<name key="name-206479" type="work">The Old Whaling Days</name>

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THE OLD WHALING DAYS A HISTORY OF SOUTHERN NEW ZEALAND FROM 1830 TO 1840. By ROBERT McNAB, M.A., LL.B. Christchurch, Wellington and Dunedin, N.Z.; Melbourne and London: WHITCOMBE AND TOMBS LIMITED. 1913

Other Works by the Same Author.

“The Outlook of Our Secondary Schools” (1893);

“Forestry in its Relation to the Farmer” (1903);

“Murihiku: Some Old Time Events” (1904);

“Murihiku and the Southern Islands” (1907);

“The Historical Records of New Zealand,” Vol. I. (1908).

“Murihiku” (1909).

“The Historical Records of New Zealand,” Vol. II. (in the press).

Introduction.

The Introduction written for the earlier work of “Murihiku” renders quite unnecessary here a detailed explanation of the method adopted by the Author to collect New Zealand history and to piece it together into the form of a narrative. There are, however, some things connected with the work which it would be well to refer to.

The period, 1830 to 1840, dealt with in this book, includes five years already covered in “Murihiku.” Since 1909, when that book was written, the Author has taken another tour round the World, visiting old sources of information and tapping fresh ones, with results so successful that he feels no hesitation in going back to 1830, and, at the risk of some duplication, covering the last five years of “Murihiku” again. Apart from this, the year 1830 is the natural beginning of any work professing to deal with the bay whaling period of Southern New Zealand's history, and it is that period we are dealing with.

In 1829, sealing had died away to very small proportions, and from 1830 onwards, only a few of the smaller craft carried on that occupation; for the rest, the work was confined to the “off” season work of some of the shore whaling parties. The branch of whaling which followed the sealing was the bay whaling, commenced by the open sea whaling merchants of Sydney and Hobart Town, on vessels anchored in the Southern bays, and from stations established ashore. Later on, the English, the American, the French, the Portuguese, and the Dutch, in the order named, entered the trade. Of these, only the English (from Sydney), and the Americans, conducted operations from the shore. None of these fleets have ever had their doings recorded before, although there are one or two French works referring to the operations of individual vessels, and explaining the procedure adopted on board their fleets.

The great bulk of the information made use of in this book is obtained from newspapers published contemporaneously with the happening of the events, and at the ports of the countries from which they set out. The material for these reports was obtained then, as now, by reporters interviewing the officers on the return of the ships. Sometimes valuable information of the vessel's experiences was obtained, at other times only details of the “catch”; whatever the information was, it has been utilized by the Author.

In connection with the American whalers, another source of information has proved valuable. Great numbers of their logs have been preserved, and have been examined by the Author in the libraries of the Historical Societies which flourish up and down the eastern coast of the United States, from Salem to Washington. The best log found—that of the Mary Mitchell, in the rooms of the Nantucket Historical Society—has been published as an Appendix, and its perusal should prove extremely interesting. It is, however, unique among logs, because, when the whaling trade grew to huge dimensions in the United States, men of little education obtained commands, and their entries were often exhausted, when the weather, the position of the vessel, and the number of whales killed, had been recorded.

These logs are not confined to public Institutions. Collectors, many of whom are descendants of old whalers, have some in their private libraries, and those whom the Author had the pleasure of interviewing, always gave him a ready permission to copy what he pleased. The whalers of New Bedford and the other Eastern Ports made their country famous, and their descendants, many of whom are among the leaders of America to-day, are justly proud of the doings of their forefathers who scoured the seas with American whalers. It is strange, but yet true, that no logs belonging to the vessels of the other fleets have yet been unearthed by the Author.

Outside of newspaper references and ships' logs, a great quantity of information has been obtained from manuscripts which have never yet “caught the eye” of the printer. These are found in the form of Reports sent to London by the Governor of New South Wales, correspondence in the Customs Office in London, from Collectors of Customs in Sydney and other parts of the World, and scraps of letters and nondescript documents which have been saved from the fire, and, on account of their age, have found a haven of refuge with collectors. Customs entries all over the World also give their quota of information. Last, but not least, it should be mentioned that the French and Portuguese whaling trade was subsidised by the Governments of these countries, and a great deal of official correspondence was the result. In the case of France, a corvette was sent to these waters to keep watch over the whalers, and the reports of the Commander give us the very best material for our purpose. Much, however, remains to be done in the way of investigating the material which comes under this last heading, and the Author hopes that a course, which he has mapped out for himself in the immediate future, will enable that work to be overtaken.

The reader will understand that the title is descriptive of the period, rather than of the subjects dealt with. All historical events during that period, so far as they are known, are dealt with. One exception must be mentioned. No attempt is made to deal with Native history, and the Maoris are referred to only in so far as they are found to come in contact with Europeans and European trade, and, at times, mention has to be made of some of their history to explain their presence. On occasions for the latter, the Author has taken advantage of the good nature of Messrs. S. Percy Smith of New Plymouth, formerly Surveyor-General, and Mr. W. H. Skinner, of Blenheim, Commissioner of Crown Lands, students of that branch of New Zealand history, and their material is, in all cases, acknowledged in the text. Both gentlemen inform the Author, that great numbers of the dates of events herein given have been found by them of great value in fixing, for their own works on the Maori, dates impossible to obtain by Maori tradition. The Author, however, lays no claim to a knowledge of Maori history; that is a field of work of its own, and is being well explored by many competent Maori scholars.

In no case is material employed to construct the narrative, if obtained by word of mouth. To connect events merely, such is sometimes utilized, and stories are sometimes repeated to lighten the narrative, but in such cases their traditional source is always indicated. No person has a greater opinion, than has the Author, of the value of stories of by-gone days, told by persons who themselves took part in them, and no one has listened to them longer, nor with greater interest; but this work is not their place. The Author's fondest hopes will be disappointed, and his best efforts will have failed, if there is found an earlier version of any incident recorded in these pages, which are intended to give to the historian, or to any one else who wants to use them to record fact or create fiction, absolutely the earliest attainable version of the incidents chronicled. The same ever present desire to secure the truth condemns to the waste-paper basket all modern references to events where the authority is not given, and, even where given, the original authority, and only after proper examination, alone is quoted. While the Author recognises the superiority of the trained mind of the old Maori over the untrained one of the modern Pakeha, both are treated alike. No offence is intended, but all must understand that the Author is not engaged in bringing out a New Zealand version of “Wilson's Tales of the Borders.”

