information available, this is found in a published work: “She is nothing more than an old transport that brought out a cargo of convicts to the Cove. Being in a state of starvation, the convict authorities chartered her to obtain supplies, and visit Dusky en route. Arriving there she was so completely waterlogged that she had to be taken into Facile and scuttled.”15 All goes to show how difficult it is to get back to fact, when fiction has long held undisputed sway.

In addition to the romance which gathered around the identity of the wreck, there was still the dispute whether it was Cook's old Endeavour or not. The clearing up of the later years of Cook's barque as shown in a preceding chapter, settled all question of identity; but many hung on to the idea that the two vessels were one and the same. No less an authority on New Zealand coastal matters than the late Captain Fairchild, master of the Government steamer, held that view. In September, 1895, he spent some time investigating the wreck and taking measurements of it, coming finally to the conclusion that she was a vessel of 128 feet keel and not 180 as he had previously estimated. Owing to this changed size of the vessel he made up his mind that she was the old Endeavour of Cook.16

Although not connected in any way with the wreck of the Endeavour, the next event within the range of our history is the discovery of the Antipodes Islands, and it is here given to complete the record of the eighteenth century events. H.M.S. Reliance, on service in New South Wales, became worn out and unfit for further service, and whilst she still remained in a condition fit to undertake the ocean voyage to England, Governor Hunter ordered her Home. She sailed from Port Jackson on 3rd March, 1800, and on the twenty-sixth this entry appears in the captain's journal:—

“Latd. in South 49° 51′ Longd. in East 180° 5′. Strong gales and squally, handed the Fore Topsail. A.M. at 2 discovered land or our lee beam about 2 miles distant, hauled to the wind and stood off, at daybreak wore and stood in for the land, which proved to be a desolate, Mountainous, and barren Island, scarce any verdure to be seen upon it, at 6 running along the eastern coast of the Island at 8 bore up and stood on our course the Eastern extremity of the land S. b. W. to S.W. b. W. distant “from a small Island at the N. E. end of the large one, 3 miles, at 9 the small Island bore W. b S. distant 3 leagues.”

These islands Waterhouse named the Penantipodes, from their approach to the antipodes of London. Seals were seen upon them, and they were located in lat. 49° 49′ 30″ S. and long. 179° 20′ E.17

The century therefore closed with the coastline as Cook had laid it down thirty years before, except that his later voyages had added to our knowledge of Queen Charlotte Sound, and his 1773 survey of Dusky had been completed and corrected by Vancouver in 1791, and Malaspina had obtained an idea of the outline of the entrance to Doubtful in 1793. Foveaux Strait was as yet undiscovered. Of the outlying islands, the Traps had been discovered by Cook in 1770; the Bounties by Bligh in 1788; the Snares by Vancouver, and Chatham Island by Broughton in 1791; and the Penantipodes by Waterhouse in 1800. The small sealing craft of Sydney had not yet braved the Tasman Sea, and British trade had still to be carried on through the East India Company. The first foreign vessel, the snow Mercury, had visited the South Island of New Zealand for trading purposes.

CHAPTER X. Bass and His Monopoly, 1801 TO 1803.

SOUTHERN New Zealand has associated with its story some of the greatest names in early Australian history. The most renowned of the early Pacific navigators, Cook and Vancouver, explored and benefited by their stay on its shores; the Spanish sailor, Malaspina, gazed upon its rugged fiords; and Raven and Bampton, the most enterprising of early Australian trading sea captains, chronicle its incidents among the most stirring they experienced. Now we come to the most intrepid of Australian coastal navigators, Bass, visiting the country, and following up that visit by drafting a scheme for supplying the young colony of New South Wales with fish, oil, bone and skins from southern New Zealand.

In 1795 George Bass arrived in Sydney as surgeon on board H.M.S. Reliance, and he first appears on the official records through Governor Hunter sending him to examine a coal discovery not far from that city. His report upon the field is dated August, 1797. We know from other sources, however, that with Flinders and a boy, he had already made an expedition along the coast, being absent for eight days, in a little boat eight feet long, braving the storms of the ocean and the savages of the land, with the utmost contempt for danger.1

This commission seems to have fanned into a flame that wild love of exploration and adventure which characterised the remaining years of his life. He was now but thirty-four years old, and is described as “six foot high, dark complexion, wears spectacles, a very penetrating countenance.” Returning from his coalmining explorations he persuaded Hunter to allow him to take six seamen with six weeks' provisions in a whaleboat, to explore the coast line south of Sydney. As a matter of fact he made the six weeks spin out to twelve, and in that time visited every hole and corner on the coast for something like 600 miles and satisfied himself that Van Diemen's Land was an island, and not part of the mainland. Subsequently Flinders and Bass were sent by Governor Hunter to complete the explorations, and in 1799, sailed round Van Diemen's Land in a sloop of 25 tons called the Norfolk. The separating strait in memory of this achievement received the name of Bass Strait.

An eight days' trip by sea in a boat only eight feet long, followed by a twelve weeks' cruise of 600 miles in a whale-boat, and crowned by circumnavigating unknown Van Diemen's Land in a twenty-five ton sloop, placed Bass in the front rank of Australian navigators.

In 1800 the Reliance, being unfit for service, was ordered Home. Bass presumably went with her; at any rate we know he returned to England at this time. If he sailed in the Reliance he saw the Penantipodes, and perhaps there got his first inspiration for a fishing scheme to include the islands.

Arrived in England, his adventurous spirit suggested a roving trade in the South Sea Islands with the Sydney settlement. He married, and within three months left his young wife at home, never again to see her. He and his father-in-law became members of a company, which purchased the brig Venus, an Indian teak built vessel of 140 tons. Bishop sailed as captain, with Bass as supercargo, and cargo to the total value of £10,890 was purchased with sums invested in the undertaking by a number of their friends.

At Port Jackson the market was found to be glutted, and prospects looked very gloomy indeed; however they secured a charter from Governor King, and the cargo was given a free bond until their return. The Venus was to proceed to the South Sea Islands for salted pork, excluding “head, feet, and flays of the pigs,” all delivered would be paid for at the rate of sixpence per pound. King was to supply the casks for the cargo, but should he fail to provide sufficient, Bass had permission to utilise the space left vacant by purchasing and selling on his own account.2 When the time came to leave, Governor King could not supply enough casks to fill the vessel, and Bass had to look elsewhere for his complement. To obtain this he, on 21st November, 1801, sailed for Dusky, and reached the Sound on 5th December. The cutting of the necessary timber took fourteen days, and during that time he picked up from the wreck of the Endeavour “some few trifles of ships' stores and unwrought iron” which he hoped to turn to account. From later information received from Bass, it appears he converted the iron into axes and made a considerable profit from this source. From Dusky he sailed for Tahiti, where he arrived on 24th January, 1802.3

One cannot but be struck with the reputation Dusky had for timber, when we consider that to make up his complement of casks Bass should sail from Sydney, from a country so richly endowed with timber as Australia, to the southern part of New Zealand. The good reports given by Cook, Vancouver, Raven, and Bampton, had evidently made it a well advertised centre for ships' accessories.

Bass returned to Sydney in November, 1802, and his venture proved a profitable one, although part of the original cargo was still to be disposed of. December and January were spent in elaborating plans for a trip as bold as it was original. The central object was to get provisions and live stock from the coast of Chili, but there was also included a great fishery scheme embracing the extreme south of New Zealand. The details of the scheme were to be arranged upon his return from the present voyage. The proposal had been more than merely formulated; it had been discussed with the Governor, and it would appear from the correspondence following that the concessions asked for were to have been granted to him on his return from Chili.

Sydney, New South Wales

,January 30th, 1803.Your Excellency,Sir,—

“From the dearness of animal food in this country, and the little prospect there is of its price being reduced by killing the live stock for many years yet to come, I have been induced to make some consideration upon the chance of lessening the vast sums expended annually by the Government, in sending out hither supplies of beef and pork for the rations of the convicts, whose numbers, now that peace is established in Europe, we may conclude will every year be very considerably augmented.

“In point of information, it is unnecessary for me to say to your Excellency, that by my late voyage to the South Sea Islands, I have enabled you to issue from the Public Stores, pork at a price much below what the Government could have sent it out from England; but I mention the circumstance to impress upon your Excellency that I have not only undertaken but performed a reduction at the public expense (a). Thus furthering your arduous exertions to the same end, whilst producing to myself a profitable though very moderate return, and on this plan am I desirous of proceeding in the present instance.

“I have every proof, short of actual experiment, that fish may be caught in abundance near the South part of the South Island of New Zealand, or at the neighbouring islands. And that a large quantity might be supplied annually to the Public Stores.

“Government aiding me in the project, I will make the experiment.

“The aid I ask of Government is an exclusive privilege or lease of the South part of New Zealand, or that South of Dusky Bay, drawing the line in the same parallel of latitude across to the East side of the Island, as also of the Bounty Isles, Penantipode Isle, and the Snares, all being English discoveries, together with ten leagues of sea around their coasts (b). The lease to continue for seven years yet to come; renewable to twenty-one years, if the fishery within the first seven, is judged likely to succeed. Capability of affording to the Public Stores once every week a ration of good salt fish at one penny per pound less cost than a meat ration, calculated at the prime cost in England with freight, to be deemed good and sufficient proof of success, and ground for claiming the renewal of the lease to its utmost limit of 21 years.

“And, since the several different places above specified, are only asked for to give greater scope to the experiment, they shall all upon application for renewal of lease, be given up, that only excepted which experience shall have proved to be the best adapted for the purpose of view, which purpose is no other than that of a fishery.

“Until after the expiration of seven years I cannot consent to supply annually any specific quantity of fish to the Public Stores, such term being to be considered as a period of probation only. Nor do I wish that Government shall be bound to take any specific quantity of fish annually, supposing that quantity to be ready. Government may, within the above space of time become purchasers, or not, as is found convenient (c).

“And should any failure happen in the Stores, and times of exigency again be seen in the land, I will ready come forward, and supply one half of the fish I may have in my own private stores during such exigency at 25 per cent. less cost than the then market price of that article in this colony.

“If your Excellency thinks the above proposal worthy of notice, I request of you at once to have the privilege, that I may begin to set matters in motion.

“If I can draw up food from the sea in places which are lying useless to the world, I surely am entitled to make an exclusive property of the fruits of my ingenuity, as much as the man who obtains Letters Patent for a corkscrew or a cake of blacking.”—Sir, I am, etc.,

George Bass. To his Excellency, Governor King.

Notes by Governor King.

(a). The quantity of pork purchased from Mr. Bass at 6d. per lb. was very acceptable at the time it came before the supplies arrived from England—and as far as my information goes, at least 6d. per lb. less than it could be sent from England. But it is to be supposed that if the peace continue salt pork sent from England will not exceed sixpence a lb. and we have now 3 years meat in store. May 9th, 1803.

(b.) As Mr. Bass limits the time of his first essay to seven years, his success may warrant the term being extended. But it remains to be ascertained how far the fish thus salted will answer, and whether the oyla potatoes expended with the fish may not be adequate to the saving proposed. But as it is at his own risque that he undertakes this enterprise, every encouragement, I presume, should be allowed him—which at present depends on the progress he may make, when he makes the trial which will not be done until his return from his present voyage.

(c.) This is by no means binding on the Government to take the fish unless wanted.”

Before leaving Sydney, Bass penned a letter to Captain Waterhouse, formerly of the Reliance, stating his programme. “From this place I go to New Zealand to pick up something more from the wreck of the old Endeavour in Dusky Bay, then visit some of the islands lying south of it in search of seals and fish. The former, should they be found, are intended to furnish a cargo to England immediately on my return from this trip. The fish are to answer a proposal I have made to Government to establish a fishery on condition of receiving an exclusive privilege of the south part of New Zealand and of its neighbouring isles, which privilege is at once to be granted to me. The fishery is not to be set in motion till after my return to old England. …”

“We have, I assure you, great plans in our heads, but like the basket of eggs, all depends upon the success of the voyage I am now upon.”4

In an earlier letter to Waterhouse, Bass had gone more fully into details. “I shall go to Dusky Bay again this voyage for the purpose of picking up two anchors and breaking the iron fastenings out of an old Indiaman (the Endeavour) that lies there deserted, with the intention of selling the former to the Spaniards, and of working up the other to purchase pork in the Islands. Of the little iron we took out last voyage, converted by our smith into axes, we made a good thing. Now we shall be prepared for breaking her up.”5

The Venus sailed on this voyage to Dusky on 5th February, 1803, but beyond stray stories of navigators, such as always surround the romantic incidents of the sea, nothing has since been heard of her or of her intrepid commander. This voyage suggests some speculations in connection with the discovery of Foveaux Strait. The recorded discovery was 1809, but the more southern history is perused, the more probable does it appear that the strait was known at an earlier date. Bass was the man who first established the existence of a strait between Australia and Van Diemen's Land. His plan during this voyage was to examine the south of New Zealand for fish and seals. It is more than probable that after getting what he wanted from the old Endeavour in Dusky, he skirted the southern part of the mainland to perfect his knowledge of the coastline of his intended monopoly, and following it along, he could not escape passing through what is now known as Foveaux Strait. This, of course, is only conjecture.

However wild the scheme of a southern fishery at that date may have looked, history shows us that the very area he indicated, was afterwards proved to have the richest sealing grounds, the most productive shore whaling coast, the finest deep sea fishing waters, and the most extensive oyster beds in Australasia.

Of the stories told by navigators of the fate of this intrepid man, the one which gained the greatest credence was that of Captain Campbell. Campbell traded between Port Jackson and Chili. One voyage was performed from June, 1803, to January, 1804. It is alleged, that on his return from this voyage he reported that Bass had been captured by the Spaniards when landing at one of the ports, his vessel seized, and the prisoners sent inland to the mines. The knowledge however that the English prisoners in these Spanish settlements were released in 1808, and sent to England, introduces an element of doubt as to the correctness of Campbell's statement. Had Bass been among these unfortunates, he would certainly have been restored to his people. There was also a story that Bass had been afterwards seen in South America. His career ended in mystery, and this is all that can be said. Probably his intrepidity brought about his destruction.

CHAPTER XI. First Sealers Arrive, 1803 to 1805.

BASS Strait was, up to 1803, the great sealing ground of Australasia. Seals had been taken in New Zealand, but chiefly by the crews of vessels calling there while loading for distant parts. It was to Bass Strait that the regular sealing craft owned by Sydney men sailed. These vessels consisted of small sloops and schooners, of from 11 to 38 tons burden, and eleven of them were, in February, 1804, trading to that locality.

There is no doubt that the publicity given, through Bass' negotiations, to the question of the proposed New Zealand fishery concession, directed the attention of sealers to the shores of Dusky and the vicinity of the South Cape, as well as to the islands lying to the south—the Snares, the Bounties, and the Penantipodes. This was inevitable, and we are not borrowing much from our imagination, in supposing that advantage was taken of Bass' absence to exploit the localities of the concession contemplated by that gentleman.

The above however was not the only reason for the new order of things which began to obtain in sealing. As early as December, 1802, reports from King's Island disclosed the fact that the seals, owing to continual harassing, were forsaking the island, and it was anticipated that the sea elephants would follow them. The French Commodore Baudin of the Geographe and Naturaliste, sent out by Napoleon at the end of 1802, wrote from King's Island to Governor King in these words: “There is every appearance that in a short time your fishermen will have drained the island of its resources by the fishery of the sea-wolf and the sea-elephant. Both will soon abandon their resorts to you if time be not allowed them to recruit their numbers, which have been much diminished by the destructive war carried on against them. They are becoming scarce already, and if you dont issue an order you will soon hear that they have entirely disappeared.”1

When this was the official intimation of the state of affairs it is easy to see that the traders were on the look out for other fields to exploit. The most energetic of these firms were R. Campbell & Co., Simeon Lord, Palmer & Co., and Kable and Underwood; names that were to be known afterwards in New Zealand history. A paragraph occurring in the narrative of the voyages of the Geographe and the Naturaliste, in reference to their stay at Sydney in 1802, suggests that Palmer & Co., at that early date, had a sealing fleet engaged on the New Zealand coast. The paragraph is thus rendered by Pinkerton: “Here it is that Mr. Palmer causes those small vessels to be built he employs in the whale and seal fishery off New Zealand, and in Bass's Strait.”2 The statement is a very general one, but records show that Palmer had only four small vessels at the time, all of which were engaged in the Bass Strait and coastal trade, and none are mentioned as trading to New Zealand.3 Palmer himself had only arrived in the colony in November, 1800.4 The mention of his whaling receives no support from any other source. Turnbull, too, who visited Sydney in the latter end of 1803, mentions Bass Strait only as the scene of the Sydney sealing. He describes the gangs located on the islands as being moved from place to place by attendant craft as the seals became scarce. Nothing is said about New Zealand sealing.5 In the added matter written as late as 1813, Turnbull refers to the subject thus: “When the sealing flagged, in some degrees in Bass's Straits, they (the sealers) turned their thoughts to the neighbouring island of New Zealand, where the seals were known to abound. Every bay, creek, and river was examined by them in quest of these objects, and the fruit of their labour most amply recompensed them. A most constant and friendly inter- course, mutually advantageous to them and the natives, took place.”6 It must be surmised that the French Commodore meant that the whaling was off the New Zealand coast, the sealing in Bass Strait. In any case he cannot be quoted as an authority for the proposition that sealing had commenced on the New Zealand coast at this early date.