The grouping and arranging of the material is a matter about which great difference of opinion must exist. The plan adopted is not put forward as the best, but rather as following the lines of least resistance. As obtained on research, the material is essentially scrappy, coming from any of the many sources described, at Hobart, Sydney, an American Port, London, or Paris. At the New Zealand end we have a further division according to the class of trade—whaling, sealing, flax, &c.—and we have also the portion of the country where the incidents took place. The vessels which traded with and through Foveaux Strait seldom went to Cook Strait; there was a clearly-defined line between the trade which passed through these two waterways. The very fact that Foreign nations took part in our trade has imported another complication into the narrative. Dominating all this we have the further fact that the New Zealander who is in Otago is more interested in the early history of his own province, than in that of Banks Peninsula or Port Underwood, and vice versa. All these conflicting elements are sought to be reconciled by the scheme adopted, which brings along, in parallel chapters, the northern and southern trade over periods of years which the Author tries to find something in common in, and, where the information centring around one incident permits of it, places that incident in a chapter by itself.

The method in which the material is supplied to the reader may cause some comment, and it is desirable, therefore, that the Author's ideas should be known. Except in very few cases, the material herein contained is not available outside this book at all, and the central idea underlying the work is to enable the reader to obtain the most accurate version of every incident recorded, and to record all incidents. The publication of Historical Records does not supply the want, as they only reproduce documents of an official nature, while a myriad of details, each small in itself, characterises New Zealand history. The publication of the Author's paraphrase of the material would rob the events of that accuracy which is the feature of many of the rough unlettered accounts of the principals, and would never prove the last word on the question. The Author's scheme is a middle course; he adheres as closely as he can to the original narrative, and eliminates, as much as he can, his own view from the book. The reader is given the results of the Author's research, not the fruits of his thought. With New Zealand's early history in the condition it is, there is a life's work along the lines of unearthing it. Others who can make historical narrative attractive can build what literary edifices they desire, out of the material supplied. This plan may truly be said to fall short, equally of a record as of a narrative. If it did not do so it would have few to read it as a record, and fewer still to credit it as a narrative. In the form it is presented it is believed to be sufficiently near to its original form to be quoted as a record, and sufficiently connected in chronological order to be read as a narrative.

The chapters on special subjects are themselves of special interest. The brig Elizabeth incident has been told and retold many times, but always founded on the Maori version, where, of course, the opposing sides make the story fit in with the necessity of proving their side in the right. The version here given is based upon the evidence at the Preliminary Inquiry, held in Sydney within a few weeks of the happening of the event itself. This evidence was sent to England in 1831, and in 1909 was unearthed in the Record Office, London, by the Author. Other material from the Hobart Town papers and Customs Records of that date is added. So valuable were the English documents considered that they were published in full in the Appendices. The Defence of Nga-Motu was an unexpected find in an extremely rare paper—the “Sydney Monitor”—of the year 1833. The only previously known account, anything like contemporaneous, was given by Polack, five years later. A glance at these “letters” will show that we have discovered Polack's authority, and given by the best of all writers—an eye witness. The Rescue of the Harriett's crew contains all previously written on the subject, together with extracts from the Alligator's log, and Sydney interviews with the rescued men. It was in the Alligator's log that the Author found particulars of the number of cannon shots fired into the pa; and the names of the rescued sailors were obtained from the discharge sheets, where are entered the names of all men taken on board, and their formal discharge at the end of their journey. There also were obtained the names of the Maori Chiefs. Palmer's Trial in Sydney for manslaughter, for rope-ending a lad at Preservation Inlet in 1836, is of special interest to readers in Otago, where Palmer, and his partner “Johnny” Jones, spent the declining years of their lives.

The Appendices are important documents upon which some portions of the narrative have been based, and they are published at the end of the work, to enable the reader, should he so desire, to follow up the subject, or to check any of the Author's conclusions. In no case, except that of the Harriett, is the document known to have appeared in print before, and all have been unearthed by the Author, and permission obtained by him for their reproduction here.

The Treaty of Waitangi, and the Proclamation of British Sovereignty in New Zealand, ends the period of the Author's research work. After that date New Zealand history can be written from the Records in this country, as all the Institutions of civilization, then set up, have perpetuated for the student the material he is in search of. For the period which the Author has selected, the World outside New Zealand alone can supply the material, and, up to the present, the search has had to be prosecuted by the Author alone. This feature of a history long anterior to the establishment of law and order is peculiar to New Zealand, of all the Australasian Colonies. With the exception of stray visits of Dutch, Spanish and English vessels, Australia knows no history prior to the establishment of government. Our little country stands alone in that possession, and the charm of that history is due to the lavish biological display, which, when the sailor first appeared, in the form of whales, gambolled in its bays; in the form of seals, basked upon its shores; in the form of timbers, grew in its forests; and, last but not least, in the form of men, practised the rites of cannibalism in its pas. Surfeited with the mass of material thus put before the research student, his taste is spoilt for the investigation of any history which records the matter of fact doings of men who are compelled to live under the laws of organised government.

The plan formerly adopted of giving the authorities is not followed in this volume, they are reserved for the final work. The variations in the presentation of the tabular matter are intended to ascertain, from the experience of the readers, which method should be adopted finally.

“The Old Whaling Days” is not complete in itself, but, combined with “Murihiku” (1909) pp. 1 to 378, covers the history of the South Island of New Zealand, from its discovery by Tasman in 1642, down to the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840—a period of two years short of two centuries—and it is the Author's intention to proceed with the North Island in the same manner, with the object of one day bringing it all together in a more finished production. In this respect these books are but advance publications, to insure against the hundred and one risks which stand in the way of the final work being ever accomplished. As they are, therefore, not the last word of the Author on the subject, he invites all who have a suggestion to make, or who can point out errors or omissions, to do so. Where persons possess correspondence, or papers, dealing with any subject mentioned in the narrative, a perusal thereof is of such value from an historical point of view, that the Author invites the possessors to grant him that privilege. No one but the Author himself can say that a manuscript dealing with the period prior to August, 1840, has no place for it in the Author's work.