The first firm to attempt the wild New Zealand coast with the small craft of that day, appears to have been Kable and Underwood. The Sydney returns show that this enterprising firm had, at that time, two schooners engaged in the seal trade in Bass Strait—the Governor King of 38 tons and the Endeavour of 31. They had also a sloop of 24 tons called the Diana.7 The Endeavour was the pioneer vessel of this little fleet, having been registered in 1801, the Governor King in 1803; the Endeavour was also the first to engage in the New Zealand trade.

On Monday 18th April, 1803, the Endeavour, Captain Joseph Oliphant, sailed for Bass Strait. In six days after leaving Port Jackson she arrived at the Sisters, and after landing the sealers, sailed for Dusky Bay.8

The following is the report of the voyage handed to the press for publication by the captain on his return to Sydney:9

“On the 9th day of May last, she first made Dusky Bay, and finding but few seals visited Break Sea and Solander's Isles; at an Island near the former of which one of the Seamen was drowned in endeavouring to land. The surf running very high, the stem of the boat was suddenly whirled round upon a ledge of rocks, and instantly overset; two men saved themselves by means of the oars, and two others fortunately got on the keel and were also preserved. The boat was afterwards got on shore with her stern post staved.

“Mr. Oliphant reports that on the South side of the West Cape four entrances were discernible, which he concluded to be the mouths of the Harbours; between the two Northermost of which is a small island, white and apparently chalky. Off the South Cape Mr. Oliphant experienced much bad weather, and one heavy gale which continued several hours, and arose in the forenoon obliged him to lay the vessel too; at 2 in the afternoon an island was seen at only 8 miles distant, lying by observation in latitude 47° 58′ S. and long. 166° 30′ E. bearing S.W. by S. from the South Cape. Being in want of wood and water they sent a boat on shore but found it to be barren and dry. They afterwards put into Launching Cove, where the vessel anchored, and a party went in quest of seals, but with little success. On shore they suffered much from severe cold, and incessant falls of snow, hail or rain. Her freight consists of 2200 skins all of which were procured with extreme difficulty and hardship.

“Mr. Oliphant reports the natives of New Zealand to be very friendly, and ready to render every assistance he could possibly require. This peaceable and amicable disposition has manifested itself in several instances, and we doubt not that upon the return of Treena, who was brought hither and taken back by Captain Rhodes in the Alexander, his report of the hospitality he met with here will be productive of a confidence that may prove highly beneficial to the British mariner in the Pacific Ocean.

“The skins procured, amounting to 2000, were all purchased by Captain McLennan. The Endeavour's skins were preserved by being salted, a method necessarily resorted to, as the weather and other circumstances prevented their being cured in the usual way, and has long since been established as an excellent succedaneum. Report declares them to be high in estimation at home, and consequently gives new stimulus to the war against the pups and wigs, who rejoice but little at “a ship in sight.”

The island reported as sighted in latitude 47° 58′ is by some supposed to be the Snares.

There is reason to believe that the instructions given to Oliphant to go to Dusky were not communicated to the sealing gangs. The firm's gang at King's Island, for instance, did not know of his movements. The Good Intent arriving from that island reported that the Endeavour had not reached there when she left.10 At that time the Endeavour must have been heading for Dusky. It was natural that her movements in breaking new ground, and ground in a measure pledged to Bass, should be kept secret. It is worthy of notice, that Cook's vessel when he discovered Dusky, the first vessel wrecked in Dusky, and the first Bass Strait sealer to visit Dusky, were all named the Endeavour.

Captain Rhodes commanded a whaler, one of a small fleet which regularly visited the Bay of Islands for provisions, and it was no uncommon thing to take natives on board while whaling or for a trip to Sydney. His report would be pleasant news to the seafaring men of Sydney who still had a lingering fear of the ferocity of the New Zealander, inculcated by Governor Phillip when he asked the English authorities for special powers to deport condemned men to New Zealand to be handed over as food for the natives.

Captain McLennan of the brig Dart, who purchased the skins, sailed from Sydney on 24th October for the coast of Peru.11

A fragment from what is supposed to be a reference to the trip of the Endeavour turns up in a most unexpected quarter. In 1812 the following advertisement was inserted in the Sydney paper12:—

“To the Public.

“Charles Frederick Bradford, commonly called Charles Bradford, was in 1801 a Seaman on board the Prince of 98 Guns; in 1802 he entered on board the Bridgewater Indiaman, Capt. Palmer, which Ship he left at Sydney Cove, New South Wales, and embarked on board a Vessel destined for the Seal Fishery, New Zealand, 1803. He was known to Mr. Kable, Sydney Town, Port Jackson. If the said C. F. Bradford be now living, and will apply to Caton and Brumell, of Aldersgate-street, London, “he will hear of something greatly to his advantage; or, if dead, any Particulars or Information concerning him will be thankfully received by them.

“Any information left at the Gazette Office relative to the above will be thankfully received and forwarded.”

These enquiries were renewed by Bradford's friends in October 1814.

It is most unfortunate that when returns of arrivals and departures were prepared by the Naval Officer at Sydney for transmission to England, no notice was taken of the schooners and sloops locally owned. For information of the doings of the local craft we are indebted solely to the Sydney press. Everything was under the direction of naval or military officers and the last thing thought of by them was the local production of wealth to make the settlement self-supporting. The place was now 15 years old and about as non-productive as if it were in its second or third year. The sealers, whose small vessels were ignored by the naval officer, were about the only portion of the inhabitants which was engaged in building up an export trade.

One would suppose that this New Zealand trip was followed by others, but on this point we cannot speak with confidence, nor can we say what vessels, if any, of the Bass Strait fleet visited New Zealand after this date, because New Zealand shipping would first clear for one of the islands in Bass Strait and thence proceed to New Zealand. The official or other intimation of the destination would be the islands in Bass Strait or simply “sealing.”

The next recorded visit to Dusky is that of a whaler called the Scorpion, a vessel of 343 tons and commanded by Captain Dagg. On the 30th March, 1804, she reached Sydney, after a most eventful voyage. On 24th June, 1803, she had sailed from England with Letters of Marque carrying 14 guns and 32 men. Before reaching St. Helena she captured two French whalers, the Cyprus and the Ganges, of Dunkirk, with 1000 barrels of oil each,13 their captains not knowing of the war then raging. About the beginning of December, 1803, she sailed from St. Helena to New Zealand, and in Dusky Bay secured some sealskins. When she arrived at Sydney, she had on board 4759 skins, 20 barrels of sperm oil, and 18 tons of salt.14 She sailed once or twice out of Port Jackson before going Home, a full ship. The captain leaves a record of his name in Dagg Sound.

On 9th February, 1805, the Contest, a new schooner of 45 tons, Johnson, master, registered as late as 1804, and belonging to Kable & Co.'s fleet, arrived from New Zealand with 5000 seal skins. She had evidently called amongst other places at Dusky, for on Sunday 14th April, in the “Sydney Gazette,” occurs the following advertisement:

“Notice.

“Two small boats having been left at New Zealand by Mr. Oliphant, Master of the Endeavour, in January last, all Masters of vessels and others frequenting or occasionally touching at Dusky Bay, or its vicinity, on the said coast are hereby strictly cautioned not to take away, or in any manner soever damage either of the said boats, as they will otherwise become responsible to the owners for any act contrary to the tenor of this Notice.”

The following Sunday the notice was changed to read “Contest” in place of “Endeavour,” and the date “Sydney, April 13″ was added.

The author is of opinion that, although in the intimation of her arrival Johnson is mentioned as captain, Oliphant who had all along commanded the Endeavour, took the Contest for her pioneer trip. This is borne out by an advertisement in the Sydney papers of October, 1804, for a new captain for the Endeavour, then returning from Bass Strait.15 It is suggested that Kable & Co. had again attempted the New Zealand trade with this larger boat, and on the voyage, had called at Dusky, where they had left two boats in view of a permanent station; that the mistake in the first advertisement was caused by the Endeavour having been Oliphant's old boat, and was corrected in the following issue. The words “frequently or occasionally touching” seem to imply that Dusky was visited by some vessels, regularly, to catch seals, and by others occasionally when whaling—as in the case of the Scorpion—or when bound for a distant part of the world trading—as in the case of the Britannia. On 28th February, 1807, the Contest was wrecked a few miles to the southward of Port Stevens, near the mouth of the Hunter River. Her crew fortunately were saved, but all the cargo was lost in the tremendous surf.16 She had just returned from Norfolk Island where she had been driven during an unsuccessful attempt to visit the sealing grounds at Dusky Sound.

Kable & Co. pushed on the Dusky Bay trade. On 26th April, 1805, they despatched their largest sailing vessel—the schooner Governor King, 75 tons—to New Zealand. Dusky Bay is not mentioned as her destination, but we have seen that they had a station and two boats there. In addition to this the Governor King was wrecked at Hunter River on May of the following year, and when describing the shattered condition of the wreck the following was reported. “Great part of her freight of pork was saved, but little else except about two tons out of twelve tons of iron taken in at Dusky Bay in lieu of ballast, picked up from the wreck of the Endeavour.”17 This quotation is interesting as being the first newspaper reference to the wreck of the Endeavour. It also shows us that Bass had not taken away everything when 12 tons of her iron could now be got for ballast. The Governor King was lost close to the wreck of the Francis, one of the first Dusky Bay visitors.

Another colonial sealing vessel, the sloop Speedwell of 18 tons, owned by John Grono, a name afterwards to be famous in New Zealand sealing, had been stranded in October, 1804. She was got off by Andrew Thompson the shipowner, and in the second week of August, 1805, he sent her on a sealing expedition to the coast of New Zealand. From this voyage she returned in September, 1806, fairly successful in procuring seals, but unfortunate in losing three men. The scene of the catastrophe is not stated.18

The opportunity is here taken of referring to the labour regulations of the year 1805 dealing with the sealing trade. In these regulations we have about the earliest labour legislation in Australasia. Owing to the distress which prevailed in the sealing gangs belonging to Kable & Co., and Campbell & Co., in Bass Strait, regulations were made compelling owners to provide food depots. In September of that year no colonial vessel was allowed to leave Sydney without entering into a bond to secure the above mentioned provision, and limits were specified within which the colonial craft had to confine themselves. These limits prevented them navigating outside of latitude 43° 39′ S.,19 and thus visiting the south of New Zealand and the southern islands. What the reason was the author has been unable to ascertain. It seems all the stranger when we consider the rich harvest within the colonists' grasp, and the fact that north of latitude 43° 39′ S. there were few seals to be got in New Zealand.

As showing the quantities of seals in the prohibited ground, the comments by Sir Joseph Banks, under date 4th June, 1806, were to the following effect: “The island of Van Dieman, the south-west coast of New Holland and the southern part of New Zealand, produce seals of all kinds in quantities at present almost innumerable. Their stations on rocks or in bays have remained unmolested since the Creation. The beach is encumber'd with their quantities, and those who visit their haunts have less trouble in killing them than have the servants of the victualling office who kill hogs in a pen with mallets.”20

There is no doubt that sealing vessels visiting New Zealand would go to the south, limits or no limits, but it is significant that during the next few years little mention is made of sealing by colonial vessels in the prohibited area. Appearances would however indicate that it was done but not made public.

CHAPTER XII. The Sealing Islands, 1804 to 1808.

NATURALLY the first visits of the sealers were to the mainland or to the islands in its immediate vicinity. It was not long however, before the outlying islands were exploited and robbed of their rich harvest. First to arrive upon the scene were stray vessels of the American fleet, the first representative of which had already been on our coast as far back as 1797, relieving the remnant of the Endeavour's crew. Now, in 1804, they reappeared in the vicinity of New Zealand for the purpose of obtaining skins for the China market.

A brig of 99 tons, the Union, was, in 1803, sent out by Messrs. Fanning & Co., of New York, under the command of Captain J. Pendleton, to follow up the discoveries of Vancouver in Australia, and to secure a cargo of seal skins. At Border's (supposed to be Kangaroo) Island, her crew built another vessel called the Independence, of 40 tons, and these two vessels made for Sydney, where they refitted and set out together on a sealing expedition.

On this trip Pendleton re-discovered the Island of South Antipodes, as the Americans called the Penantipodes. Large rookeries of seals were visible, but there being no harbour in which to anchor vessels, an officer and eleven men were put ashore as a sealing gang, and Pendleton returned to Sydney intending to revisit his men when they had procured a cargo.1

Fanning in his “Voyages” unfortunately does not give us the date of this interesting event, but we learn from other sources2 that the Union reached Sydney on 29th June, and the Independence, commanded by F. Smith, on 1st July, 1804. As this is the first mention of the Independence, probably it was his initial visit to Sydney, but the Union had called there on 6th January, and 9th March, sailing again on 12th January, and 28th April; in the former case for Norfolk Island, in the latter for Bass Strait. The sealing gang placed at the Antipodes by the Union was probably put there about the beginning of June, 1804, and was thus the first sealing gang stationed on these islands.

The islands next to be visited by the Bass Strait sealing vessels were the Snares and the Bounties. In October, 1804, the Bass Strait seal islands were visited by two American vessels, the Perseverance and the Pilgrim, under the command of Captain Amasa Delano.3 At Kent's Bay, disturbances took place between the Americans and the sealing gang of Kable and Underwood. The account given by the man in charge of the sealers makes the Americans out to be the greatest scoundrels unhung, while the report of the American captain indicates that the gallows was too good a fate for the Sydney men. Delano publishes an account of his travels, and from it we learn that on 24th October, he sailed from the islands for the South West Cape of New Zealand. He made the Snares on 3rd November, and says, after mentioning Vancouver as the discoverer, “I know of no other person except him and myself, who has ever seen them.” In this Delano was mistaken, as Captain Raven, when returning to Sydney in the Britannia in 1793, sighted the islands, and Oliphant, in the Endeavour, is supposed to have seen them in 1803. Delano thus records his visit: “At three o'clock p.m. we discovered the Snares, bearing north east by east, eight or nine miles distant. At six p.m. we came near to them, and it blowing strong from the westward, we did not have so good an opportunity to examine them as we could wish, but from what we could ascertain there was no safe shelter for a vessel any where amongst these islands. If there is any, it must be on the south or south east side of the large one, which had some appearance of smooth water under its lee. I think, if the weather should be pleasant enough for a boat to go in and explore the cluster, that an anchoring place might be found; but the weather here is so bad, and the winds blow so strong and constantly from the westerly quarter, that it would be difficult to keep in a station for a sufficient length of time to effect this object. We found them, as captain Vancouver says, ‘a cluster of craggy islands,’ and they did not appear to be capable of affording anything, except it might be a few seals, which I think probably they do, as we saw a number swimming in the water near the ship. If it were the case that the seals are on these islands, it would be very difficult to obtain them. We did not observe any dangers any where near them. We saw seven small islands, and found them to be rightly laid down by captain Vancouver.

“After we had examined the Snares as much as the weather would permit us to do, we proceeded to the eastward with a strong westerly wind, and visited Bounty Islands.

“November 7, 1804 at six a.m. we made the Bounty Islands with an intention of examining them. It may be expected that we might have had a better opportunity to examine and describe them than lieutenant Bligh had; but when we made them it was blowing a strong gale from the westward, with a large sea, and by no means clear weather; under which circumstances we made the islands about four or five leagues distant, and ran down within about one mile of them. We discovered broken water close under our lee bow, and immediately luffed to the southward of it; but as we passed, it fairly broke, and convinced us that there was not water enough for our ship on it. The breakers lie about south west of the body of Bounty Islands, and will not always show themselves.

“We saw several other breakers to the south and west side, lying off from the main group; but we were convinced that it a very dangerous place for a ship to come near to. The …. description given by lieutenant Bligh is very correct. They cannot afford any kind of vegetable production. We saw shags and gulls, and a few seals round them; and I believe they are all they afford. It will be proper to observe, that we had soundings three or four leagues to the westward of these islands, and had good reason to think that they could be had at that distance all round them. It would be very dangerous for a ship to fall in with these islands in the night, or in thick weather, although she will have the advantage of soundings, which will apprise them of approaching danger, if due attention is paid.

“After passing them we continued our course.”

So far the prospects of success at the Snares and the Bounties had not encouraged the Bass Strait sealers to land gangs there. The great harvest of the localities already worked, though reduced in quantity, had not yet become so small as to make the unattractive appearance and dangerous approaches of the southern islands worth overcoming. At the time of this visit of Delano the gang of the American ship Union was probably on the neighbouring Antipodes.

When the Union returned to Sydney, Pendleton had 12,000 to 14,000 seal skins procured at Kangaroo Island. These he left in the store of Mr. S. Lord, and, without considering the necessities of his men at the Antipodes, entered into a contract to proceed to the Fiji Islands, and take thence a cargo of sandal wood for China. At Tongataboo, however, on 1st October, 1804, Pendleton and several others met their death at the hands of the natives, and the Union returned to Sydney on 25th October under the command of D. Wright, the first officer.

On 12th November, Wright made another attempt to carry out the contract, but this time the vessel was lost at the Fiji Islands and all the crew massacred.

Then followed, according to Fanning, a most remarkable series of events:

“Upon the arrival of this sad information at Sydney, Mr. Lord chartered a ship and proceeded with her to the Island of Antipodes. At this place, the officers and crew whom Captain Pendleton had left, had taken and cured rising of sixty thousand pure fur seal skins, a parcel of very superior quality: these, from information since obtained, were received on board Mr. Lord's ship, who thence proceeded to Canton, and disposed of his valuable cargo at good prices, the proceeds being invested in China goods, he accompanied to an eastern port in the United States: these were also sold, and Mr. Lord off to Europe with the amount of proceeds, before the agent for the owners of the Union was made acquainted with the transaction: thus unfortunately terminating the Union's voyage, her owners never receiving either for the skins taken from South Antipodes, or for the fourteen thousand left by Captain P. in Mr. Lord's charge at Sydney, one farthing. Nor was the remainder of the brig's company more fortunate than their messmates, for nothing was ever heard of the few who after delivering the skins to Mr. L. embarked on board the little schooner and sailed for Sydney, in New South Wales: it is supposed they were either lost in a heavy gale at sea, or were wrecked on some unknown reef or island. Thus terminated a voyage than which, none was ever commenced with more encouraging prospects, and thus went her crew, than whom, more hardy and resolute spirits never strode a vessel's deck.”

Further details of this remarkable narrative are available, but they scarcely bear out this story of the iniquity of the Sydney merchant, Lord. The Independence, under the command of Joseph Townshend, reached Sydney from Norfolk Island on 23rd April, 1805, and it is probable that the news of the fate of the Union was brought by her. Two days afterwards a Nantucket vessel called the Favorite, 245 tons, commanded by John Paddock, arrived from the Crozets, and on 11th June sailed in company with the Independence from Sydney,4 the former entered as whaling, the latter in ballast for Canton, but as a matter of fact, they both sailed for the Penantipodes.

On 29th July, 1805, the brig Venus, 45 tons, Calcutta built, carrying 14 men and commanded by Captain William Stewart, cleared for Bass Strait in ballast.6 She also sailed for the Penantipodes. William Stewart is presumably the man after whom the southern island of this Dominion is called, and this, so far as the author can determine, was his first connection with New Zealand. On 24th January, 1806, the Venus returned with only a few skins, having left Captain Stewart with a sealing gang on the island. This was the second gang stationed there. Stewart remained for some time until taken off by a whaling vessel called the Star, commanded by James Birnie, and on 21st June, 1806, was landed at Sydney. Prior to this, probably as a result of the rich haul of the Union's gang, a visit had been arranged for, to the Penantipodes, by a whaler called the Aurora, 302 tons, commanded by Andrew Meyrick, and when she sailed on 30th June she was supposed to have cleared for these islands, but for some reason not given, possibly because of Stewart's return, she appears to have changed her destination.5

On Monday, 10th March, 1806, arrived the American ship Favorite, Captain Paddock, from the Penantipodes with skins.

“We are sorry,” says the report, “to report the probable loss of the American schooner Independence, which vessel sailed from hence 10 months since in company with the Favorite, for the same destination; and was for some time conjectured to be traversing on discovery of advantageous situations for procuring seal; but has unfortunately never since been seen or heard of. This vessel belonged to Captain Pendleton of the Union, whose visit to Tongataboo proved fatal to Mr. Boston and himself; and whose vessel afterwards under the command of Mr. Wright, the chief officer, foundered at her anchors with the supposed loss of all her people.

“The Independence sailed from hence, under command of Captain Townshend, a young man very much respected for his talents, with 22 men, 11 of whom were happily taken on board the Favorite the day before they parted company.”

The cargo of the Favorite is shown in the shipping lists to have been 60,000 seal skins, and the place from which the vessel returned is described as the “E Coast of New Zealand.”

Landing on the Penantipodes about the beginning of June, 1804, and being relieved not earlier than the beginning of July, 1805, the unfortunate party of one officer and eleven men must have been on these desolate rocks for over a year. After leaving the Penantipodes the Favorite had evidently sailed for the East Coast of New Zealand and spent the remainder of her time sealing around the coast, thus accounting for the very lengthy voyage.

On the 29th July the Favorite sailed for Canton with 32,000 skins, so that Fanning is not correct in stating that the cargo obtained at the Penantipodes was taken to Canton and disposed of at good prices. The other 28,000 was probably the parcel set aside to send to England in the Sydney. If Lord intended to swindle, he would scarcely risk taking the cargo to Canton, selling it there, and with the proceeds going to an eastern port of the United States: much less would he venture to visit the States in a vessel belonging to Nantucket. The point established beyond doubt is, that Captain John Paddock, in the Favorite of Nantucket, lifted 60,000 skins from the Penantipodes, and took them to Sydney: whence he sailed for Canton with 32,000 of them. The question of selling them at that port, and returning with a China cargo to the United States must be left to Fanning to explain. Theft on Lord's part would involve Paddock in the crime, and as the Favorite was well known in Nantucket, and the captain belonged to a leading family there, the idea of a deliberate fraud is a very unlikely one.

On 30th July, 1806, the Star, this time under the command of Captain Wilkinson,7 sailed for New Zealand and the Penantipodes. She reached Whangaroa and when there, a chief named Pipi requested the captain to take his son to Europe, to procure material for the tribe and to see the King. The youth accordingly sailed with Captain Wilkinson to the seal fishery at the Penantipodes. While on board the young man received the name of George, a name that has come down to posterity in New Zealand history. Returning from the islands he was restored to his friends.8 On 29th December, 1806, the Star reached Sydney with 14,000 seal skins. In the Records she is described as coming from “the South'rd Islands,” in the press, from the sealing islands.”9 Maori tradition, as given to the author by the late Mr. Hone Heke, M.P., thus modifies Dillon's version given above. The chief's name was Kira and his father, having been to England and seen King George, had given the name of King George Kira to the lad.

Amongst the difficulties which beset the sealing trade in these early years, one of the most remarkable was a legal one, which arose out of the monopoly enjoyed by the East India Company. In 1805, the ship Lady Barlow took a cargo of oil and skins to England, which was seized by the officers of the East India Company for breach of their exclusive trading rights. The sale of the cargo was delayed for four months. To avoid a similar fate for the Sydney, which was expected to arrive during 1806, Campbell & Co.'s agent applied for and obtained permission from the Company to land that vessel's cargo upon arrival. To prevent a repetition of the Lady Barlow incident, legislation was introduced in the House of Commons. The Bill itself is not available, but we know by the comments made upon it by Banks, that it excluded southern New Zealand from the sealing trade:—“Why any southern boundary should be set to the enterprise of our successful sealers does not appear. The limit proposed by the Bill of 43° 9′ S. will prevent them from visiting the south part of New Zealand, where treasures of seal-skins and oil have been accumulating for ages, and the little island of Penantipode, which has furnished 30,000 of the seal-skins, and a proportionate quantity of the seal oil laden on board the expected ship (the Sydney) which their Lordships have been graciously pleased to admit to an entry here, to the no small encouragement of the southern fishery.”10

While the Bass Strait sealers were establishing trade connection with all the known islands of the New Zealand group, another island was added to the list. The Ocean, a whaling vessel of 401 tons, belonging to the Messrs Enderby, and under the command of Captain Abraham Bristow, was sailing from Van Diemen's Land round Cape Horn, when on 18th August, 1806, several islands were discovered and were called by the captain, Lord Auckland's Group. The extract from Bristow's log is as follows:—

“Moderate and clear: at daylight saw land, bearing west by compass, extending round to the north as far as N.E. by N., distant from the nearest part about nine leagues. The island or islands, as being the first discoverer, I shall call Lord Auckland's (my friend through my father), and is situated according to my observation at noon in lat. 50° 48′ S., and long. 166° 42′ E., by a distance of the sun and moon, I had at half past 10 A.M. The land is of moderate height, and from its appearance I have no doubt but it will afford a good harbour in the north end, and I should suppose lies in about the latitude of 50° 21′ S., and its greatest extent is in a N.W. and S.E. direction. This place I should suppose abounds with seals, and sorry I am that the time and the lumbered state of my ship do not allow me to examine.”11

The year 1807 saw the Penantipodes trade still the objective of sealing craft, and we find the Commerce mentioned in the official records as returning from the Penantipodes on 8th April. The owner and master of this vessel was James Birnie, evidently the same man who brought Stewart back from the island and who owned the Star.12 She brought a cargo of 39,000 skins which was intended she should take on to London, but the damage she had sustained rendered that impossible and the skins were transhipped to the Sydney Cove.

Bristow, after reaching England in the Ocean, returned in 1807 to the Auckland Islands, in a vessel called the Sarah, belonging to the same firm which owned the Ocean,13 and on 20th October cast anchor in a harbour which he named after his vessel, Sarah's Bosom.14 Formal possession was taken, and, to provide food for navigators, who might visit its shores, pigs were liberated on the mainland.

On this second visit the position of the various points was ascertained by Bristow, and afterwards published in the “Oriental Navigator,” for the use of seamen.15 On her return from the trip the Sarah was, on 26th October, 1809, captured by a privateer called the Revenge. The captor was in turn herself taken by the Helena, and the Sarah was recaptured by the Enterprize on 10th November, and sent either to Lisbon or Cadiz.16

On 23rd April, 1807, H.M.S. Cornwallis under Captain Charles Johnston, took her departure from Port Jackson for Chili. She sailed round the South Cape without sighting land and, on 13th May, passed the Bounty Islands at a distance of 11 or 12 leagues, and three days afterwards obtained a glimpse of the Chatham Islands—the first mention in contemporary literature of the islands after their discovery in 1791. The Cornwallis sailed past the south of the group at a distance of some 12 or 13 miles, the officers contenting themselves with merely taking the bearings of conspicuous headlands and sketching the outline of the coast without making an effort to land.

The islands lying to the east of Chatham Island were named after the vessel—Cornwallis Islands. Their discovery is thus recorded in the master's log. “At 3.31.4 Longt. by chronometer was 183.25.27 E., the S.E-most I. bore N. 35 E., next N. 30, East end the Longest N 28 E. West end do., N. 21 E. & the westernmost Island N. 17 E. about 5 Lgs. by Estimation. Those islands not appearing on any chart, Captain Charles James Johnston gave them the name of Cornwallis Islands; those Islands appeared to be barren blocks, and do not extend from East to West above 5 miles.” The Cornwallis Islands included Rangiauria or Pitt Island and Rangatira. One of the lieutenants, Wm. H. Smyth, communicated the facts ascertained regarding the position of the islands to the publishers of the “Oriental Navigator” for the benefit of the merchant marine.

In 1807, the Santa Anna, a Spanish prize of 202 tons, owned by Messrs. Lord, Kable and Underwood and commanded by William Moody, made a voyage to the Bounties on a sealing expedition, which was followed by consequences of great importance in the evangelization of the natives of New Zealand. The Santa Anna sailed from Sydney on 10th July, 1807, for “the Seal Fishery, and to proceed to London.”17 She made for the Bay of Islands, New Zealand, and there took on board a native Chief—Ruatara. Ruatara had had some previous experience on board ship. When only eighteen years of age he had shipped on board the Argo, whaler, to get a view of Sydney. He did duty as a sailor for twelve months, and was finally discharged and cheated by the captain out of his pay. To get home from Sydney, he shipped on the Albion, served for six months, and was returned to the Bay of Islands. Ruatara now conceived the idea of visiting King George III., and to secure his object shipped on board the Santa Anna bound for the Bounties.18 On arrival there, the Maori chief and thirteen others of the crew—a Maori, two Tahitians and ten Europeans—were put ashore to kill seals, while the vessel proceeded for supplies to Norfolk Island and New Zealand, leaving the fourteen men with very little water, salt provisions, or bread. In May, 1808, the owners in Sydney received word from Captain Moody, dated from Norfolk Island, where he (Moody) had been since the 1st of March, his vessel having been blown off while he was on shore, calling their attention to the fact that the gang must now be in need of relief. To allay fears it was stated in the press, by way of reply, that the Commerce had sailed from Sydney on 6th February to relieve the gang, and by that time they had been provided for.19

The Santa Anna reached Sydney from Norfolk Island on 8th June, and sailed on 14th October for the sealing isles, from whence she was to proceed to Great Britain. The Commerce (Ceroni) reached Sydney with 3,000 skins on 10th July, 1808.

About five months after the Santa Anna left, the King George, whaler, under the command of Captain Chace, called at the islands, and a few weeks later the Santa Anna returned to her gang. During all this time Ruatara and his companions, there being no water, and scarcely any food to be procured on the island, had undergone such extreme sufferings from thirst and hunger, that three of them had died. After taking their cargo of 8,000 skins on board, the vessel set out on her voyage for England, the great object for which Ruatara had originally shipped, and which had sustained him through all his hardships.

In July, 1809, the Santa Anna arrived in the River Thames, but Ruatara found that he was as far from his object as ever. Instead of seeing the King, he was scarcely permitted to go on shore, and never spent a night out of the ship. Making enquiries how he could see His Majesty, he was sometimes told that he would never be able to find the house, and at other times, that no one was permitted to see George III. This disappointment distressed him so much, that with the toils and privations he had already sustained, a dangerous illness took hold of him. Meanwhile, the master of the Santa Anna, when asked by the Maori chief for wages and clothing, refused to give him any, telling him that he would send him home by the Ann, a vessel taken up by the Government to convey convicts to New South Wales. The captain of that vessel, however, refused to receive him unless the master of the Santa Anna provided him with clothing. The Revd. Samuel Marsden happened to be a passenger to Sydney by the Ann, and, finding out the condition of Ruatara, took him under his charge, and nursed him back to life and strength. Before the vessel reached Rio, Ruatara was able to do his work as a sailor, in a manner equal to the best of the crew. The Ann reached Sydney on 17th February, 1810.

In Sydney the Maori chief resided with his deliverer, and devoted his time to the studying of agriculture. When he left in the Frederick, on 30th November, he took with him various seeds and implements, but Bunker, the captain, appears to have taken the natives to the Bay of Islands and when, within sight of their homes, refused to land them, but sailed away to Norfolk Island and stranded them there. The Frederick fell in with an American cruiser and was captured. Ruatara had not yet reached home. From Norfolk Island the Maori chief reached Sydney, and once more came under the care of Marsden. Finally he got the chance of a trip to New Zealand in another whaler, also called the Ann, and after working his passage for five months, was landed at the Bay of Islands, among his own people.

The friendship thus formed with Marsden, continued unabated until his death. In his position as a chief, he did more to make possible Marsden's mission to New Zealand than any other native. In fact, it may safely be said that the mission could not have been established had it not been for the friendship of Ruatara. And all this was brought about by the desire of a Maori to see King George, and his visit to the Bounties, as a sealer, to earn the wherewithal to gratify his ambition.

The King George, which is mentioned as visiting the sealing gang on the Bounties, was a colonial built vessel of 185 tons, owned by Kable & Co., of Sydney, and had sailed for the Fishery on 28th August, 1808, or less than two months before the Santa Anna left Sydney. As she was engaged in the whale oil and seal skin trade, and was owned by the same firm which sailed the Santa Anna, her captain probably looked in at the islands to leave provisions, and let the gang know that they would shortly be relieved.

Amongst other vessels which sailed for the sealing islands about this time were the Perseverance on 8th August, and the Fox on 30th September, 1808.

CHAPTER XIII. Stewart Island Exploited, 1809 and 1810.

ON 1st October, 1807, there reached Port Jackson a vessel called the Pegasus, destined afterwards to be recorded pioneer of Foveaux Strait, and to give her name to the southern port of Stewart Island. She had been captured from the Spaniards by the frigate Cornwallis, and in the early part of 1808 had been selected to take Bligh, the deposed governor, to England. Later on, in the same year, she was purchased by Thomas Moore of Sydney, and fitted out to engage in the sealing trade. On 15th May, she advertised for men to proceed on a sealing expedition. Her captain's name was Bunker, probably the same man who, in 1791, contemplated visiting Dusky from Sydney, and who, later on, commanded the whaling ship Albion. Captain Bunker was on the eve of sailing for New Zealand, when a gang of desperadoes seized upon the brig Harrington in Farm Cove, Sydney. The next day, 17th May, the Pegasus was chartered, and in twenty-four hours fitted with ballast, provisions, and stands of arms, and on the 18th she sailed in pursuit of the pirates. The Pegasus made for the Bay of Islands and then to Fiji. Her mission was, however, unsuccessful, and on 22nd July, 1808, she returned to Sydney having suffered much from scarcity of provisions, owing to the length of time she had been at sea, and the large number of men (58) which she had on board.

A month was spent in once more fitting the Pegasus for the sealing expedition previously contemplated, and she sailed on 26th August, 1808. Whilst she was lying in Sydney, the Governor Bligh, a colonial vessel commanded by Grono, was also preparing to proceed to the sealing islands off the southern part of New Zealand. Both vessels returned in March of the following year, 1809. The story of their trip is the first record given to the world of the existence of Foveaux Strait and the presence of the island, now known as Stewart Island, at the extreme south of New Zealand. At last the mistake, made by Cook 39 years before, was pointed out. The story is best told in the published account of their voyage.

“Yesterday, 11th March, arrived from the Southward the Governor Bligh, colonial vessel, Mr. Grono master, with upwards of 10,000 fur seal skins. The 31st of January she fell in with the brig Fox at sea, with about the same complement. The Fox had lost her anchors and cables, and was very short of water, which latter want Mr. Grono relieved as far as was in his power. In a new discovered Strait, which cuts off the South Cape of New Zealand from the main land, fell in about the middle of February with the Pegasus, Captain Bunker, who had been pretty successful; and learned from him, that he had spoke the Antipode schooner 9 or 10 weeks before, she being then very short of provisions, and upon the return to the Seal-islands to take her gangs off. In the Strait abovementioned, which is called Foveaux Strait, the Pegasus struck upon a rock but received very little damage, and the Governor Bligh met a like accident, though with no material damage.

“The above Strait Mr. Grono describes as being from about 36 to 40 miles in width, and a very dangerous navigation from the numerous rocks, shoals, and little islands, with which it is crowded.1

“On 15th March arrived the Pegasus, Captain Bunker, belonging to this port, with about 12,600 skins. In Foveaux Straits she fell in with a schooner from England, also on a sealing voyage, commanded by Captain Keith; out eight months. No news of consequence.”