Some considerable delay has taken place in the publication of this volume. This was due to two causes. The trek for material took the Author, in 1910, to Paris, where an immense store was unearthed, but the language barrier was found to be such a severe stumbling block that it had to be overcome before the search could be successfully continued in that country. That has been done, and the Author is now on the eve of leaving for Europe to clean up the New Zealand material known to be available there, but the two years required to qualify him has kept back the preparation of this work. The second cause of delay was fire, or rather the third visit of that destroying agent which the Author has experienced. The work was ready, and in type, when a fire in the publishers' factory in Wellington, last July, wiped the whole thing out in one act. The Author was in Sydney, enjoying a holiday at the time, and, as good luck would have it, had, before leaving, secured a “pull off” to examine the last few Chapters with Australian originals. This was the one thing saved from the fire. Meantime, the opening of the Mitchell Library gave access to fresh stores of material, and the fire was taken advantage of to incorporate this, with the result that the work, as it appears now, is the old work largely re-written and added to.

Some material, which might well be considered to come within the province of the book, has been omitted. The genesis of the New Zealand Company is not given, nor is any mention made of events in England and Scotland, in which the Company played an important part. These are so intimately connected with the sending out of the first Governor, and the appointment of Captain Hobson to that position, that they have been held over to be dealt with when the history of the North Island comes to be written. Partly for the same reason, the rise and history of the French Expedition, which came to Akaroa nearly two months after the South Island became British Territory, has been omitted. So much material has been accumulated under this heading that its publication, in anything like completeness, would fill a volume of no insignificant size, and, as the opinion has long held ground that it was at Akaroa, and on account of the French going to land there, that British Sovereignty was proclaimed over the South Island, and as the Author holds an entirely different view, the reader is entitled to know everything about it, and should not be dependent for that, on the small amount of space which could be spared in this book. That, therefore, stands over. For causes also connected with the want of space, material relating to the purchase of land from the Natives, and the later material dealing with the French scientists has been reduced to a minimum.

The determination of the exact locality of places, and of the proper spelling of names, has been fraught with the greatest difficulties. Some of the place-names have been ascertained through references obtained in the most unexpected places, others by local tradition, but a few have resisted every attempt at identification. The spelling of ships' names is sometimes rather loose, e.g., “Marianne” or “Mary Ann;” “Harriett,” or “Hariet,” “Maria Watson,” or “Marion Watson.” In such cases references in official documents, or advertisements, are preferred to the spelling of sea captains. The French ships proved so difficult to record that many captains confined their description to “a French whaler.” It is, however, in the names of sailors that imagination was allowed to run riot. We have “Anglin,” “Anglim,” “Anglem,” “Ingram,” and “England,” for one unfortunate mariner. The first spelling was selected because used by the best educated recorders of his movements, but the name “Anglem” has been generally accepted, wrongly, the Author is satisfied. The name Blinkinsopp is another of the same kind. Some of the names recorded may be considered to be of so little value as not to be worth recording. That may be so, but the Author has not that perfect knowledge of his subject which will enable him, with confidence, to reject any name as too insignificant for record.

Anything in the nature of a complete acknowledgment of thanks for the assistance rendered by friends who have put their libraries at the Author's disposal, friends who have helped him with introductions to those in authority in other lands, and friends to historical research, who, as officers in public institutions, have given him of their best, would be impossible. There are, however, some whom no excuse such as that would forgive the passing over of: In Wellington, Mr. A. H. Turnbull, with his great collection of New Zealand Literature; in Hobart, Mr. Tapsell of the Record Office; in Sydney, Mr. Wright and his Staff of assistants in the Mitchell, and Mr. Ifould and his Staff in the Free Public, Libraries; in the United States, the Officers of the Historical Societies of New Bedford, and Nantucket, and the Librarian of the New Bedford Library, and of the Essex Institute, Salem, Mass.; in England, the Officers in the Record Office, and the British Museum; and in Paris, the Minister of Marine and the Officers of his various Departments, and M. de la Roncière of the Bibliothèque Nationale. The thanks of the Author are also due to the Officers of the Royal Geographical Society, London, who not only put themselves to considerable inconvenience to search for the Enderby Papers, but who, when they were found, permitted their first publication to take place herein. The Author would also express his thanks to the Rev. Dr. Watkin, of St. Kilda, Melbourne, for leave given to reproduce his father's Journal. Mr. T. E. Whelch, of The Lake, Wanstead, Hawke's Bay, permitted the Author to have the use of a valuable collection of old manuscripts which belonged to the late Captain Hempleman. For such consideration, merely to receive thanks is a very small return.

The Author also desires to thank Messrs. Whitcombe and Tombs' staff for the care and attention they have devoted to the production of this volume.

As this book is published with the sole desire of giving to the World the facts connected with the early history of New Zealand, the Author places no embargo upon the use of any part of it by other writers; it is expected, however, that all making use of its contents will honourably acknowledge the source from which the narrative has come.

Should the Index prove wanting, either to the general reader, or to the student of any line of investigation, a short note to the Author will always be welcomed by him, and may remedy that defect in future works; certainly it will save the final production from the defect complained of.

Palmerston North

, 24th May, 1913.

Contents

Chapter Page Introduction iii I. Cook Strait, 1830 to 1832 1 II. The Brig “Elizabeth,” 1830 to 1832 22 III. The Defence of Nga-Motu, 1832 38 IV. Cook Strait, 1833 and 1834 60 V. Foveaux Strait and the Islands, 1830 to 1835 82 VI. Weller's Whaling Station, 1831 to 1835 98 VII. Rescue of the “Harriett's” Crew, 1834 112 VIII. Cook Strait, 1835 and 1836 133 IX. Cook Strait, 1836 and 1837 148 X. Otago Trade, 1836 and 1837 172 XI. The American Whalers, 1834 to 1837 187 XII. The Preservation Manslaughter Trial, 1838 204 XIII. Cook Strait Trade, 1838 221 XIV. Foveaux Strait Trade, 1838 236 XV. The French Fleet, 1836 to 1838 245 XVI. Tariff Disputes, 1834 to 1838 260 XVII. Otago Trade, 1839 and 1840 274 XVIII. Cook Strait and Chatham Island, 1839 and 1840 289 XIX. American Whalers and Scientists, 1838 to 1840 302 XX. French Whalers and Scientists, 1839 and 1840 321 XXI. The Coming of the Church, 1835 to 1840 333 XXII. The Coming of the Company, 1839 and 1840 347 XXIII. The Coming of the Crown, 1840 363 Appendix A. The Brig “Elizabeth” Records 381 B. The Enderby Records, 1831 414 C. The “Harriett” Papers, 1834 423 D. The “Mary and Elizabeth” Papers, 1834 430 E. The “Mary Mitchell” Log, 1836 433 F. The Enderby Records, 1838 461 G. Watkin's Journal, 1840 481 The Index Personal 490 Ship 495 General 498

The Old Whaling Days

Chapter I.Cook Strait, 1830 to 1832.

1830.

For a long time before the period now to be reviewed New Zealand had been intimately associated with the whaling trade. Whalers had “fished” off the northern coast from about 1794, and had, from somewhere about that date, made the Bay of Islands a depôt from which they obtained food for their crews, and crews for their ships. These were sperm whalers, who hunted the cachalot in the open sea, over recognised whaling grounds in the vicinity of our coasts, but their trade cannot be claimed as belonging to any country in particular, it belongs to the Ocean. The whaling trade we now propose to deal with was of an entirely different kind, and consisted of pursuing and capturing the right whale, when these animals paid their annual visit to the New Zealand bays.

Dieffenbach, the naturalist of the New Zealand Company, who wrote fully on the subject in 1839, when there were ample facilities for accurate observation, says that the whales arrived off our coast from the north, in the beginning of May, skirted the western coastline of the North Island, passed between Kapiti Island and the mainland, and then entered Cloudy Bay. In June they appeared at the Chathams. In October they made to the east or to the north. Some, instead of coming through Cook Strait, went round by Preservation Inlet and Foveaux Strait. In the early part of the season the whales were in Cook Strait, in the latter part, in Cloudy Bay.

The end of the third decade of the century found quite a number of Sydney firms engaged in the sperm whale trade, in company with the whaling vessels of England, Europe, and America. As sperm whales came to be reduced in number, and as the demand for right whale oil and whalebone made the right whale more valuable, greater attention was paid to the latter's movements, and some of the whalers captured the right whale when opportunity offered, and took sperm or right as they were available. Noting the bays on the New Zealand coast which the whales visited to calve, and the period when that took place, the whalers, during the same period, forsook the open sea whaling and visited these same bays. Thus did bay whaling become a New Zealand trade.

The Rev. R. Taylor states, under date 1855, that whaling began in Cook Strait and Preservation Inlet in 1827, but as Williams, who managed the Preservation Station, only claimed to have started there in 1829, Taylor must be wrong in his dates or in his association of the two places. In April, 1836, the Customs Department, Sydney, informed the Governor that the fisheries had been carried on for about eight years and were increasing. That would imply a commencement in 1827 or 1828, according as the writer spoke of the seasons the stations were used, or the years since they were opened. In 1839, Guard told Colonel Wakefield of the New Zealand Company that he entered Tory Channel in 1827, having been driven in by a gale of wind. There he built a house and carried on sealing and whaling, with great risk and annoyance from the natives and with no profit to himself. Sometimes he was compelled to live on whale's flesh and wild turnip tops. For want of sufficient men and the necessary tools, he was unable to save the oil, so he killed the whales for the bone only, which he sold to passing vessels. The Maoris repeatedly burnt down his buildings. Guard's account is quite consistent with contemporaneous records, and would explain the absence of any mention of New Zealand whale oil, amongst Sydney imports, during those years.

The explanation of any misunderstanding as to the date of the commencement of the Cook Strait whaling is probably to be found in a letter of date November, 1831, written by Mr. Bell, a Sydney merchant, who was extensively engaged in the trade, and who had resided with a shore party at Cloudy Bay for some seven months during the whaling season of 1830. That gentleman says:—

“The black whale fishery was tried in New Zealand some years ago, but it was again abandoned until last year, when it was renewed by one vessel and two shore parties from Sydney, and one vessel from Hobart Town. As they had to look out for the best bays and other difficulties to encounter which always attend the commencement of such speculations, some time was lost at the beginning of the season, but they were, on the whole, very successful, and caught about six hundred tuns of oil and thirty tons of bone…. The black whales visit the bays and coasts of New Zealand for the purpose of calving, and begin to set in about the beginning of April and remain till about the middle of September. Cloudy Bay in Cooks Straits is considered the best situation on account of its excellent harbour, but should too many vessels frequent it there are several other smaller harbours and bays in the Middle and Southern and Stewarts Island where the fishery may be carried on.”

This clears up the mystery surrounding the starting of bay whaling in Cook Strait, and fits in with the statement attributed to Guard of his connection with it. Bell varies, to the extent of a month, the date of arrival of the whales. This may have been one of the results of the nine years of persecution which the whales had undergone when Dieffenbach wrote.

The first cargo of whale oil, which can be identified as coming from the South Island of New Zealand, reached Sydney on 3rd February, 1830, in the Waterloo, a small schooner of 66 tons, under the command of Captain Guard. The oil cargo consisted of only two tuns, and was consigned to R. Campbell & Co., but whether it was taken by a shore party during the 1829 season, or was captured at sea, is not stated. In addition to her oil, the Waterloo had on board 1185 seal skins, which she had procured in the south. During her southern trip she met the Caroline, Williams, off Chalky Inlet the day she sailed. Her sealing trip might explain the delay in getting to Sydney the oil of the 1829 season.

On 13th February, the Harlequin, 71 tons, Scott, sailed from Sydney for Cook Strait, with a cargo of muskets, gunpowder, pipes, tobacco, and rum. She brought back a cargo of flax and potatoes on 30th March. John Cowel, the son of a ropemaker in Sydney, was on board acting as interpreter. The work he did was highly spoken of, and his services were commended to merchants engaged in the New Zealand trade. Her second trip was from Hobart Town on 2nd June, under the command of Allan Monteith. Her cargo was consigned to Mr. George Macfarlane, who was also a passenger.

While at Hobart Town Captain Monteith told, that, a short time before, he had been at New Zealand as second officer on board a vessel, and had spoken the Government brig Cyprus, which had been piratically seized while in Research Bay on a voyage from Hobart Town to Macquarie Island with convicts. Convict Walker then commanded the captured vessel. Under him she was sailing as the Friends of Boston. When spoken she was taking in ballast and water, and had plenty of provisions on board. It is probable that Monteith was second officer of the Elizabeth and Mary, as that vessel brought similar news to Sydney in September, 1829. If so, it was at Port Underwood the pirates were met with, and it would be from the natives of Cook Strait they obtained their provisions.