The name of this schooner was probably the Adventure, the captain of which was named Keith, and which is recorded as arriving at Gravesend from the South Seas on 15th September, 1810.2

On the same day as the Pegasus, arrived the Fox,3 with between 13,000 and 14,000 skins and 190 whale's teeth, which were at that time used in the Fiji trade. Captain Cox's crew had been virulently attacked with the scurvy, 26 out of 28 suffering from it, which rendered the navigation of the vessel very difficult. Bad weather experienced was responsible for the loss of a boat, so that it wanted something to compensate for the damage.

The arrivals of seal skins at this time were phenomenal. In one week no less than 45,000 were brought into port, exclusive of 20,000 which were then ready to proceed to England direct in the Santa Anna. As London advices just then indicated an average of thirty shillings per skin when delivered there, the week's imports to Sydney from the sealing islands amounted to no less a sum than £72,500 when delivered in London, and when the Santa Anna's cargo was added, the sum of £102,500.3

On 22nd March, the Antipode arrived with 4,000 seal skins. She was a vessel of 58 tons, belonging to Messrs. Hullets and Blaxland, and on 28th July sailed for Calcutta with coals and cedar under the command of William Sawyers.

On 13th April, 1809, the Governor Bligh sailed for “the sealing islands,” so that it is reasonable to suppose she made back to Foveaux Strait to further exploit the new sealing grounds.

When we consider the length of time—no less than 39 years—which had elapsed since Cook sailed past the entrance of Foveaux Strait, and the continuous trade which shipping had carried on to Dusky Sound, Solander Island, the South Cape and the Snares, to say nothing of the Penantipodes and the Bounties, it passes comprehension that the existence of Foveaux Strait should so long have remained unknown. The fact that Cook's chart showed a dotted connection of the South Cape with the mainland, might well have suggested bays for sealing, if not a strait. The balance of probability is enormously in favour of the opinion now expressed, that the existence of the strait was known prior to 1809. The shipping reports of the vessels first mentioned as being in Foveaux Strait do not speak of the Pegasus or Governor Bligh as having discovered it. No indication is given of the discoverer. It is simply mentioned as a “new discovered Strait.” The fact that we find the Pegasus, the Governor Bligh, and the Fox of Sydney, the Adventure of London, and possibly the Antipode, engaged at one time in sealing on its shores, would suggest that it was known of before 1809. The name Foveaux was in everybody's mouth in Sydney about the time the Pegasus and the Governor Bligh sailed. Lieutenant-Governor Foveaux had arrived from England in July, 1808, and finding that Governor Bligh had been deposed by the people, and about six months before, placed under arrest, had immediately assumed the reins of office and administered the government, until the Home authorities decided the colonial dispute. The fact of his name having been given to the strait only indicates its naming to be after July, 1808. The vessel Governor Bligh being named after the deposed governor, it would be natural that the captain of that craft would suggest the name of the succeeding governor, particularly as Foveaux was at the time the most conspicuous person in the young colony. The name does not solve the question of when the strait was actually discovered, but it very strongly suggests that Grono, the captain of the Governor Bligh, named it. It will be observed that the island now known as Stewart Island remained unnamed.

The owner of the Governor Bligh was Andrew Thompson who had been manager for Governor Bligh in his farming operations in the Hawkesbury District. Thompson had formerly been a convict, but had by good conduct and industry so rehabilitated himself as to secure the favour of the Governor and had been appointed a magistrate. He had also become a shipowner and died a wealthy man. The Governor Bligh was launched from his shipyards at Green Hills (afterwards called Windsor), on 1st April, 1807. In addition to this vessel he owned the Hawkesbury and the Speedwell, small craft of 18 tons each, which he employed in the sealing trade. After his death in 1810, Governor Macquarie, who inherited one fourth of his estate, erected a monument over his grave.

On the return of the Pegasus from her successful trip to Foveaux Strait Captain Bunker left her, and his place was taken by Captain S. Chace (sometimes spelt Chase). The contemplated route of the Pegasus is shown by the following advertisement dated Sunday, 9th April, 1809:—

“Wanted immediately six seamen for the ship Pegasus about to proceed to the River Derwent, and from thence on a Sealing Voyage; after which to England—Application to be made on board to Captain Chase.”

She was bound for England, via Hobart Town, and intended to do some sealing on the road. On 3rd May she sailed for Hobart Town “with provisions and upwards of 50 male prisoners to be distributed among the settlers removed from Norfolk Island thither. The Pegasus arrived at the Derwent on 19th May.4

Leaving Hobart Town after this date, probably in July, she made across to the southern portion of New Zealand. We find in August, 1809, that she was under the command of Captain S. Chace, with Mr. William Stewart (after whom Stewart Island was named) as first officer. On the 7th of that month, when skirting along the southeast coast of Stewart Island, she fell in with a harbour, to which was given the name of Southern Port and into which she sailed, while Mr. Stewart took observations of the position, and made a chart of the harbour, showing the depths of water with great detail. The draft of the chart was forwarded to the editor of the “Oriental Navigator” and published by him in 1816. The notes on Stewart's discoveries are to be found on pp. 87 to 90 of the Tables which accompany the “Oriental Navigator,” and are as follows:—

“The coasts of Stewart Island were explored by the ship Pegasus, Captain S. Chase, in 1809. The island was then found to be uninhabited, abounding in wood fit for shipbuilding and all other purposes, containing several excellent harbours, and runs of the purest water, &c.”

“Pegasus Island. From Captain Stewart's chart, this island appears to be a league and a half in length from N. to S., and a league in breadth E. and W. In the bay there is anchorage in 6, 6½, and 7 fathoms. Latitude observed as stated in the Table, 46° 47′ S. Longitude, same as Cape South.”

Pegasus was evidently the island now known as Codfish. The details given would suggest that the Pegasus circumnavigated Stewart Island.

On the subject of nomenclature, changes in some of the names in Southern Port may be pointed out, and the origin of others may be referred to. Southern Port has given place to Port Pegasus, Chase Island (after the name of the discoverer) to Pearl Island and Sugar Loaf Passage to Narrow Passage. The names Noble Island and Wilson's Inlet probably owe their origin to William Wilson and William Noble who were among the crew of the Pegasus.5 With the Pegasus on her former voyage was a Mr. Mason, which may account for Mason's Bay and Head on the west coast of Stewart Island. They were known by these names as early as 1823.

The name Pegasus also occurs in Pegasus Bay, north of Banks Peninsula. Some of the older maps lay it down as Cook's Mistake or Pegasus Bay. The author's impression is, that after completing his work at Stewart Island Chase sailed up the coast, and, discovering the mistake Cook had made in naming the peninsula, Banks Island, gave the bay the above name. The editor of the “Oriental Navigator” mentions on page 91 of the Tables quoted above “the ship Pegasus advancing from the northward to pass through this supposed channel (between Banks Island and the mainland) fortunately discovered, before night came on, that the island, so called, is really connected with the mainland by a low isthmus, in approaching which they had soundings of 15 and 14 fathoms.” This supports D'Urville's statement, that Chase discovered that Banks Island was a peninsula, and he gives the date as 1809.6

After leaving New Zealand the Pegasus is next recorded as being at the Chathams, where Stewart is again working at his charts, and completing the outline of the island left uncompleted by Broughton. This chart, which is the first complete one of the Chathams, is also to be found in the “Oriental Navigator.” From this point the movements of the sealers are lost, until Lloyds List of 21st August, 1810, records her arrival at Gravesend from Rio, under the command of Chace on the 18th of the month.

The chart made by Stewart, of Pegasus, was in use in the British Navy and among merchantmen down to 1840. We find Captain Nias of H.M.S. Herald, when declaring British sovereignty at Port Pegasus in June, 1840, stating:

“This is one of the finest harbours I have seen, and its survey by our present pilot, Captain Stuart, in the year 1809, I am told by the officers of the ship, does him great credit.”7

This is an appropriate place to discuss what exactly was Stewart's relations to the discovery of Foveaux Strait, and to Stewart Island, of which he is generally referred to as the discoverer. In passing backwards and forwards to the Penantipodes, it is impossible to say whether Stewart learned of the existence of the strait or not. If he did, Sydney journals made no mention of the fact. Stewart is not recorded as being on board either the Pegasus or the Governor Bligh when they met in Foveaux Strait on the occasion of the discovery first being notified. Though not an absolute criterion, still the custom of advertising the departure of men on sealing trips gives a very good idea of the constitution of the crew just at this period, and we cannot find Stewart mentioned as sailing in any of these vessels. Taking the name Foveaux as indicative that the strait was named after Foveaux assumed the reins of government, there is no evidence that Stewart was in the south of New Zealand when the strait was named. In 1809 however, we find Stewart as first mate of the Pegasus surveying the coastline of the island, and it is just probable that the name Stewart Island was given to the land, because Stewart surveyed it, not because he discovered it. His name is here mentioned as W. W. Stewart. As a matter of fact it was William Stewart, but he had a very peculiar signature, and when he signed his name Wm. Stewart, the m was formed exactly as the W, and it read like W. W. as can be seen by a perusal of the facsimile of the treaty of Waitangi.

Reprints of Stewart's notices are here given to meet questions which might be raised as to the identity of the apparently different names.

The first is a correct copy of an advertisement inserted in 1812, after Stewart had notified his intention to leave Sydney as master of the Cumberland.8

Notice.

“I, William Stewart being about to sail out of this Port in a Colonial Vessel, and finding that Detainers have been exhibited against me by Edward Lamb, Thomas Laughlan, and William O'Neal, to neither of whom I am thus indebted, I thus publicly require each of the said Persons, to attend at the Civil Court, on Thursday next the 23rd Instant, to assert their Claims, as I then intend petitioning the said Court that such Detainers may be dismissed as unjust.

William Stewart.”

An advertisement of a Release executed by Stewart and R. Campbell, junr., 1819, shows the mistake of the W. W.

“Notice—We, the undersigned, have this day signed a release up to this 30th day of January 1819.

R. Campbell, Junr.W. W. Stewart.”

On 7th May, 1809, the brig Fox sailed for the sealing grounds of New Zealand. She visited Foveaux Strait, and on 7th October landed a gang under a Mr. Murray. Provisions for six months were left, and the Fox sailed for a six months' cruise, intending at the expiration of that time to call and pick up the members of the party.9 This vessel was spoken by the Governor Bligh before she entered Foveaux Strait for the first time, early in the year, and she was evidently in all haste to take advantage of the new sealing ground opened up by recent discoveries.

Others displayed equal activity in the same direction. With this new trade rush, tragedies continued on the coast. The old pioneer of the trade, the Endeavour, under a new captain, Goodenough, left Sydney in the middle of June, and returned on 25th August with a doleful tale. On the coast of New Zealand, when sealing, she had despatched a boat and six men to find the best station for a gang. Nothing more was heard of them. Every possible search was made along the coast, but all to no purpose. Reduced in strength by this untoward calamity, the Endeavour returned to Sydney to complete her numbers. The sad advertisement rendered necessary by this accident is here given.

“Wanted.—Ten able Seamen or Sealers free of any encumbrance, for the schooner Endeavour, able to proceed to sea on a sealing and whaling voyage, within ten days from the present date. Liberal encouragement will be given. Apply to Messrs. Kable and Underwood.”

Although the south is not mentioned here, we know that Kable and Underwood had their stations in the south, and that the centre of the sealing trade was around Foveaux Strait. Beyond this, we cannot locate the calamity.

In August, 1809, a schooner, the Unity of London, commanded by Captain Daniel Cooper, had got into trouble in Sydney through three convicts and a seaman of the Sydney Cove being found on board of her, and her captain was fined by the authorities £900. She was on the eve of sailing for the southern part of New Zealand when the offence was committed, and returned on 27th October with 3,600 skins. On 15th August, 1810, she again returned to port, after a long sealing voyage, for provisions and to refit. Her cargo consisted of about 6,000 seal skins. The shipping news says:

“She had been mostly about the Islands on the coast of New Zealand, and in Foveaux's Straits, which are about 700 miles to the southward of the Bay of Islands, and describes the natives as particularly friendly. About 45′ to the northward of Dusky Bay she encountered a heavy thunder storm in a port named by Mr. Grono (master of a colonial vessel), Thompson's Sound, another entrance to the southward of which is laid down in the charts by the name of Doubtful Harbour. Her foremast was struck by lightning in five places, by which the lower mast and top mast were much damaged; five men were knocked down at the same instant, between decks, and for a length of time deprived of the use of their limbs, one of them being also severely burnt on the crown, of the head. Three days after, lying at anchor in the above place, the people felt most sensibly the effects of an earthquake; the vessel trembled, and a noise like that of casks rolling about her decks lasted for 3 or 4 minutes.”

The Unity reached Gravesend on 12th June, 1811.

Grono at this time commanded the Governor Bligh, which is recorded on 13th April, 1809, as sailing for “the sealing islands,” and on 19th January, 1810, as returning from “the sealing islands” with about 10,000 skins. The above extract would show that the Sounds were visited by the Governor Bligh, and Thompson Sound named by its captain. Thompson was the shipowner, whose name has been mentioned before as owner of the Speedwell, which he had floated off after it had got ashore. Grono, it will be remembered, was her former captain and owner. He was now regularly sailing as one of Thompson's captains. In 1810 the firm consisted of Lord, Williams and Thompson, and the Governor Bligh was one of their vessels.10 The names of the three members of the firm are preserved in New Zealand in Lords River, Port William (formerly called Williams Bay11) and Thompson Sound.

The view generally held among shipping men is that the Sound was called after Deas Thomson, Colonial Secretary, and in support of this, it is pointed out that one of the coves in the Sound is called Deas Cove, one of the headlands, Colonial Head, and the main island, Secretary Island. Deas Thomson did not leave England until 1828, or 18 years after the Sound is here shewn, from the columns of the Sydney press, to have been named.

Two items of bad news reached Sydney early in 1810. A duty of £20 per ton was imposed on all oil the produce of Australian seas, procured by colonial vessels; and fur seal skins had fallen to an average of from three to eight shillings per skin.

The following report of the doings of the Sydney Cove, during these palmy days of Stewart Island sealing, did not see the light of day until 1826, when in a letter to the “Colonial Times,” Hobart Town, W. Nicholls, ship's mate, described the following circumstances.12

“On the 8th of January, 1810, I was sent on shore with several other men from the ship Sydney Cove, Captain Charles McLaren, at the South Cape of New Zealand, in order to procure seal skins. After leaving the vessel I made towards the shore, and was some distance from it when it began to blow a gale of wind directly off the shore. This forced us to go into a bay near the Cape, contrary to my wish, as I had passed it before, and saw it was iron-bound, having no beach. I proceeded to the north-west end of this bay to procure the best shelter I could, and found to my great surprise an inlet. At the end of the inlet there was a pebbly beach, where we hauled up our boat for the night. The next moming one of my men told me he had found a mast near the beach; I went to look at it and found it to be a ship's top-mast of a very large size. It was very sound, but to all appearances had laid in the water a long time. It was full of turpentine, which, of course, had preserved it. As I was compelled by contrary winds to remain on this inlet three days I had time narrowly to examine the mast. I measured it, and found its length 64ft. from the heel to the upper part of the cheeks; the head had been broken off close to the cheeks. There were two lignum vitae sheaves near the heel, which I took out. Each of these sheaves was 16 inches in diameter; had an iron pin. two round brass plates a quarter of an inch thick and four small iron bolts or rivets, which went through the sheaves and the two brass plates to secure them. I have been some years in the British Navy, and am well assured that this bushing was not English. On taking off the plates from the sheaves I found inside each of the plates ‘No. 32,’ which was, without doubt, the number of the vessel which the mast belonged to. Every ship in the British Navy is numbered, and I doubt not it is the case in other countries. When the ship came for me and my men I informed Captain McLaren about the mast. He looked at the work and gave it as his opinion that the bushing was French. He observed that he did not know of any vessel that was ever lost on the coast that required a topmast of that size except the Endeavour, which was towed into Dusky Bay, and everything that belonged to her got on shore. The Sydney Cove was nearly lost on the Traps one night, and I understand Mr. Kelly our harbourmaster, had also nearly fallen a victim on them. I had almost forgotten to say that, at Captain McLaren's request I gave him the sheaves of the mast to carry them to Europe; but, as the ship he sailed in was confiscated at Rio de Janeiro it is probable that they may have been lost. Captain McLaren is still (1826) sailing out of Rio, and it is very likely he may have some memorandum which will corroborate this statement of mine, the greater part of which I have taken from my log.”

In the latter part of 1809 a syndicate had been formed in Sydney to collect flax in the North Island and manufacture it into cordage and canvas. Messrs. Lord, Williams, and Thompson despatched a party of men in connection with this syndicate, under the command of William Leith, to gather the flax. Leith was disappointed with the prospects of the trade and advised his principals:

“As soon as I have completed the cargo of the Experiment and dismissed her, shall continue to trade about the East Cape if possible for a short time, and then proceed to Queen Charlotte Sound, Cooks Streights, being informed here by the whalers who have been there this season that the flax plant abounds in that Sound, even to the tops of the hills. I have likewise information that there is very few if any, natives there. This sound being not far out of our way to Foveaux Streights induces me to make a tryal of it. Should it, on my arrival, promise to answer my purpose, I intend remaining in it during the midwinter months. You will therefore please to direct the master of such vessel as you may judge proper to send to our relief to make Cook's Streights. On each side of the entrance of the Sound I purpose fixing a cross, or nailing a piece of timber across a tree, as a signal of our being within it. Should we leave the Sound previous to the arrival of such vessel, I will leave directions pointing out our course, enclosed in bottles and buried at the root of trees, or crosses with a string affixed and leading above ground. If we should not be in the Sound, nor any signs remain of our having been there, it will be necessary for such vessel (the relief) to run up to the Bay of Plenty and the East Cape before the master attempts to search for us in Williams's or any other bay in Foveaux Streights. The same signals I shall make in the last as in the before mentioned streights.”13

This is the first mention of a visit to Queen Charlotte Sound since Cook last saw it in 1776, and gives us the interesting information that Cook's old Sound had been used by whalers during the season of 1809. The names of the vessels to which Leith refers are not recorded but those met with by him at the Bay of Islands were the Speke (John Kingston), the Inspector (John Walker), the Atlanta (Josh. Morris), the Perseverance (Fredk. Hasselbourgh), the Spring-grove and the New Zealander.

The Governor Bligh, Chace, was despatched with supplies for Leith on 27th March, 1810. Before however, she reached her destination, Leith's men had become impatient, if they had not become frightened at the state of the natives, and returned in the New Zealander under Captain Elder. The Governor Bligh meantime, failing to find the whereabouts of Leith's gang, returned via Stewart Island, reaching Sydney on 18th August. While coming through Foveaux Strait, she fell in with a gang left there by the Fox, and brought back with her the overseer, Mr. Murray, who came on to Sydney to get provisions, the gang being left in great straits, owing to their stock of six month's provisions, left them on 7th October, 1809, being exhausted.14

The Fox had gone to Amsterdam Island, where she was wrecked on 26th September, 1810. On 28th December following, the Ranger (Parker), called at the island, but on account of her destination could render no assistance. The shipwrecked men waited patiently until 3rd March following, when the Rose (Cary), of Nantucket, bound for China, called in and took Captain Cox, his mates, boatswain and an apprentice on with her. The captain went on board the Canada (Ward) in Gaspar Strait beyond Sumatra, and in her to London. Arrived at his destination, he arranged for the Mary (Laughlan) to call on her way to Sydney. On reaching Amsterdam Island, Laughlan found that eight shipwrecked mariners had been rescued by the Venus (Bunker) of London, on her way to Timor on 3rd June, 1811. The Mary reached Sydney on 7th May, 1812.15 The “New Bedford Mercury” of 16th August, 1811, records the rescue by the Rose, and states that the eight were left on the desolate island owing to the want of water on board the rescuing vessel.

The shipping report of 25th August, 1810, says: “We also learn from Mr. Murray that two gangs left by the Sydney Cove, one in Molyneux's Straits, and the other on the South Cape of New Zealand, were under similar circumstances, being left with three months' provisions in November last, since which period the vessel had not returned. Their distresses must in consequence be severe, but will be brought to as speedy a crisis as every possible exertion on the part of the owners can render practicable. The gang at the South Cape had unfortunately lost their only boat shortly after they were landed; which was however replaced by one that was spared to them from the Fox's party, without which their condition would have been exceedingly distressing.

“From his long stay in Foveaux's Straits, Mr. Murray became tolerably conversant in the native language which he describes as totally different from that of the Bay of Islands, though the people of both places dress much alike, and are nearly similar in their manners. There were two small towns on that part of the coast upon which his gang was stationed, each of which contained between 20 and 30 houses, each house containing two families. These houses are built with posts, lined with reeds, and thatched with grass. They grow some potatoes, which with their mats they exchange with the sealers for any articles they choose to give in exchange, preferring iron or edged tools, none of which they had ever before had in their possession. Those on the sea-coast live chiefly upon fish; their canoes are very inferior to those of the Bay of Islands, not exceeding 18 inches in breadth, but from 14 to 16 feet in length; which want of proportion renders it unsafe to venture at any distance without lashing two of these vehicles together, to keep them from upsetting. Their offensive weapons are stone axes of an immoderate size and weight, and large spears from 12 to 14 feet in length, which they do not throw; and as an unquestionable evidence of barbarity, Mr. M. affirms, that when two factions take the field, their women are ranked in front of either line, in which posture they attack and defend, the men levelling their weapons at each other over the heads of the unfortunate females, who rend the air with shrieks and lamentations while the conflict lasts, and frequently leave more dead upon the field than do their savage masters. The vanquishers devour the bodies of their fallen enemies, and bury their own dead; and like the Gentoos, the women follow their husbands to the shades. To their king or principal chief, whom they call the Pararoy, they pay profound respect; and such was their deference to superior rank, that no civilities were paid to any of Mr. Murray's people unless he were present; and he also was honoured with the rank and title of Pararoy.”

All concern about the safety of the Sydney Cove was set at rest by the news in November from Norfolk Island, per the Cyclops, that the missing vessel had been there and sailed for the relief of her gangs in Foveaux Strait.

On 26th March, 1811, the schooner Boyd, a vessel constructed from the long boat of the ill-fated Boyd, of Whangaroa Harbour fame, returned from the relief of various sealing gangs in the employment of Campbell, Hook & Co., in Foveaux Strait. She reported:

“At Port William, which is distant about 60 miles from Solander's Island, she fell in with a whale boat with seven men left by the Brothers in October 1809; from the Overseer of whom Mr. Holford (the captain) received the mortifying intelligence of several boat's crews in various employs having been barbarously murdered, and mostly devoured by the cannibal natives.”

The Brothers must have sailed from England and left the sealing gang there, as she reached England on 12th September, 1808. In November, 1811, Mr. Robert Brown, late chief mate of the Brothers, was in Sydney, and left word at the “Sydney Gazette” office that in Foveaux Strait he found a cask of seal skins, 42 in number, at high water mark, out of all protection, and intimating that they could be obtained by the owners on proof and payment of expenses.16

The following further quotations from the Boyd's report are of interest:

“The Sydney Cove, for whose safety some serious apprehension had been entertained here, Mr. H. reports to have been at Port William, and from thence proceeded to the Island of Macquarie, where it is hoped her voyage will turn to good account.

“Three men who had fled from a gang in the above straits, and had gone among the natives, with a boat and a number of carpenter's implements, were also killed and devoured, and thus sadly atoned for their desertion under circumstances that intailed a series of inconvenience and distresses on their companions, as well as for their temerity in wantonly exposing themselves to the fury of the merciless hordes of savages that infest that barbarous coast.

“One of the persons brought up in the Boyd from New Zealand, gives an account of a hurricane that happened there on the 21st of March 1810, which he describes as most furious and terrific, dismantling forests of their largest trees, separating massy rocks, and filling the imagination with awe and terror. To a lonely European, constantly in dread of being surprised and murdered by the people upon whose soil the destinies had cast him, without a shelter from the fury of the elements, miserable and deplorable must have been his condition. But to one so lost and so seemingly forsaken for a time, it was the Will of Providence at length to find relief, and to preserve him as an example to Mankind that the Divine Aid extends itself to the most humble, and can exalt to happiness the mind that sinks beneath the cheerless gloom of hopeless melancholy.”17

In April, 1811, the Sydney Cove returned to Sydney and confirmed the account brought by the Boyd, of the loss of a boat's crew of six men on the coast of New Zealand, the victims of savage barbarity.18

No vessel's name was specified in the Boyd's report, but from the above it is plain that the boat with the six men belonged to the Sydney Cove, and that 1810 was the date when she had her gangs stationed on the coast of Foveaux Strait and Stewart Island.

CHAPTER XIV. Macquarie Island Trade, 1810 TO 1820.

In the month of December, 1809, a vessel called the Boyd, was in Whangaroa Harbour. She had on board a valuable cargo of skins and oil, and had called at that port to load timber and spars for England. While engaged in cutting down trees, her captain and her crew were attacked by the natives and killed to a man. The wild savages then attacked the ship, butchering everyone but a boy, a woman and two little children, and burning the ship to the water's edge. During the April following the captains of five vessels in the locality organized a punitive expedition which killed sixty natives and captured a large quantity of their property as well as the longboat and papers of the burnt vessel. One of the vessels engaged in this expedition was the Perseverance, under Captain Hasselbourgh. In her the longboat and papers were sent to Sydney. On her arrival there the Perseverance was fitted out for a trip to the south, in search of new sealing grounds. From this trip she returned on Friday, 17th August, 1810, and is reported simply as “from the Southward, having left part of her crew for the purpose of procuring skins.” As a matter of fact she had found new country, rich in seals, and before the news could leak out, every effort was being made by the firm of Campbell & Co., who owned the vessel, to get fully equipped vessels sent off post haste to the scene of the new oil and skin harvest. The day after her arrival the owners placed the following advertisement in the “Sydney Gazette”:—

“Wanted immediately, Ten or Twelve able Hands, to engage on a Sealing and Whaling Voyage, to whom good encouragement will be given. Apply at the office of Messrs. Campbell and Co.”

When the Perseverance arrived in Sydney, a New York brig of 180 tons called the Aurora was in that port, getting ready to sail on a sealing expedition. Having a slight start of the others in the matter of preparation, she was the first to get to sea, and cleared for the new discoveries on 19th September. Her regular master was Owen F. Smith, but for this voyage S. B. Chace was given command, doubtless on account of his experience in this class of work. No information of the locality of the find, nor even of the fact that one had been made, leaked out to the press. Only the activity in shipping circles disclosed that something unusual was in the air. The Aurora was quickly followed on 3rd October by the brig Star, 102 tons, (Captain John Wilkinson), and on 20th October by the schooner Unity, 160 tons, (Captain Daniel Cooper).1 The firm of Campbell & Co. had despatched the Perseverance and the Elisabeth and Mary, the large supplies of salt required for curing the skins having been obtained from the Government, in exchange for animal food, and from private individuals. The Sydney Cove, returning from Norfolk Island to relieve her gangs at the Molyneux and South Cape, also obtained information of the find, and, as we saw, was reported by Captain Holyford of the Boyd to have proceeded from Port William to the same destination. This was the “First Fleet” to Macquarie Island, six sail all told, starting within a few days of one another, and that no less than 99 years ago. But the discovery by the Perseverance of wreckage on the shore seemed to indicate that some previous voyager had already seen the hitherto unrecorded land.

By the end of the year the fleet began to arrive at Sydney. First to reach that port as she had been first to leave was the Aurora, on Sunday, 10th December. “A vessel was in sight on Saturday evening which did not get within the Heads till late on Sunday morning. She proves to be the American brig Aurora, Captain Smith, which sailed from this Port about ten weeks since in quest of islands, that were reported to be abundantly stocked with seal; upon which speculation several other vessels sailed about the same period, and amongst others the Perseverance, Mr. Frederick Hasselbourg master, who, we are sorry to learn, was drowned among the islands, as was also a young woman of the name of Fahar.”2 The ship's customs entry shows that she did not bring any very great cargo, having only 100 seals skins and 140 gallons elephant oil. In the next issue of the Sydney paper the above news was supplemented with the information that the passage back was done from Campbell Island in sixteen days, and that the unfortunate Captain Hasselbourgh lost his life on Sunday, 4th November, at Campbell Island, by the upsetting of his boat at the mouth of the harbour, and that three persons perished with him.

Captain Smith supplied for public information the following about the islands: “Campbell's Island lies in latitude 52° 32′ S., long, per observation of sun and moon 169° 30′ E. of Greenwich; high water at full and change at 12 o'clock; variation of the compass 12° E. This island is about 30 miles in circumference, the country mountainous; there are several good harbours on the island, of which two on the east side are preferable.”

The captain also visited Macquarie Island, situated in latitude 50° 40′ S. longitude 159° 45′ E. and the report thereon reads:

“This island is of a moderate height, nearly flat on the top, on which are several lagoons of fresh water; the island is about twenty miles in length, and five in breadth, lying nearly in a north and south direction, a straight shore on each side, with reefs extending from the north and south point; there is no harbour, but good anchorage is to be found under the lee of the island; about twenty-five miles N.N.E. of the north point of the Island lies a small Isle called the Judge, and a Reef called the Judge's Clerk: about thirty miles S.S.E. of the south point of the Island; and an Islet and Reef which Captain Smith gave the name of the Bishop and “his Clerk. Captain Smith saw several pieces of wreck of a large vessel on this Island, apparently very old and high up in the grass, probably the remains of the ship of the unfortunate De la Perouse.

“The above islands were discovered by Captain Hasselborough in the brig Perseverance, belonging to Messrs. Campbell and Co. during the last year; there are few seals on either of them, but there is an immense number of sea elephants on Macquarie's Island.”

The gentleman who supplied the foregoing information, suggested to the press the probability of the existence of numerous islands in the higher latitudes yet remaining undiscovered, and advised a good look out to be kept on vessels making the passage round Cape Horn.

One of the persons unfortunately drowned with Captain Hasselbourgh was George, the second son of Mr. Allwright, baker, of Sydney, a remarkably fine and promising youth,3 between 12 and 13 years of age, who had shipped on board the Perseverance. The sad circumstances attending his death cast a gloom over Sydney.

It is a matter for comment that although there is no uncertainty expressed by the “Sydney Gazette” of that date as to the identity of the discoverer of Macquarie Island, still publications from a very early date have given to Hasselbourgh the credit of discovering Campbell Island, but in regard to Macquarie Island have ascribed it to “a colonial vessel of Port Jackson.” This has always introduced an element of uncertainty into matters connected with the discovery. It should be distinctly understood that both Campbell and Macquarie Islands were discovered by the same man and on the same trip.

On 8th January, 1811, the Perseverance arrived with a cargo of elephant oil and brought the full particulars of the death of her captain, the unfortunate discoverer of these islands, and of the heroic valour of one of his men. The account furnished was as follows:—

“On Sunday, the 4th of November, the Perseverance, of which he was master, then lying at Campbell's Island, Mr. Hasselbourg ordered the jollyboat to be got ready to take him on shore to a part of the island at which his oil-casks were, about five miles from the vessel; which his left at two in the afternoon, with five persons, namely, Elizabeth Farr, a young woman, who was a native of Norfolk Island; George Allwright, a young lad, second son of Mr. Thomas Allwright, of this place; Jas. Bloodworth, the ship's carpenter; Richard Jackson, a seaman; and a New Zealand boy. The weather being somewhat cold, Mr. Hasselbourgh had very heavily cloathed himself, and wore a thick Flushing boat cloak, together with a pair of strong high water-boots, the weight of which must have baffled every personal exertion when necessary to his preservation. After an absence of three hours, the vessel was unexpectedly hailed from the nearest point of land, whither the other boat was despatched, and the persons that had hailed proved to be Bloodworth, Jackson, and the New Zealand Boy, who gave the melancholy information of the three others having perished in the following manner. Having safely reached the place intended, where the Captain found the casks in safety, they put off to return to the vessel, and were obliged to beat to windward. When nearly two miles distant from the shore a sudden gust came off the land, which took the boat broadside on, and before the sheet could be let go she was gun whale under, filled instantly and disappeared. The safety of six human beings being thus committed to a Ruling Power, whose decrees are just and absolute, each was affected by the peril in proportion to their confidence in their personal strength and dexterity. Jackson pushed immediately towards the shore, and being a strong hearty man saved his life with ease. The little New Zealander followed his example, and had just strength enough to gain the shore. Bloodworth, regardless of himself, sprang forward to the assistance of the woman, whom he considered most likely to be in need of it; and finding that she could swim, he cheered her with the assistance of his ready aid, and turned towards his Commander, who was imploring his assistance; but who, alas, after struggling some minutes to sustain himself with an oar and boathook, before he reached him, sank into the abyss of eternity. His next object was to save, if possible, the litle boy whose danger was most imminent; and he, unhappily, sunk as he approached him. Thus sadly mortified by the disappointment of the hopes to which his generosity had aspired, even at the moment when his own safety was in doubt, his female charge remained alone the object of his attention. The poor creature was exhausted, and had not the power of contributing to her own deliverance. With one arm supporting her, however, he swam upwards of a mile, through a rough sea, and with her gained the strand; but vain had been his labour, for respiration had for ever ceased. Agonised with horror, disappointment, and regret, he laid the breathless body of the ill-fated female beneath the cover of a bush, and, dreadfully expent with his fatigues, explored his way towards the point off which the vessel lay, and fell in with the others in his route. A boat was the same evening sent in search of the body, which darkness prevented from being found. The next morning, however, it was discovered, and the day following interred on shore, with every decency the circumstances of the case admitted. The bodies of the other two were not discovered when the vessel came away.”

Letters of administration in the deceased's estate applied for by Charles Hook of the firm of Campbell, Hook, & Co.4 closes the record of the captain of the Perseverance.

Judge Advocate's Office, Sydney

, 12th Jan., 1811.

“Whereas Charles Hook Esq. of Sydney hath this Day applied to me to grant unto him Letters of Administration of the Goods, Chattels, and Effects of the late Frederick Hasselbourgh, Mariner, deceased, which were in this Territory at the time “of his Death, the next Kin of the said Frederick, and all others claiming to be interested in the Grant of the said Letters of Administration, are hereby summoned to appear before the Court of Colonial Jurisdiction, at Sydney, on Monday the 21st Day of this instant, January, to show Cause why the same should not be granted to the said Charles Hook, Esq., a principal creditor of the said Frederick deceased.”

(Signed) Ellis Bent, Judge Advocate.

His name still survives on our coast in the Hazelburgh Islands just off Ruapuke. His name as spelt by himself, when reporting the massacre of the Boyd punitive expedition to Governor Macquarie, is “Hasselberg”; spelt in the Letters of Administration and by his employers who next to himself would know best, it is “Hasselbourgh”; spelt in the “Oriental Navigator” of 1816 and in New Zealand maps it is “Hazelburgh.” The last the author would surmise to be the most improbable spelling of the three. He named Campbell Island after the head of the firm he worked for, and Macquarie Island after the then Governor of New South Wales. The name of the discovering vessel is preserved in Perseverance Harbour, and that of Campbell's partner, in Hook's Kays, both in Campbell Island.