This conclusion is supported by the recollection of Mr. John Guard, of Port Underwood, of his father's version of the incident. The original John Guard, captain of the Waterloo, told his son that he was in Port Underwood when the Cyprus arrived; that shortly afterwards “Billy” Worth arrived (the Elizabeth and Mary). When Worth found out who his neighbours were he wanted to effect a capture, but Guard would not hear of it. “Captain” Walker treated Guard and Worth to everything good that was on board, and the pirate quite won the heart of Mrs. Worth by presenting her with some ladies' dresses. These dresses had belonged to the officers' wives when the craft was seized and all but the pirates put ashore. Guard also said that the Waterloo, the Cyprus and the Elizabeth and Mary were the first three ships to visit Port Underwood. This statement is open to grave doubt.

In March, R. Campbell & Co. purchased the brig Hind and fitted her out for the black whale fishery. On 26th April, Bell and Farmer sent the William Stoveld on a whaling cruise to New Zealand. The Hind followed on 4th May. When the brig Tranmere arrived on 24th June, with a cargo of flax from Kapiti, Captain Smith reported that the William Stoveld and the Hind were bay whaling there, and that the former had 25 tuns of oil on board, and the latter 16, with a whale alongside.

Reports which reached Sydney in July regarding the prospects of the bay whaling were very favourable. These were borne out by the return of the William Stoveld on 13th August, with 50 tuns of oil and 25 tons of flax. This vessel appears to have had a party stationed ashore in connection with her operations. On the day of her arrival in Sydney, the Norval, Harrison, sailed for the New Zealand black whale fishery.

The Currency Lass, the Java Packet, and the Industry were at New Zealand when the William Stoveld left. In consequence of the increased demand flax was becoming rather scarce, and masters of vessels were reporting great difficulty in getting cargoes. The real significance of the trade was not lost upon the Sydney people, and some appeared to have qualms of conscience over the fact that the trade was a flourishing one simply because the islanders wanted weapons to wage war against one another. One journal took up the cudgels on behalf of the trade, and argued that the supplies of muskets and gunpowder which were pouring into New Zealand would make war such a fearful thing that the natives would hesitate to embark on it and peace would result. Whether that argument is true to-day remains to be seen, but subsequent events among the Maoris showed that in their case the result was the very opposite.

On 3rd September the Prince of Denmark brought up 15 tons of flax. Her report was that there was plenty of flax, but that the natives would not trade. The Argo, the Currency Lass, the Elizabeth, and the Industry had only 5 tons among them. Whaling looked better, as the Hind had about 140 tuns of black oil, the William Stoveld's party 100 tuns, and the Deveron, of Hobart, 140 tuns.

Six days later the Argo, disgusted at her want of success in getting a cargo, reached Sydney a clean ship. To add to the disappointment she had lost two of her anchors.

On 11th October, the brig Industry returned with 21 tons of flax and a passenger, Richard Murphy. Captain Young reported speaking the brig Elizabeth, the Dragon, and the Currency Lass, all empty; the Waterloo, with 10 tons of flax, and the Hind, at Cloudy Bay on 28th August, almost full of oil.

The Java Packet, which was the other vessel in Cook Strait with the William Stoveld, Industry and Currency Lass, came to a sad end. Some prisoners at Norfolk Island seized a boat and escaped. They made for New Zealand, seized the Java Packet, and, it was thought, murdered the crew and took the vessel to Rhootamah where they scuttled her.

The Waterloo returned on the twenty-third with 14 tons of flax. During the following month—November—the remaining bay whalers returned to Sydney. The Norval and the Hind sailed together, but the former put into Cloudy Bay for several days, eventually reaching Sydney on 2nd November, with 110 tuns of oil, 10 tons of flax, and 6 tons whalebone, while the latter reached Sydney on the thirteenth, with 160 tuns of oil and 6 tons of whalebone.

The doings of the Elizabeth will form the subject of a special chapter.

J. B. Montefiore, of Sydney, decided at this time to form mercantile establishments throughout New Zealand, and, to make himself acquainted with the country and its inhabitants, chartered the brig Argo, 168 tons, Billing, and sailed for New Zealand on 11th September, 1830. His first port of call was Kawhia, where he purchased some land for a trading station and then sailed south. He intended to visit the South Island, but the events to be recorded in the next chapter altered his plans, and he returned to Sydney in the Elizabeth. The Argo did not reach Sydney until 28th May. Her cargo consisted of 55 tons of flax, 10 tons of potatoes, 30 pigs, 2 sacks of wheat, and 30 jars of pickled oysters. Among trade pioneers she may claim the honour of being the pioneer of the oyster trade.

In addition to the Sydney whalers, the Deveron had returned from Cloudy Bay to Hobart Town on 2nd November, with 200 tuns of oil and 20 tons of bone. This barque was commanded by Captain Lovett, and although she brought back to port a very fine cargo, she had been compelled to bring her voyage to an end through a terrible accident met with while on the fishing station.

“Two parties, in different boats, were examining a bay on that coast, when a sudden squall overtook them, and, dreadful to relate, one of the boats was immediately capsized. The poor unfortunate sufferers were seen by the crew of the other boat in this dreadful situation, but owing to the tempestuous weather, it would have been certain destruction to the other crew had they attempted to relieve their companions, who consequently met an untimely end. The crew of the boat consisted of the first and third mate, besides four seamen, one of whom was a native lad of the place, named Williams. In consequence of the above unfortunate circumstance, by which six hands were lost, the captain considered it advisable to return to port, particularly as, with the exception of about 15 tuns, the whole of his oil casks were filled.”

The date of the tragedy is given as 28th September, 1830. The cargo obtained during the five months of the voyage was valued at £5000, and belonged to Captain Wilson.

When Captain Briggs returned to Hobart Town in the Dragon, on 10th December, after experiences at Kapiti which will be recorded in connection with the movements of the Elizabeth, the Customs authorities treated his cargo as foreign produce, and called upon him to pay five per cent, duty in addition to wharfage charges. At that time, in Sydney, New Zealand produce was treated as Colonial, and neither duty nor wharfage charges were imposed upon it. Under this system Sydney had built up a big New Zealand trade. The point had never been raised in Hobart Town, where the New Zealand trade was very insignificant. Briggs, who was one of the owners of the Dragon, applied to the authorities to have his cargo treated as foreign produce. The Customs officers at once saw the importance of the point in relation to the development of their trade with New Zealand, and reported favourably on the application. The Sydney Customs, on being consulted, advised that they dealt with New Zealand produce as their own “free of duty, or any charge whatever,” but that the Regulation was purely a local one, and they suggested that the subject was worthy of the attention of the Lt.-Governor at Hobart Town. On examination, and in view of the importance of cultivating an oversea trade for the young town of Hobart Town, the Lt.-Governor decided that New Zealand produce should be admitted as Colonial, and Captain Briggs was advised that his cargo of spars and flax would be admitted free. Whether due to this step or not, the author will not say, but after this date the Hobart Town trade with New Zealand developed to a wonderful extent.