The third vessel of the “First Fleet” to return to Sydney was the Elizabeth and Mary (Gordon), Campbell & Co.'s second vessel. She returned on Saturday, 2nd March, 1811, with a cargo of skins. She reported that the Star had sailed from Macquarie Island for England—the first vessel to do this,—that a gang in the employ of Messrs. Kable and Underwood had met with “fine success,” and that the same firm's vessel, the Sydney Cove, and also the Unity, were at Macquarie Island.

The position of the islands having now been made known and the return of the “First Fleet” having supplied the shipping at Sydney with full information of the prospects of the skin and oil trade, the speculative nature of a voyage largely disappeared, and a regular trade set in. On 9th February the Aurora, cleared for the Derwent, and to proceed on to the islands. She returned on 19th May, a full ship. The Concord, a brig of 150 tons, left Sydney on 8th March and made for Macquarie Island. She reached that place early in April, 1811. On the 8th of that month she was there, and near the north end of the island “came to anchor in 12 fathoms water, strong winds and cloudy. At 5 drove off the bank, hove the anchor up, and worked the ship in-shore again. At 11 came-to again off Ballas Beach in 13 fathoms.” So she reported for the information of navigators.5 She left a gang of sealers on the island, and on 1st May returned to Sydney. On 10th April the Mary and Sally sailed for the islands, and on 1st June the Concord commenced her second trip.

On Friday, 12th April, the fourth vessel of the “First Fleet” returned to Sydney. This vessel, the Sydney Cove, brought altogether 1,000 skins6 and 40 casks of sperm oil. The report on the work of her gang was favourable.

On 4th October the Concord reached port with a tale of storm and sea in the high latitudes such as the mariner of to-day in his larger vessel is a total stranger to. Told by the press of the day it reads:—

“On Friday, arrived the brig Concord, Captain Garbut from Macquarie's Island, whither she went from hence to supply her oiling and sealing gangs. She left this port on the 1st of June, and made the Islands on the 12th of July; when being boarded by two boats from the shore a hurricane began to blow, and she was obliged to take on boats and crews, which otherwise must have perished. In bearing off the land under close reefed fore sail and fore topsail, the canvas was rent from the yards, in which condition her bulwark was dashed in by one tremendous sea. Before she could regain her place six weeks elapsed, during which period Captain Garbut adhered to the latitude as nearly as wind and weather would permit, and at length obtaining a lunar observation, found himself 10 degrees to the eastward of his distance. Upon his making the island the second time Cap. G. got his provisions and necessaries for his gangs landed with every possible activity; at which his people had much reason to rejoice, as upon the third day he was again blown off, but having perfected his object, returned to this port. The people stationed on the island are represented as being in a deplorable condition for the want of food and other necessaries, as neither the vessels sent thither had arrived. The Perseverance, from the last accounts received of her being in Storm Bay Passage, had not had time to be there, probably, when Captain Garbut came away, which was the 5th of August. The Mary and Sally had been seen off before the Concord's first arrival at the island, but was unfortunately unable to make it, and never had returned: she is in consequence supposed to have shaped her course for Campbell's Island, to procure elephant oil and hair seal skins until the weather should be more favourable, rather than persevere in an attempt to make Macquarie's at so tempetuous and precarious a season; and the more especially as her sealing gang, if landed, would have found little or no employ until the bodies of seals began to come up, which would not be the case for some weeks. The falls of snow had been very heavy, the whole island was covered, and exhibited a dreary scene, to which the intenseness of the cold gave additional effect.”

The Perseverance sailed serenely into Sydney Harbour on 31st October, and landed a cargo of not less than 35,000 skins without a whisper of any difficulties encountered.

The other vessel mentioned in the Concord's report, the Mary and Sally, reached port on 27th November. She had, on 12th April, sailed from Sydney for the Derwent, reaching there on 27th April, and remaining until 18th May. After sighting Macquarie Island she could not make the land owing to adverse winds and was compelled to run to Campbell Island, where she landed an oiling party. She afterwards made Macquarie Island and landed part of her sealing gang with some provisions, but was blown off the coast with the loss of an anchor and cable. She came back to Sydney, quite empty, to refit. When her hunting parties were at Campbell Island they reported seeing two animals of the hyena kind. From the description given it was thought they belonged to the same species as an animal that had been killed at Port Phillip some years before. Cook at Dusky, and Weddell at South Shetland, both mention this proclivity of the old sailor for seeing some strange animal.

After the terrible experience of the Concord already narrated, Garbut made every effort to get back to his men in their desolate wintery quarters in the far south. Early in the year he was at Macquarie Island killing sea elephants and seals, and bringing the skins round to the west side of the island. On 24th January, 1812, at 9 a.m., he sent a boat to the west side for skins, but the boat was upset in the surf and all hands lost. Six men were on board, but though the wreckage of the boat was found there was no trace of the bodies. This was the first boat tragedy at Macquarie Island. On 3rd February the Concord was still on the coast reporting strong gales and squally westerly weather.6 The Concord sailed from the island for England on 10th March with a cargo of 13,700 skins and 50 tons of oil.7 During the same month, presumably on her road to England, she called at Campbell Island, and, in suitable shelter, wooded and watered, but reported experiencing strong gales.8

Holding, who had sailed on 23rd February, returned on 7th May with the Perseverance and a cargo of 9,000 skins and 66 tons of elephant oil. He reported the Concord's accident to Sydney shipping circles, and the details inform us that the sad accident took place only some 20 yards from the shore, that of the six men in the boat four belonged to the Concord, and two to Mr. Murray's gang working for Campbell & Co. About two months after the accident a mutilated body was found on a bank, the only one of the bodies ever recovered.9 The account first quoted is that supplied by Captain Garbut in London, on the arrival there of the Concord, and is taken from the log of that vessel; the latter is from the Sydney files.

Referring to these sealing gangs, Charles Hook, who managed the business of Robert Campbell & Co., tells us that “the number varied. In the brig Perseverance he never had less than twenty men, officers included. There was also a gang of additional men on board to be left at the islands with provisions for the purpose of sealing. The vessel generally returned from her voyage without them and went to the islands with fresh supplies for the men and to receive their skins and oil they had collected. They were always upon lays, a term used for a certain proportion of the earnings differing according to the qualifications of the men.”

Holding reported success all along the line. The Mary and Sally had made Macquarie Island bound for Campbell Island on 20th March. The Sydney Cove had been at Macquarie Island two months when she was driven off on 11th March with the loss of her anchors and cables, and had not returned on 7th April, when the Perseverance left. She had received on board 11,000 skins and 70 tons of oil. The Governor Bligh had gone eastward with 10 tons of oil and 4,000 skins, and Captain Stewart in the Cumberland had procured some oil and left Macquarie Island three months before.

The Governor Bligh returning on 7th June reported that from about 20th December, 1811, to 24th February, 1812, she had been beating off and on the coast at Macquarie Island, occasionally corresponding with the shore when the weather permitted, but on the latter date she had been blown off with only three men on board besides the master, and was unable to make the island again.

Stewart in the Cumberland, on reaching Campbell Island, found that of the gang of six men left by the Mary and Sally, only one, Henry Neale, a cooper, remained alive. It appears that two months before his relief the whole of his companions had gone on an excursion in a boat, and had never returned. Neale when rescued was in a very debilitated state, brought on by despondency, but quickly recovered.10 This was the second boat tragedy on Campbell Island.

With such an extensive shipping in such a wild inclement region it was to be expected that shipwrecks would not be uncommon. So far however none had occurred. As a matter of fact, throughout the period of history we have been engaged with, not one wreck had been experienced upon the coast. The Endeavour was taken into Facile Harbour and condemned. She was not wrecked. Wreckage, it is true, was found on Campbell Island when the latter was discovered, but its origin to this day is shrouded in mystery. The same may be said of the wreckage at South Cape. Both may have come from a distance. When any vessel of the New Zealand trading craft met with disaster it was generally on the Australian coast. Now however, we have to record a wreck.

The Campbell Macquarie was a vessel of 248 tons, built and registered at Calcutta. On 22nd March, 1812, under the command of Richard Siddons, she was sent to Macquarie Island to take thence the sealing party connected with the House of Underwood. It had also been agreed, that any of the other gangs that wished to be brought away could come in her.11 It was likewise intended she should do some exploration work in the way of looking for new sealing grounds in the higher southern latitudes.12 From Sydney she sailed to Kangaroo Island, and thence to Macquarie Island.13 On 10th June while there she ran aground and went to pieces. Her crew of 12 Europeans and 30 lascars were all got ashore. She had nearly three suits of sails, and when the weather cleared up the crew succeeded in getting these ashore, where they were stored in a hut, which was afterwards accidentally destroyed by fire. All her stores were lost, independently of which she had on board 2,000 prime skins, 36 tons of salt, and 118 tons of coal taken in lieu of ballast. Captain Siddons, Mr. Kelly, chief mate, and the crew remained ashore from 10th June to 11th October, when they were taken off by the Perseverance and given passages to Sydney, where they arrived on 30th October at Broken Bay. While on the island four of the lascars died, also a seaman of the Mary and Sally named Thomas McGowen. On receipt of the unfortunate news, Mr. Underwood of Sydney made every effort to secure the relief of the men marooned by this wreck. He purchased the Elizabeth and Mary, and fitted her for a trip to the southern islands. In his anxiety to secure men he advertised in the rather unusual manner that he would be responsible for anyone's debts that would go.

“Mr Joseph Underwood hereby gives Notice that the Schooner Elizabeth and Mary will sail for Macquarie Islands for the Relief of the Gangs there stationed at the end of the present Week, and that he will be responsible for the payment of any Persons Debts who may proceed thereon, provided they shall be brought in to him before the Vessel sails.”11

Such expedition did Underwood show, that on 7th November, just eight days after news of the wreck was received in Sydney, the schooner Elizabeth and Mary, under Captain Siddons, sailed for the relief of the shipwrecked crew and of the sealing gangs belonging to the firm generally.14 The same expedition distinguished her journey as her fitting out, and on 20th January, 1813, the relieving vessel reached Sydney with such of the rigging, stores, &c., as had been saved from the wreck.

After the wreck of the Campbell Macquarie and the return of her gangs to Sydney, the sealing and oiling trade of the far south appears to have flagged. The Governor Bligh returned on 15th December, 1813, with the gang of the Active, found on the West Coast, and the fact that her cargo contained 5 tons of elephant oil, shows that amongst other places she had visited the southern elephant ground.

In the same year, 1813, the Mary and Sally is also reported making for the Campbell and Macquarie Islands, returning on 10th April, 1814, with a cargo of 80 tons of elephant oil, got in three months, at Macquarie Island. On 17th December, 1814, the Elizabeth and Mary arrived in Sydney, after placing a gang on Macquarie Island. The same month witnessed the departure from Sydney of the Cumberland and the Endeavour on the 6th, and the Betsy on the 28th.

The tragic voyage of the last named crew is recorded under another heading.

We have seen from the great falling off in the number of vessels that cleared from Sydney to Macquarie Island, that the apparently inexhaustible supplies that greeted the first visitors had been sadly decreased, if not almost exhausted, by the wholesale butchery carried on. This was not a new thing in sealing. The Bass Strait sealing had proceeded on the same lines. The supplies from the West Coast Sounds and the coast of Stewart Island had given out. Now Macquarie Island supplies were doomed to a like fate. The position at the time (1815) is well put in the following article in the “Sydney Gazette.”15

“Between three and four years ago Macquarie Island was discovered to abound in seals and above 100,000 skins were procured there in the season. The case however, is now very different, as the whole number collected there by several gangs this season does not exceed five or six thousand. The decrease of the amphibious brood may be very naturally accounted for from the practice adhered to of killing promiscuously all the seal that offer, of which the Clap Match or female seal, furnish great proportion. The Pups or young seal were also indiscriminately slaughtered, so that the means of increase were totally annihilated unless from the solitary few which escaped the vigilance of the hunters, and which would require to enjoy length of undisturbed security and repose before their numbers were sufficiently recruited to afford a competent allurement to renew hostility. These causes were sufficient to counteract the prospect of benefitting from a fitting out hither for seal for many years to come, but it might have “been looked forward to as an advantageous scene of adventure at a future period. This prospect is however totally obliterated by the ravages committed on the younger seal by innumerable wild dogs bred from those unthinkingly left on the island by the first gangs employed upon it. The birds which were formerly numerous, and were found capable of subsisting a number of men without any other provision have also disappeared from the same cause. Their nests which were mostly in inaccessible situations have been despoiled of their young, and the older birds themselves surprised and devoured by these canine rovers, which as they multiply must every day diminish the value of one of the most productive places our sealers were ever stationed at.”

There is little room to doubt the correctness of this description of Macquarie Island; and the anticipations of the future trade are borne out by the fact that during the next five years the Elizabeth and Mary, owned by Joseph Underwood, was almost the only vessel engaged in the trade. The few avenues of information open to us do not supply us with much information, but in 1817 and 1818, when making south, Underwood's craft touched at the Derwent for wood and water. During the greater portion of this time she was commanded by Beveridge, and combined whaling with her other pursuits. As a sample of the frightful weather which had to be faced in the pursuit of the riches of the South it may be mentioned that during a trip in 1819, the Campbell Macquarie, while under Beveridge, was blown off the island no less than seven times, losing two anchors and cables. The probability is that on that occasion she was relieving a gang which she had taken down in February, 1819, as the columns of the Sydney press give us the following advertisements.16

“Wanted, Twelve or Fifteen men principally Sealers. Apply at Mr. Joseph Underwood's.

“Wanted, a Cooper, for Macquarie Island Apply at Mr. Joseph Underwood's.”

While the Betsy's gang was stationed at Macquarie Island a series of very severe earthquakes were experienced, commencing on 31st October, 1815, and continuing with more or less severity until 5th May, 1816. Mr. Thomson, who had charge of the sealing and oiling party, kept a journal of these remarkable phenomena, and as it may be of interest to scientific men to know their sequence, an extract is reproduced here.17

“The first which took place on 31st of October, 1815, at one in the afternoon, overthrew rocks, and gave to the ground the motion of a wave for several seconds. Several men were thrown off their legs, and one was considerably hurt by his fall, but soon recovered. At two o'clock the same afternoon another earthquake was felt, another at four o'clock, and ten during the night, all of which were accompanied with a noise in the earth like that of distant thunder, the wind northward and westward. The 1st of November another shock was felt; and as the people were employed in distant divisions, their observations of the effects produced by the phenomena was most general. An overseer of a gang states that he witnessed the falling of several mountains, and the rocking of others which seemed to have separated from the summit to the base. On the 3rd of Nov., hard frost and heavy snow, two very severe shocks were felt. The 5th, 9th, and 11th were attended with some alarming phenomena. The 7th, 8th, and 9th of Dec., one was felt on each day; and also on the 16th of January and 1st of April.

“The first which was upon the 31st of October, was generally supposed to have been the most alarming. It was preceded by a cloudy atmosphere of seven days duration, in the course of which neither sun, moon, nor stars were seen. The people were much alarmed and expected nothing short of the islands total disappearance, or of being engulphed within its bowels.”

Though not strictly connected with Macquarie Island trade, still the visit of a scientific expedition to Campbell Island is always worthy of mention. The Uranie bound for France left Sydney on Christmas Day, 1819, and passing the southern part of New Zealand sighted Campbell Island on 7th January, 1820. Captain Freycinet's account of the island is a description of its bare hills and absence of vegetation. A Sydney convict stowaway who had once been on the island sealing, mentioned the existence of an anchorage in the southern part, but owing to his legendary stories he was discredited. She appears to have done nothing beyond sighting the island and sailing away.

So far the Macquarie Island trade had been wholly a Sydney one and, latterly, confined to one firm which employed but a single vessel, the Elizabeth and Mary. The natural result began in due course to make itself manifest. The butchery having ceased, the reproductive powers of the seal and the elephant caused an increase in these amphibious herds, and by 1820 the hunter found it profitable to put in his appearance. This revival of the trade made itself more largely manifest at Hobart Town. It developed in a new direction in that the vessels, when laden, sailed to England with their cargoes, instead of regularly plying between the Australian ports and Macquarie Island.

On 11th May, 1820, Beveridge brought the Elizabeth and Mary into port from Macquarie Island, after a terrible fight with wind and weather.

During this visit he made search after an island laid down on some of the charts and globes of that day, by the name of Company's Island, having, as it was said, been discovered by some Spanish Indiaman, about a century before, but lost sight of. Its situation was described to be in 49° S. lat. and 142° E long. Captain Beveridge could not find it. He succeeded in getting to 135° E. and then kept an east course within 6 miles of the given bearings of the island, but none such were visible. Other commanders had also sought for it in vain; from which the Sydney navigators inferred that an error had been made in its description. Beveridge reported that on Macquarie Island seal was not to be procured, owing to the want of policy in killing all ages and sexes on the first descent made upon it.

In August and September of 1820 the Regalia (Dixon) and the Robert Quayle (Leslie) sailed from Hobart Town for Macquarie Island, taking with them a strong sealing gang. The venture proved a complete success. On 13th November, 1820, the Robert Quayle sailed from Macquarie Island for England with no less than 150 tons of elephant oil, which with her other cargo made her a full ship. The Regalia took on board 260 tons of the same kind of oil. This large supply of 410 tons was obtained by the two vessels within the short period of six months. Captain Dixon, of the Regalia, reported on his arrival that the Island furnished elephant oil in season to almost any extent to industrious gangs and active overseers.18

Captain Dixon also reported that the two Russian Discovery Ships, the Wostok and the Mirny, had called at Macquarie Island for water.

CHAPTER XV. The Flax Trade, 1813 and 1814.

FROM the date of the discovery of the Campbell and Macquarie Islands to the end of 1812, Foveaux Strait and the land adjacent appear to have been deserted. No imports are quoted in the Sydney Customs, and no vessels are recorded as sealing on their shores. All shipping and trade for that period was directed to the rich lands in the far south. For a revival of interest in the mainland, we are indebted to an attempt made by the Sydney merchants to develop the flax trade of the islands.

The flax plant, as a subject of trade, had been suggested at the inauguration of the settlement of New South Wales. Phillip was impressed with its use for the manufacture of cordage and canvas, two great wants in the new settlement, and asked for assistance to teach the residents of Norfolk Island the best method of treating the green leaf. In 1791, King suggested that a New Zealand native should be procured, and this was done by kidnapping two Maoris and bringing them to Norfolk Island, where they remained for a short time and were finally restored to their own country in the latter part of 1793. None of the official schemes produced any satisfactory result.

In 1810 the first attempt by private enterprise to develop a trade was made under the direction of Lord, Williams and Thompson, when the brig Experiment was sent to New Zealand with a strong party under William Leith. This expedition, as has already been noticed, resulted in failure, and the party returned with only a small supply of native dressed material which cost the promoters about £2,000.

In Sydney, at this time, was a ropemaker named Robert Williams, whose premises were situated in Castlereagh Street. He had come out to the colony as a prisoner, but his trade stood him in good stead and enabled him in due course to set up in business on his own account. Williams had long directed his attention to the working up of New Zealand flax, and was satisfied that he had solved the secret of its manufacture on commercial lines. After the failure of Lord's expedition Williams approached that gentleman on the subject, but without any results. Later on, negotiations were opened with Mr. Birnie, representing a number of merchants and others interested in the trade, and finally it was decided to send an expedition across to the southern portion of the South Island. Leave was granted for the expedition to proceed and it sailed. The leader of the party was Mr. James Gordon, and with him as leading man, R. Jones. Robert Williams accompanied the expedition, which left Sydney on 19th April, 1813.

On the return of the Perseverance to Sydney, Williams gave a report upon the trip and the prospects of the trade, dated September, 1813, which is to be found among the papers in the Chief Secretary's Office, Sydney. What is appropriate to our narrative is here reproduced:

In the Brig Perseverance September 1813. Sir,—

“I having been brought up from infancy to the manufacturing of hemp and flax, and having as a Flax dresser and Ropemaker performed those branches in several parts of the globe and made use of materials unknown in England, I determined to try some method with the New Zealand hemp and having found it possible to manufacture it, and my next endeavours were to perform it by a speedy and simple system, and such expense as would admit the exportation of it to a British market, my means were very limited and circumstances embarassed, but well knowing the encouragement held out by the British Government for procuring hemp, at this time I persevered in the pursuit and have the satisfaction to surmount all obstacles and satisfy myself that the hemp may be brought to use at less labour and expense than any hemp in the world.

“I then conceived my labour would meet with encouragement by the Governor. Knowing that hemp was an article of importance to the British Government at Home, and this colony in distress of cordage, and knowing myself capable of introducing a system of relief, represented it to the Governor by memorial accompanied by samples of hemp and cordage in different stages of manufactory, but the Governor did not pay much attention to it, telling me he did not understand it. I then informed Mr. Lord what I was able to perform. Mr. Lord proposed an engagement but not with such encouragement as I considered myself entitled to, and I declined it, and represented the business to Messrs. Hook, Birnie, Blaxwell and others, but my proposals were cooly received the business having met with so many miscarriages, but this did not prevent me to decline my pursuits, and having a few of the plants in the country I continued to improve my method and gain experience and producing such samples that convinced the public that something might be done, Mr Lord again made proposals, but we could not come to terms to my satisfaction.

“Messrs. Birnie, Hook and Gordon requested me to make proposals, which were agreed upon, namely to send a vessel with 20 men and other means requisite to perform such manufacture I should point out, if I gave proofs that my method of manufacturing answers the purpose; after signing an engagement I produced such proofs of my abilities to perform more than I had proposed, Mr. Birnie wished to commence on a much larger scale than had been proposed, but the question was, whether there was sufficient quantity of the hemp plant in being, and such were the hopes I had given on my part, that instead of commencing on the small scale proposed Mr. Birnie determined to send a vessel and explore the island, and if the hemp were in sufficient abundance to make choice of the most suitable place for establishing our manufactory, and return and then to commence on a very extensive scale and make use of every means that could be applied, this went beyond my engagement, to go more than once, and Mr. Birnie proposed my waiting for the vessel's return, but having made my arrangements for the voyage and observing that some information might be acquired I accompanied the voyage Mr. Murray master, with a good crew, Mr. Gordon and Mr. Jones to conduct the voyage, and to represent what was possible to be done and to what extent.

“When we sailed I understood we were to coast the west side of the Islands to the South Cape, where we had been informed was the greatest abundance of hemp, but whatever induced Mr. Jones to accompany the voyage I am at a loss to know, for we were not three days at sea when Mr. Jones expressed his regret at going, and heartily wished to fall in with some vessel to take him back, or that the weather might oblige us to return, this was the theme of our voyage for three weeks. Mr. Jones represented the West Coast to be dangerous to approach so that the first land we saw was Solanders Island, in about 20 days very fine weather, but variable head winds, we fortunately had fine weather to take five men off Solanders Island that had been from four to five years on it destitute of relief, and hopeless of ever being taken off, and the same night to anchor in Port Williams in Foveaux Straits a very safe and still harbour, land locked on all sides, the next day came on to rain and blow very hard but we lay very snug, but Mr. Jones did not think so, he said as there was no hemp in Port Williams and the weather continuing bad for several days, that there was no hope of doing any more and as the wind was fair to Sydney we had better return, but I was at a loss to know which commanded our expedition. Mr. Gordon seemed very interested in our expedition and would not consent, at length the weather clearing up a little Mr. Gordon and I went on shore to try some experiments on the hemp, where Mr. Gordon had the misfortune to cut his leg very dangerously with the axe in cutting wood to make a fire and no boat on shore and a long way from the brig, it was night before we could get a boat to take us on board, this was a misfortune to our expedition, for the only hope of seconding my exertions was Mr. Gordon and he was now confined to his cabin.

“Mr. Murray, master of the vessel was well acquainted with this part of the Island, and represented the hemp in great abundance on the opposite side of the straits on the main, but no knowledge of anchorage for the vessel, and it was determined to cross the straits in the boats; Mr. Jones, Mr. Murray and five hands in one, and Mr. Smith 2nd officer, with five hands and myself in the other all armed, with Provisions for several days. We were in pursuit of five objects which are necessary to be combined in one view, namely abundance of hemp, wood and water, means to collect them, and anchorage for the vessel. Foveaux Straits is about 25 miles over from Port Williams to Port Macquarie as named by Mr. Jones, the entrance of which was unknown before to be capable of receiving a vessel. I have given a chart or view of this place as far as my abilities would admit from several very commanding views with the naked eye, the entrance of this harbour was supposed to be a reef of sand banks, but Mr. Murray sounded it from side to side and found plenty of water for vessels of burthen and anchorage, inside we met with a native at the entrance of the bay, who seemed glad to see us but could get no information from having no person to speak his language, we were at a loss where to land and the tide ebbing we grounded several times, and the native seemed indifferent on the subject, at length we landed and gave our new companion to understand that we wanted to find his village, he readily made signs to follow him, we left the boats in charge of four hands and travelled several miles over marshy land covered with hemp in general over the shoes in water, no timber of any kind. Mr. Jones wished to decline going any further, Mr. Murray and myself proceeded on till we came to a large bay covered with water the natives informed us that it was fordable, Mr. Jones declined proceeding and returned with, the carpenter to the boats, Mr. Murray myself and the rest of the party crossed the bay which did not exceed knee deep hard sandy bottom, we crossed a ridge of hills and valleys covered with hemp, on the opposite side found the native village, chiefly of women and children and a few old men, they gave us to understand that the men were gone on some expedition for some time but I was apprehensive they were lying in ambush, we spent this night with them keeping a watch during it and they made us as comfortable as they could in their huts. In the morning Mr. Murray and I examined the source of the bay we crossed the day before, and when we signified our intentions of returning, the women loaded themselves with large baskets of potatoes and accompanied us to the boats.

“We found the large bay which we crossed the day before completely dry and covered with paradise ducks which induced me naming it Duck Bay, the natives took us a shorter cut back and found Mr. Jones with the boats high and dry. When he found we were so well received by the natives he proposed going to their village the next day, after getting some refreshments I asked Mr. Jones and Mr. Murray to accompany me in the search of a nearer cut and a better road to Duck Bay, which I thought was the case from the view I took the day before, for though we had seen plenty of hemp, wood and water, still there would be a difficulty in collecting them, we came to a thick brush where I expected to find a passage but Mr. Jones and Mr. Murray declined attempting it. I proceeded alone and found it a complete barrier of brush and old timber fallen down by age; on the eve of returning I fell in with an old beaten path that took me through to Duck Bay where I found a large valley of the best hemp we had seen and as regular set as if planted by man, in the middle of this brush I found an old tent hut fallen with age and it was visible that the tide from Duck Bay met here, which I considered as an object of importance to our undertakings, as a little harbour would open up a passage from sea to sea in the centre of everything we wanted. I had some difficulty in making my way through the hemp and fern, till I came to our first track from Duck Bay to Jones Island, where the boats lay and where I arrived at dusk. I informed Mr. Jones of the success of my journey, next day our party went to the village, Mr. Jones the carpenter and myself went by the new road, as I wished them to give their opinion of what I thought our grand object, but I found our party more in pursuit of other amusements, we came to the village and Mr. Murray and myself examined the channel that led to Duck Bay and found it navigable from our boats, on our return across Duck Bay the tide was flowing and I asked Mr. Jones to go the shortest way through the brush to ascertain the meeting of the tides and determine whether this would be a proper place to establish our works, Mr. Jones told me that he had enough of it and that I might go myself, which I did with the carpenter through the new passage, and met at the boats, Mr. Jones said he would go over to the vessel in the morning at daylight, I remonstrated with him, that this bay seemed formed by nature to answer all our wishes, though we knew very little of it at present, and our principal object now wanted, was a stream of water he said he would stay no longer and we must find that next time we came, and that we had spent time enough here; in the morning the tide would not allow us to depart till 11 o'clock. I then proposed to take a walk round the west side of the bay towards the Heads. Mr. Jones said he would wait no longer than dinner being cooked, I took a biscuit in my pocket and went by myself, but not knowing what kind of travelling I should meet with, and intending to meet with the boats at the Heads, and as I had an opportuity of seeing them pass I was to fire a signal to be taken on board, in case I could not make my way to the Heads, I passed several large tracks of hemp and rivulets of water, but my time would not admit me to examine the source of them, I saw large quantities of hemp all round that side of the bay and most of it from 7 to 10 feet long and excellent soil, I found no difficulty in getting to the Heads it being ebb tide and hard sandy bottom, I made the Heads about 4 o'clock and made a fire on the hills, in an hour after the boats arrived, it was then proposed to camp there for the night and cross over to Port Williams in the morning, the only two young men we saw amongst the natives came with the boats, the rest were gone for more potatoes, but Mr. Jones would not wait their return.

“At daylight next morning we launched the boats, the two natives seemed much concerned we did not wait the return of their companions with more potatoes, and bid us a very friendly adieu, rowed most of the passage and made the brig in the afternoon all well. Mr. Murray and myself had a hope of taking the brig over and acquiring more knowledge of Port Macquarie and the neighbourhood round and Mr. Gordon was of the same opinion but Mr. Jones overruled all and determined to get under weigh next day for Sydney, which was the case, we cleared the straits that night and stood along the eastern shore but scarcely saw it till we made Banks Island, and after standing towards it from daylight in the morning till one or two in the afternon came within about four miles of a fine harbour, saw a large village distinctly, it was intended to go in but Mr. Jones declined saying it would only be losing time, stood along the land until we opened a large bay saw several large smokes, stood under easy sail till daylight next morning; found ourselves close in with Table Cape, made sail, running 7 or 8 miles into the bay, fired a gun, fires were lighted on shore, saw the natives, about ship again, stood out of the Bay, Mr. Murray having some knowledge of Table Cape stood close round it, saw large tribes of natives on the shores launching their canoes.

“Hove the vessel too, the natives brought potatoes and mats for trade, a spike nail would buy a hundred weight of potatoes, but I saw no hemp, the natives gave me to understand that they had plenty of that article on shore, and went for it, but we waited not for their return, but made sail and stood along the shore; the canoes continued coming off to us trading as before, the natives in general all along gave me to understand that they had abundance of hemp on shore, which article I'm sorry to say excited not the least attention of our party, for the grand object of our voyage seemed now totally forgot, we had a fine breeze from the west, and the vessel laid along shore under an easy sail and smooth water, we had every opportunity of visiting every mile of the coast, sailing along, and I have no doubt of our being able to have collected some tons of hemp from the natives which would have turned to good account, but Mr. Jones became impatient of getting home, said that it was no use creeping along shore, and that if we stood off land we should have a good breeze that would drive us home, Mr. Murray and Mr. Gordon were of a different opinion, but yet they gave way to him and we soon felt the effect of a stiff breeze which drove us to the N. and E. for several weeks (the vessel making great lee way) we never more saw the land.

“We might have made the North Cape, but all further attempts were declined to come home, we made Port Jackson after a cruise of 12 weeks nearly as wise as we went, had not Port Macquarie fortunately been formed by nature to answer every purpose for a large establishment and though I was greatly disappointed, in not having numerous choices of situations, which most likely would have been the case had our means been made good use of, but yet it gave me a deal of consolation that I accompanied the voyage, for I found Port Macquarie so well suited in general to answer all our wishes, that I am positive much more might be done than ever was expected to be met with before we sailed, from the general information we had received, and had I not been there nothing would have been known of it for Mr. Jones would have returned with the boats to Port Williams, had I not been active in opposition to his inclinations, and the short time I was permitted to stay was always in search of such objects I knew requisite for an establishment, and every hour opened important objects in view; and though hurried away with great reluctance, still am well satisfied that great means may be applied to greater advantages. Near the native village is a very high sandy hill commanding a view of low land as far as the eye could discern, covered with hemp, and I have no doubt it was the case where we travelled and as far as we could discern, there was no timber on the low lands except in patches and that very thick brush. The natives here seemed to be only a few families detached from the main; they were remarkably kind to us, though I was informed they had been ill treated by some Europeans some time before; Mr. Murray had lived in Port Williams many months and was dependant on them for fish and potatoes, and they would have given him as many as he pleased, but Mr. Murray had never been into Port Macquarie.

“I have no doubt but these natives with proper treatment would be of great service to an hemp establishment they were very poor but I saw great industry in their potatoe gardens, which were kept remarkably clean, fish and potatoes seemed to be their chief dependence, had we but spent six days at Port Macquarie instead of three I think many more favourable advantages would have presented themselves, but such were the ideas I had formed of the situation on my departure, that I had arranged every point of an establishment independent of any further discoveries, and had not the least idea but it would have been cheerfully embraced upon our return to Sydney, but so strange were the events of this expedition, that the principal persons intended for conducting and representing the voyage, one was wounded and could not go on shore, and the other could not see, or we saw and thought of things differently, on our departure I had no particular appointment, neither on my return did I attempt to interfere with those that had a right to represent it, a few days after our return I was asked of what I had seen and why we had done so little, I then represented Port Macquarie as a suitable place for a large establishment and by what means, I was then informed that they had different accounts from those that ought to have known them, I then gave such explanations as were requisite and referred it to Mr. Murray and officers of the vessel, whose opinion was nearly as my own, and though we had done what was expected, I understand the business was to be proceeded in; the Phoenix being bound for England Mr. Birnie told me he wished to send a representation of the business to England and requested me to send musters home, but I was very ill prepared for such a request for we had no means for performing my work when we sailed, neither was it intended till we commenced on a large scale; for all parties were fully satisfied my method of manufacturing was practicable and to trifle with it would give others an opportunity who were anxious to act on our principals, under these reasons I declined any experiments at New Zealand except of a few bundles of the raw plants I brought for curiosity and to ascertain what effects the voyage would make on them, in this case I told Mr. Birnie I would construct a small machine and clean the plants we had brought, and as I had some hopes and stood in need of assistance from the Governor, I therefore would request him to see it put in practice, which would do away all doubts of the business being brought to perfection and secure the merits of my own labour, I completed my machine and presented a memorial to the Governor, a copy of which I have accompanied with this, which will represent my idea of the important value of the New Zealand hemp. His Excellency was pleased to inspect the operation of cleaning and preparing the hemp, and was pleased to express his approbation by a promise to give it every encouragement in his power to carry it into effect. Mr. Birnie now signified his intentions of postponing all further proceedings in the affair till he had heard from England, his reason for so doing was owing to the representation Mr. Jones had given of it. I now found myself much hurt at this information, having put myself to a great expense and trouble and the only recompense left me was to see others reap the benefit of my labours and exertions, and of sustaining great embarrassments by being led astray in my expectations from my usual pursuits. I was very unwilling of Mr. Birnie's sending those musters home (which he had) being much damaged, they have been brought over in the green leaf and remained several weeks after our arrival and were only intended to show the operation of the machinery by way of improvement.