It is possible to give a very fair description of the local bay whaling and to indicate the quantity of oil obtained during the season of 1830, in Cook Strait. For this we are again indebted to the information supplied by Mr. Bell, who thus places upon record the result of his observations while at Cloudy Bay.

“If the fishing is to be carried on by a shore party, the try pots and huts are erected on the beach and the vessel which brought the party down is either employed in collecting flax along the coast, or returns to Sydney, and is sent down again at the end of the season to bring them up with what oil they may have caught. The boats are sent out at daylight every morning, and when they are so fortunate as to kill a fish it is towed ashore and flinched and boiled up on the beach. When the fishing is carried on in a vessel, the blubber is boiled out in try pots erected on deck as in a sperm whaler. From its being tried out immediately after the fish is caught the oil is much purer and is free from the rancid smell of the Greenland oil. A vessel had a great advantage over a shore party as in fine weather they can go out of the harbour and anchor in the Bay, and when they have got a sufficient quantity of blubber, or when bad weather comes on, they can tow the dead whales in; whereas if a shore party kills a whale, and bad weather comes on, they are obliged to anchor it and come in, and it is a great chance if they do not lose it.

“The whales are seldom killed nearer than two miles from the harbour, and sometimes seven or eight, and if the tide or wind is against them it is a most laborious business to tow such a huge animal. I have known the boats to be out for 14 hours pulling, except at short intervals, all the time. Indeed, killing the fish is a trifle in comparison with the getting it in, our party alone lost seven large fish after they were killed last season. The depth of water in the bays where the whales are killed is from 14 to 20 fathoms. They yield from 2 to 13 tuns of oil, those killed by my party last season averaged 6 tuns of oil each and three and a half hundred-weight of bone. The cows are generally larger and produce more oil than the bulls, but they get thin towards the end of the season from supporting the calves. It is a pity that it should often be necessary to fasten to the calf in order to secure the cow, but I do not apprehend it will cause such a diminution of numbers as to injure the fishing, at least not until it is carried on to a much greater extent than it is at present.”

Mr. Bell speaks of one whaling vessel and two whaling stations being fitted out from Sydney during the first season. It is somewhat difficult to follow his figures in this. The Hind was fitted out by R. Campbell & Co., and the William Stoveld by Bell (probably our informant) and Farmer. The Tranmere reported both of them to be whaling at Kapiti. According to the Sydney press, two different firms had a whaling station and a vessel engaged in the industry. The solitary vessel from Hobart Town was the Deveron, owned by Captain Wilson. Bell puts the total catch at 600 tuns of oil and 30 tons of bone. At the London prices of £28 for oil and £125 for bone the whaling products for the season would amount to £20,550. The whalers also took away 25 tons of flax. Probably the distinction between Kapiti and Cloudy Bay in regard to trade generally was not very clearly observed.

The following table will show the cargoes of oil reported in the press to have been obtained in and about Cook Strait during 1830:—

Arrival Vessel Class Tons Captain Tuns Feb. 3 Waterloo Schooner 66 Guard 2 Aug. 13 William Stoveld Brig 187 Davidson 50 Nov. 2 Norval Brig 294 Harrison 110 Nov. 2 Deveron 272 Lovett 200 Nov. 13 Hind Brig 140 Scott 160 522

The following Flax Traders also visited Cook Strait:—

Arrival Vessel Class Tons Captain Tons Mar. 30 Harlequin Schooner 71 Scott June 24 Tranmere Brig 186 Smith 17 Aug. 13 William Stoveld Brig 182 Davidson 25 Sept. 3 Prince of Denmark Schooner 127 Jack 15 Sept. 9 Argo Brig 169 Billing Oct. 11 Industry Brig 87 Young 21 Oct. 23 Waterloo Schooner 66 Guard 14 Nov. 2 Norval Brig 294 Harrison 10 Dec. 10 Dragon 135 Steine Java Packet 88 Morris

This table is limited to those known to have been in Cook Strait. Probably it does not form even a majority of those that were there.

Bell was in the habit of getting supplies of potatoes for his Cloudy Bay whaling station from the Kapiti natives, and on one occasion an Englishman, who came over with them in a canoe manned by 40 Maoris, told him of a singular custom which the Natives observed when coming across. They coasted along until they came to the narrowest part of the Strait when every man but the steersman covered his eyes. They obliged the Englishman to do the same, and to sit down in the bottom of the boat. In this singular position they paddled across. Shortly after they started the Englishman uncovered his eyes, but the natives remained blindfolded and speechless until the canoes came within a quarter of a mile of the land, when, at a signal from the steersman, they resumed their normal condition amidst demonstrations of joy.

Up to this time vessels engaged in the flax trade always come down to the New Zealand coast with sufficient goods on board to enable barter with the Natives to be carried on until their cargoes were completed. This meant great delay on the coast and consequent loss of money. A very much better plan now came into operation. Collectors were landed at the different settlements to buy the flax and have it all ready to be put on board when the vessel was ready to receive it. Meanwhile the vessel sailed away and visited other places.

The goods usually taken for exchange were tomahawks, pipes, fishhooks, clasp knives, tobacco, cotton handkerchiefs, cartridge paper, bullets, cartouche boxes, bayonets, cutlasses, bullet moulds, and leather belts. In winter there was a very good demand for blankets and woollen slops. The goods got in return were pigs, potatoes, curios, and flax. Labour was paid for the same way. Tobacco was in good demand, and rum gave promise of improvement as its taste was acquired. Muskets, with a plentiful supply of gunpowder, were looked upon as the most valuable articles for the Natives to have, and they were purchased by such quantities that an onlooker would have thought they would have long before this become a drug on the market. This was not so, however. When the trade first commenced, any sort of weapon which the trader could fire off, if it were only when the weapon was being tried, was good enough to buy, and, as the Natives were provided neither with the means nor the knowledge of effecting repairs, the number of muskets which had to be “scrapped” was very great. By 1830 this was all changed, and the Maori knew a good gun just as well as the European did, and they knew the men they were dealing with, so they made it a rule to take off the locks and examine them before completing the bargain. They preferred the muskets which bore a Tower stamp, and fancied the stocks which were dark in colour and had most brass upon them.