“I informed Mr. Birnie the impropriety of sending them; if I had known when I sailed to New Zealand that it was intended to send samples to England I would have taken care of providing myself with means to prepare such samples of hemp and cordage as would put them beyond the reach of doubts or prejudice, the musters which were sent were too trifling for inspection, and even the best of them were lost or made away with, when I packed up the case for England, and I then gave it as my opinion that if they were not properly explained at Home, they would lead judges of hemp astray in their opinion of New Zealand hemp, which from the little information I had heard of its results, I think has been the case, this had always been called a flax, but it is hemp completely which is easily discerned by proper judges of that article, and I now shall procure musters as will convey a just idea of the value of them, and represent from my own knowledge and experience by what means and to what extent it may be brought to use, I being now employed furnishing the public with manufactured articles of an excellent quality, which I can perform with less labour than on any hemp in Europe.

“The arrangements which I conceived sufficient of forming the first establishment at Port Macquarie and which are on as small a scale as I could reduce to, are these, boys from 12 to 15 years of age would be equal to men in part of the work, thus with 40 men and boys, I am confident of producing on an average 1 ton of hemp per day including all labour fit for exportation. The machinery on this establishment would not exceed from £80 to £100—the party to be provided with 6 months provisions, and means requisite for building habitations and store houses, the principal materials growing on the spot. The vessel to remain till our machinery commenced working which may be completed in 6 or 8 weeks from our landing. Two or three boats to be left with the party, and from my present knowledge of Port Macquarie a decked boat of 15 or 20 tons may be well employed, large boilers must be provided (or more proper salt pans) of such dimensions as could readily be removed from one place to another, the sizes from 6 to 8 feet long and 2 deep, would be sufficiently large for this purpose. I am well assured an establishment of one hundred Europeans may be employed in Port Macquarie to much advantage, and 400 with a proportionable increase of means and machinery, exclusive for extending establishments on other parts of the Coast, from which general information is practicable to great extent. I am of opinion the natives would perform the greater part of the labour in collecting the hemp to great advantage. In this statement I have paid great respect to moderation, respecting the produce of the undertaking, and could represent a number of advantages which I have referred for practice should I ever have the opportunity to perform them.

“Exclusive of our furnishing the British market with hemp, this colony and others may be supplied with manufactured cordage and canvas to great advantage, for the cheap production of the hemp would admit these articles to market at a moderate price. For manufacturing the only articles wanted from England would be six sets of hatchets, a few dozens of reeds for weaving duck and canvas (a set of looms complete would be far better and cheaper). Four twine spinners jacks of small sizes and a few dozen of Wheel Bends the whole of which would not exceed £100.

“The following experiments will gave a just idea to what extent this hemp may be brought, exclusive of its natural productions, I cut from one tuft or shoot 80 blades of hemp which did not occupy more than 4 feet of ground in circumference and when brought to Sydney, seven of these blades. produced a pound of neat hemp of 8 feet long, and the whole of them would have produced the same, had this not been damaged on the voyage, the pound of hemp was cleaned in five minutes in presence of the Governor. One slip or plant transplanted from the Governor's garden in June 1813 was cut three times in less than 2 years and then I divided it into 9 slips, the whole of these plants producing young leaves an inch long in seven days, three of these plants are going to England in the Sydney Packet. I endeavoured to ascertain the proper age and season for cutting this plant, but I find it may be cut all the year round with very little difference in the quality of the hemp and I am positive that before all the hemp in the neighbourhood of Port Macquarie could be gathered and cleaned the first cut would be fit for cutting again and produce better hemp. There are several species of the hemp plant some producing seed and some not. I have seen those producing seed 10 feet high, and others not exceeding three feet which produce the finest hemp.

Castlereagh St., Sydney

,September 1813.

“P.S.—This is a representation made by me nine years ago, much useful information has been gained since and many representations have been transmitted Home by The Honourable Commissioner of Enquiry and also by His Excellency Governor Macquarie.”

Robert Williams.

Williams tells of the difference of opinion in the party throughout the trip. The only inkling of the report from the other side is taken from the columns of the press of that day, and as it contains the better description of the Bluff Harbour, and the first description perhaps ever written, it is all the more interesting.

“Crossing the Foveaux Straits, which is about 21 miles, they discovered an excellent harbour, which they gave the name of Port Macquarie, and lies about N.N.E. from Port William. The west entrance of this harbour is high land, and the entrance is first made by a reef of rocks extending about S.W., with regular soundings between the land on the west and the reef to the eastward of from 12 fathoms gradually diminishing to six fathoms, and from 5 to 4 fathoms at a considerable distance within the harbour, which penetrates into the country in a N.W. direction about six miles. There appears to be two channels, one near to each shore, and in the upper part of the harbour are three islands, with several small rocks and sandbanks. The boats made a landing on the largest of these islands, and gave it the name of Jones's in compliment to a Gentleman of the party. The natives hereabouts are very civil and obliging."1

Williams also reported that the natives had “a field of considerably more than 100 acres” of potatoes which “presented one well cultivated bed, filled with rising crops of various ages some of which were ready for digging, while others had been but newly planted.”2

Though the Bluff Harbour was named Port Macquarie on this visit, Williams' report shows that the existence of some sort of a bay or inlet in the locality was known, but this visit clearly demonstrated the fact that a vessel could enter. This is borne out by Mr. R. Murray, who has already been mentioned as in charge of gangs at Stewart and Macquarie Islands, going straight to the mouth of the Harbour, though he did not know of an anchorage. The mention of ill-treatment of the natives and the “old tent hut fallen with age” would also imply a visit by Europeans. Lastly the great extent of the potatoes grown by the natives points to a trade with sealers and whalers. The name Port Macquarie is to be found in maps published as late as 1841.

When it was evident that no practical results were to follow from the expedition sent out by Birnie; Lord and several other merchants, on 18th June, 1814, called a meeting to establish a joint stock company to develop a flax and timber trade with New Zealand. To this company the name of the New South Wales-New Zealand Company was given, and in a memorial to Governor Macquarie, dated 3rd October, 1814, its objects were set out.

The Company proposed to purchase two small vessels, and, with about fifty men, including the crews, form an establishment at Port William on Stewart Island. The raw material they intended to bring across Foveaux Strait in one of their vessels. Native labour was to be used as much as possible. If it should be found convenient the Company intended to extend the undertaking and make similar settlements where the conditions were suitable. With this object in view a careful survey of the whole of the South Island was to be made. There was the usual series of protestations that the intention was to act kindly to the natives, to encourage them in manual labour and to teach them the arts and manufactures of civilized life.3

The promoters of the scheme had obtained from the expedition of the previous year the information acquired by it as to the location of the establishment and had entered into negotiations with Williams for his services, the intention being that the latter should proceed to New Zealand to superintend the setting up of an establshment for the preparation of the hemp, and return to Sydney later to undertake the manufacture of cordage and canvas. Although the terms of the negotiations with Williams are on record4 it is not clear whether the agreement was actually completed and Williams employed. The Company afterwards advertised for a number of men for engagement for five years to proceed to New Zealand, asking specially for those acquainted with flax and its manufacture. In due course the brig Trial and the schooner Brothers were equipped and sent to New Zealand, but so far as Southern New Zealand is concerned the promoters did not carry out any part of their scheme, and the first attempt to establish the flax trade in the South met the same fate as did that of 1810 in the North Island. The request for exclusive rights of trade was ultimately refused by the Imperial Authorities.

CHAPTER XVI. Sealing Experiences, 1808 to 1820.

The Mystery of the Solanders, 1808–1813.

FAIRLY in the road of steamers passing between the Bluff and any of the ports of Australia are two great detached rocks, standing like sentinels at the entrance to Foveaux Strait and visible from a long distance. They are the Solanders. The larger and more conspicuous of the two rises to a height of something like 1,100 feet, and its steep weather beaten sides are covered with such plants as can grow in the teeth of the southern gales of that locality, and can hold on to the rock where there is found only enough soil to give them sustenance. On rare occasions is the sea so calm that a landing can be effected on the exposed coastline of the larger island, and under the most favourable conditions the landing party has but the selection of two spots, one or other of which is taken according to the direction of the weather. The smaller island is even more difficult to land on.

The very fact that the islands were discovered by Cook while on board the Endeavour in 1770, and were named by him in honour of his naturalist, Dr. Solander, is sufficient to call passengers on deck to get a glimpse of the spot. That glimpse is, generally speaking, enough. We can readily understand that, unless visited in quest of seals, the cruel appearance of the islands would repel masters of the small sailing craft of a century ago from venturing too near their inhospitable shores. We know Captain Oliphant visited them for seals on the first trip of the Bass Strait sealers to exploit the sealing trade on the New Zealand coast. At one or two places a small area of flat ground is seen stretching back from the water's edge, but it is only a short distance before the steep wall of rock is met with. On these flats doubtless lived the sealing gangs for many weary months when left by their vessels, and on these flats to-day mutton-birders pitch their camps when visiting the island.

On the Solanders, not long after Foveaux Strait was discovered, two small parties of men came to reside for many years, but whether by shipwreck or left as a regular gang, or from both causes, cannot be determined. While the Perseverance was bound for Stewart Island on the flax expedition referred to in the last chapter, she made the Solanders and on 12th May, 1813, found five men living there.

Her report1 says that she “there found five men, some of whom had been there four years and a half, and the others nearly three years. Their preservation for such a length of time upon that island, which is not more than four or five miles in circumference, and scarcely anything but a barren rock, can be attributed to nothing short of that divine interposition which in numberless instances no less remarkable has imperatively exercised its gracious influence. Among them was a native of this Territory, who had lived in habits of perfect amity and good understanding with his unfortunate companions. They were cloathed in seal skins, of which their bedding also was composed, and their food had been entirely made up from the flesh of the seal, a few fish occasionally caught, and a few sea birds that now and then frequent the island:— The birds they always salted for a winter stock; the catching of fish was very precarious, and the flesh of the seals they entirely lived on during the summer season. They had attempted to raise cabbage and potatoes, of which plants one of them happened to have some of the seed when unhappily driven upon the island; but their first and every subsequent experiment failed, owing to the spray of the sea in gales of wind washing over the whole island, which rendered culture of any kind impracticable. They had long endured calamity, but had until the last few months of their relief, entertained some hope of succour, which from a length of disappointment had gradually immerged into a state of entire hopelessness; and but a few days before the Perseverance went thither, had by general concurrence agreed to contribute as much as possible to each other's comforts, as no expectation of relief was any longer to be encouraged or indulged. The island upon which it was their misfortune to be cast is about 5 miles in circumference, of very difficult access on account of the high surfs, almost perpendicular rocks, and of so forbidding an appearance as to any possibility of effecting a landing, as not to incline shipping of any kind to touch there, though they had seen several at a distance. From long observation they had reported the heaviest gales to proceed from the North West.”

Though the names of the vessels are not given us, we believe we are in a position to give those of the castaways themselves from the fact that on their return to Sydney the following advertisement appeared in the Gazette.2

“Notice is hereby given to the Public, and to the Masters of Vessels in particular, that may touch at Solander's Island in these Seas, not to meddle with, or take away from thence a quantity of Dried and Salted Seal Skins, the property of the Undersigned, they having been disposed of to S. Lord, Esq., whose Brig is now about proceeding to take them away. Any Person or Persons found interfering with them after this Notice will be rigidly prosecuted.”

(Signed.) Thomas Williams. Michael Mcdonald. Henry Shippey. Charles Freeman.

On 20th July, 1813, the Perseverance landed the relieved men at Sydney.

The discovery, in May, 1813, of four Europeans and one Australian native on Solander Island, some of whom had been put ashore in 1808 and the others in 1810, makes us regret exceedingly that no mention was made in the report of the vessels from which these men were landed. One of the vessels must have sailed from Sydney, as is evidenced by the fact that she had an Australian aboriginal on board. The first gang must have been left about the time Foveaux Strait was discovered, and as we know that from that time onwards vessels were continually in the neighbourhood, it is remarkable that the presence of these unfortunate castaways had not been detected. Probably it is due to the fact that at this time all trade in the sealing line gravitated to the Campbell and Macquarie Islands where a rich harvest of skins and oil awaited it.

Contemplating the notice, it does not seem unreasonable to suppose that the four names given above were those of the four rescued Europeans, and that the seal skins were those secured during their long captivity. Of course it is possible that the castaways sold the skins to their deliverers, but as that would only be likely if the captain charged them for their rescue, it may at once be discarded as highly improbable. At that date the names of men taken on board vessels were advertised in the local press, and the only name on the Perseverance list resembling any of the four given above is Henry Shaffrey.

The author regards the circumstance as calling for comment, that Captain Murray made for the Solanders, although he describes the islands as “of so forbidding an appearance … as not to incline shipping of any kind to touch there,” and finding these five castaways from two different vessels, did not record the names of the vessels. Captain Murray had been a long time at Stewart Island, having been landed there by the Fox in command of a sealing gang. Could it be possible that he had heard of castaways being on the island? If he had, or actually knew that they were there at one period, it would explain his calling; and his silence about how they first came there might be explained on the supposition that they were from vessels his employers were interested in. Continuing this line of thought, the reader will recall that early in 1809 the Governor Bligh fell in with the brig Fox and the schooner Antipode, in the vicinity of Foveaux Strait.

A perusal of the shipping lists reveals the names of Robert Murray and Henry Shippey as intending to leave in the Perseverance, which sailed on 8th August, 1808, for the “sealing grounds,” and the names of Michael McDonald and Thomas Williams in the Fox, which sailed on 31st August of the same year for the “Southern Isles.” Here we distinctly have three of the names of those who were found on Solander Island. Henry Shippey appears again in June, 1809, intending to ship by the schooner Unity, after the Fox had sailed on her last trip on 4th April, 1809. If a boat from the Unity was driven on the Solanders the date would fit in with the report of the rescuers. The Fox probably supplied those of the party who had been four years and a half on the island. Following up the history of the Fox, the mystery is unfolded. She was on 31st January, 1809, without anchors and cables and short of water, met by the Governor Bligh and relieved. On 15th March she returned with her crew in a terrible condition with scurvy, no less than 26 out of 28 of them having been taken ill, rendering it difficult for the vessel to get safely into port. She had also encountered bad weather, had suffered considerable injury to her upper works and had lost one of her boats.

One of her gangs, including Thomas Williams and Michael McDonald, had evidently been placed on the Solanders, and storm and sickness had prevented their release. On 7th May, 1809, the Fox again sailed for the sealing grounds, landing Mr. Murray and a gang at Stewart Island. If on this occasion she attempted the relief of the Solander party, Murray, in 1813, as captain of the Perseverance, would have been acquainted with the whole position. We have already seen that the Fox never returned for her gangs, but in September, 1810, was wrecked at Amsterdam Island. The Macquarie Island rush took away Campbell & Co.'s gangs to the islands in the far south and the lonely gang on the Solanders was forgotten.

Murray, who knew of their having been left there in the first instance, called in the Perseverance to see what had become of them, and was fortunate enough to end their long vigil. If the surmise of the author is correct there is no longer any wonder why Murray says nothing of the names of the vessels and why Williams' report is silent on the same point. It was to the interests of all to keep the particulars from publicity. The second party arriving in 1810 was driven on the island, so says the report. Northerly or nor-westerly heavy weather, which they complained of most, would drive them off sealing stations along the Preservation Inlet coast, and the opposite weather, which is not so prevalent, would take them off the Stewart Island sealing stations. Here is a mystery of Foveaux Strait yet to be solved, but the author thinks that when it is unravelled it will be found that the Unity supplied the boat which was driven on the Island.

The Active's Gang, 1810–1813.

The Active was a most unfortunate craft. She combined sealing and whaling, and had been driven ashore at Western Port in Bass Strait on 11th June, 1809, but succeeded in getting off damaged. She returned to Sydney and effected the necessary repairs. On Monday, 11th December, 1809, she sailed from Sydney never to return. This ship's notices, as she went to meet her doom on the rugged New Zealand coast, are of interest to us now as we gather together the scraps of her history.

“Wanted for the brig Active, shortly about to sail on a promising and pleasant voyage, several active able men, who will find proper encouragement. Apply to Captain Bader.”

Captain John Bader also advertised for “a person capable of the duty of a chief mate.” Not only was the captain troubled at sea by the elements, but the Sydney thieves stole his ship's fittings while the vessel was being repaired, and a reward of twenty guineas was offered for information which would lead to a conviction.

Sailing from Sydney, the ill-fated brigantine made the West Coast of New Zealand, and on 16th February, 1810, left a sealing gang in that wild region. The gang was really left upon an island about a mile and a half from the mainland, and the vessel sailed for Sydney never again to be heard of, and all record of the brig or of her men appears to have vanished.

On 15th December, 1813, Captain Grono, in the Governor Bligh, arrived in Sydney from the West Coast Sounds with 14,000 seal skins and about 5 tons of elephant oil. With him also returned the men who had been left on the New Zealand coast as abovementioned. The shipping news of Sydney thus chronicles the event:

“The Active went from hence the 11th of December, 1808 (?1809) and having landed her people on an island about a mile and a half from the main of New Zealand, sailed again for Port Jackson, but doubtless perished by the way and has never since been heard of. The people who were left as above described were reduced to the necessity of subsisting for nearly four (?three) years upon the seal, when in season, and at other times upon a species of the fern, part of which they roasted or boiled, and other parts were obliged to eat undressed, owing to a nausea it imbibed from any culinary process. They were left upon a small island with a very scanty allowance of provisions, and the vessel was to come to Port Jackson for a further supply. They had a whale boat, and their only edged implements consisted of an axe, an adze, and a cooper's drawing knife. In a short time they procured 11,000 seal skins, part of which Mr. Grono has brought up. In hopes of finding upon the main some succour which the small island did not afford, they went thither, but were nearly lost by the way, as some of the lower streaks of the boat were near falling out, owing, as was imagined, to the nails being of cast iron. On their safe arrival, however, they found an old boat on the beach, which it subsequently appeared had been left there by Mr. Grono on a former voyage. With th