When it is known that the trade in muskets and gunpowder was almost wholly to enable Te Rauparaha to plunder and devastate the less efficiently armed tribes around him, the expert knowledge which the Maori had acquired in connection with munitions of war gives us an idea of the tremendous magnitude of the trade, and the consequent destruction of human life on which it lived. One trader hired out his vessel to take natives to a certain spot to kill other natives, another trader sold the guns to the transported natives by which they were able to effect their purpose, knowing at the time what the weapons were being bought for. The problem of deciding which was the greater offence is passed on from the author to the reader.

1831.

In the early part of 1831, and before the whaling season commenced, considerable activity was shown in the Kapiti Island flax trade. First of all, the Elizabeth returned to Sydney on 14th January with 30 tons. She was followed, early in February, by the Currency Lass, with another 30 tons, and Captain Wishart reported that he had left the brig Argo, and the schooner Speculator, at Kapiti, with small quantities of flax in each. The last named reached Sydney on 5th March with a cargo of 13 tons. Then came the Waterloo, on the ninth, with 15 tons of flax and 700 seal skins, and finally the Argo, on the twenty-eighth, with 55 tons. These five flax vessels brought to Sydney, in three months, 143 tons of prepared fibre, mostly from Cook Strait. The defence preparations of the Kapiti Administration must now have been in a very forward condition.

When the whaling season came on, the first vessel to arrive from Cook Strait was the Waterloo, Brady, on 12th June, with 3 tuns of oil, the product of one whale. She had left New Zealand on 28th May and reported the following vessels there when she sailed.

The Elizabeth, moored off the bay, having taken one whale.

The Courier, without oil and with her crew in a state of mutiny.

The Venus and the Currency Lass, empty.

The season proved a very profitable one, as the following letter, written at Cloudy Bay after the best of the season was over, will show:—

Ship Elizabeth, Cloudy Bay,

July 27, 1831.

By the Dragon I beg to inform you that we have on board 1600 barrels of oil, and are in a fair way of getting more. The following fishers are in Cloudy Bay:—

The Dragon, full;

Courier, 300 barrels;

William Stoveld, 300 barrels of black oil, and 400 of sperm;

and New Zealander, empty;

Mossman's shore whaling gangs have secured 170 barrels.

The Jane arrived here yesterday.

The Juno left this place about 3 weeks back for Banks' Island, with 1000 barrels of oil.

The Dragon referred to here was the Hobart whaler; she sailed from New Zealand on 28th July and reached the Derwent on 3rd September, 1831.

By the end of August the Juno had returned from Banks Peninsula, and was lying at Kapiti when the brutal murder of one of the seamen by the captain took place. An eye witness thus describes it:—

“The brig Juno, whaler, was lying at anchor at Cobarty (Kapiti), New Zealand, on the 31st of August last, Captain Peterson and a boat's crew were on shore buying potatoes, etc., and when he returned on board, he was in a hurry to get under weigh. The mate called all hands to the windlass to weigh, and Johnstone was the first man on deck, when the mate told Johnstone that if the anchor was weighed, the wind blowing on the shore and the tide running up, the vessel would go on shore. Johnstone then came forward, and shortly after the Captain himself came and asked why the ship was not under weigh? Johnstone said, if the anchor was hove, the ship would go ashore. The Captain called him a mutinous rascal, asked him if he was master of the ship, to which Johnstone said no, he was willing to heave the anchor up. The Captain then went aft and remained about a quarter of an hour, when he came on deck on the larboard side, Johnstone being on the opposite side of the deck forward, and all hands being ready to man the windlass. The Captain repeated his question of ‘where are you Johnstone?’ As it was dark, and he could not see him, Johnstone went close up to show himself, when the Captain pushed him with his left hand; Johnstone said to him ‘don't shove me Captain Peterson.’ Capt. Peterson replied, ‘Yes, you mutinous rascal I will shove you,’ and again shoved him with his left hand and presenting a pistol which he had in his right hand, shot him dead. The ball entered at the left jaw, came out through the top of the head, and lodged in the right head of the brig. The chief mate immediately took the pistol out of the Captain's hand and threw it overboard, saying, ‘You shall do no more mischief with that; you have done a pretty thing for yourself.’ When the Captain drew the trigger of the pistol he said ‘He struck me first,’ when the crew answered ‘He did not.’ The crew then requested the officers to secure the Captain from doing further damage, and the officers passed their word that he should be taken care of. Captains Ashmore and Adams then came on board and asked the crew if they were willing that Captain Peterson should go on board the Guide, where he should be taken care of. The crew objected to Captain Peterson's being taken out of the vessel, thinking that his escape from justice was intended, and told Captain Ashmore that he would not be harmed or insulted by them. On the following day, the 1st September, Johnstone was taken on shore and interred; and when the crew returned from the burial, a whale sprung up close to the ship, and the officer in charge held up his hand and asked who would volunteer to go and kill the whale? The boats were then manned, and the crew started and killed the whale. During the time the crew were away towing the whale alongside, the Guide's boat (in which were the first mate and three seamen) went on board the Juno, for some plank, and Captain Peterson jumped into the boat and was landed by them. A seaman on board hailed the boats, which immediately cast off from the whale, and gave chase to the boat in which the Captain had escaped, but could not overtake it before he was safely landed. The day following, a note was received from Captain Peterson, telling the seamen that if they pursued him on shore, they would meet with a very cool reception from the natives. Some of the men, with the officer in charge, then went on shore to arrest the Captain, and when they got on shore, saw him with a musket in his hand, surrounded by a large body of the natives armed with muskets and bayonets. The officer went up and spoke to the Captain, when the Captain, the officer, and two of the crew went up together to a Mr. Harvey's hut. The officer then asked Captain Peterson if he would go on board? He said, no, but they should never take him on board alive, for he would sooner put an end to his life. Mr. Harvey then said, that he would protect him whilst he had a roof to his house. One of the men then laid hold of the Captain, and told him that he must go in the vessel to Sydney. The Captain hallooed to the natives, who rushed in great numbers to his assistance, armed with bayonets, and drove the men down to their boats with great violence, and so rescued Captain Peterson. The officer and men then returned to the vessel, which weighed anchor and sailed for Sydney the next morning.”

The Guide mentioned here was a vessel of 147 tons, commanded by Captain Ashmore, and had left Sydney on 13th August for Cook Strait. After the murder, the mate—Smith—took the Juno to Sydney. It was reported that a private investigation was held in the Police Office, late in October, but nothing further was heard of it.

The Venus, a whaler belonging to Kelly, of Hobart Town, had been among the Islands to the south of New Zealand. After leaving Cloudy Bay she went sperm whaling and reached Sydney on 6th January, 1832.

On the 25th September, the Waterloo returned from Campbell's shore whaling establishment on her second oil trip, with 40 tuns oil and 3 tons bone. Readers will notice that Guard commanded the Waterloo outside the whaling season, but when the shore establishments were busy another captain took his place, Guard leaving to take control of the station.

Speaking of the 1831 season, Bell says: “This year it (the whaling) has been entered into with great spirit. There have been no less than six vessels and three shore parties fitted out from Sydney, and two vessels, I believe, from Hobart Town.” The five vessels above recorded and the Waterloo were probably the six referred to. R. Campbell & Co. owned one of the shore stations, and Mossman probably owned the other two. The Deveron, the Dragon, and the Venus were Hobart Town vessels, of which the two last-named are recorded as visiting Cloudy Bay. It is more than probable that the other also called there, as she sailed for the whaling and would be more than likely to visit the scene of her former successes.

Until the end of July flax traders monopolised the Cook Strait trade entries at Sydney, the following being the order of arrival of those already mentioned in our narrative:—

Arrival. Vessel Class Tons Captain Tons Jan. 14 Elizabeth Brig 236 Stewart 30 Feb. 6 Currency Lass Schooner 90 Buckell 30 Mar. 5 Speculator Schooner 39 Parker 13 Mar. 9 Waterloo Schooner 66 Guard 15 Mar. 28 Argo Brig 169 Billing 55 July 27 Currency Lass Schooner 90 Buckell 20

The whalers, naturally, were crowded into the latter part of the year; particularly was December noted for the quantity of oil which was received at Sydney.

Arrival Vessel Class Tons Captain Tuns June 12 Waterloo Schooner 66 Brady 3 Sept. 23 Juno Brig 212 Smith 60 Sept. 25 Waterloo Schooner 66 Guard 40 Dec. 4 Courier Brig 184 Sutton 75 Dec. 5 William Stoveld Brig 187 Davidson 199 Dec. 7 New Zealander Schooner 140 Gardner 17 Dec. 9 Elizabeth Ship 365 Fowler 327 Dec. 11 Waterloo Schooner 66 Brady 40 Dec. 31 Venus 288 Harvey 140

1832.

Before the 1832 season opened Guard brought up the Waterloo with 115 seal skins and 9 tuns of oil to Sydney on 3rd March. On the nineteenth she returned with a gang of whalers for Cloudy Bay.

When H.M.S. Zebra was at Kapiti, under circumstances described hereafter, the schooner Currency Lass sailed with a cargo of 28 tons of flax. She reached Sydney on 22nd April with three passengers—Messrs. Wishart, Lane, and Ward, and brought up word that the William Stoveld, which had sailed from Sydney on 10th February, had, 14 days, afterwards, put into Cloudy Bay, where she remained 10 days to take in the remainder of her lading before proceeding on her voyage.

The Waterloo brought up her first cargo of the new rseason's oil—40 tuns—on 22nd August, and returned to Cook Strait, five days later, with supplies for the men to the whaling gangs. Hall, her new master, reported that when he sailed from Cloudy Bay on 3rd August Blinkinsopp had 150 tons on board the Caroline, and expected to be able to fill up his total supply of casks of 300 tuns. The Caroline had sailed from Sydney on 9th May and had two of her men killed in the first boat lowered. Two Tasmanian whalers were also in the Bay. The Hetty had 250 barrels of sperm oil on board, and the Amity, which had come up from Otago, on 3rd July, had secured five whales. Strong S.E. gales had prevailed during the season.

The next cargo of the Waterloo, on 2nd November, consisted of 40 tuns of oil and 4 tons whalebone. Two days after the Waterloo reached Sydney another of Campbell & Co's vessels—the Harriett, 254 tons. Wyatt—which had sailed from Sydney on 11th August to load up at Cloudy Bay for London, arrived with 188 tuns of oil and 10 tons whalebone. She reported that the Island was in a tolerable state of tranquillity, the flax trade reviving, and the bay whaling proceeding with spirit.

The barque Vittoria, 281 tons, S. Ashmore, belonging to R. Jones & Co., brought up 37 tons of flax, 50 pounds whalebone, and 5 butts whale oil to Sydney on 12th November. She also brought to port very sad news of a sealing gang. It appears that about seven months before that, an old Sydney captain, named William Kinnard, accompanied by two whites and several New Zealanders, had proceeded in the Admiral Gifford to Rocky Point, for the purpose of forming a sealing establishment, and, after leaving the men there, had returned to Sydney on 9th June with 11 tons of flax. The Vittoria, on this trip, went round to pick them up, when to their astonishment and horror, they found that the natives had seized and devoured the whites and taken away their boats and stores.

Just as the whaling vessels which visited Cook Strait were not confined to Sydney-owned craft, so many flax traders from Tasmania were among the customers of the Maoris in the vicinity of Kapiti. One of these was a boat of 199 tons, called the William the Fourth, commanded by Captain Steine, probably one of the most romantic marine figures which the young Australasian colonies have ever produced. Sailing from Hobart on 4th June, 1832, he made for Kapiti, and proceeded to explore the adjoining seaboard between Queen Charlotte Sound and Cloudy Bay. As reported by the Hobart Town “Courier” of 14th September, 1832, on his return, his narrative reads:—

“On entering the bay where the prosperous native settlement of Wickett is situated, Captain Steine found that a very large navigable river flowed into it, which he named William the Fourth River. He proceeded up a distance of 50 miles, when he entered a beautiful bay surrounded with magnificent timber interspersed with extensive tracts of the richest soil. About 200 New Zealanders dwelt in a small village close to the beach, who seemed gradually to be acquiring industries and civilised habits. By means of the traffic with the English they had obtained hoes from the people at Wickett with which they had broken up the soil and were cultivating potatoes. Captain Steine found them of a very peaceable and friendly disposition, and easily prevailed on them to assist him in cutting the trees and loading his vessel. That part of the country never before having been visited by any European, he named the bay Horne's Bay, after the owner of his vessel. The resident chief named Tamoc, a very handsome athletic youth, and two others, named Ahuda and Chewack, have come up in the vessel on a visit to Hobart Town.

“Captain Steine discovered another large river near the entrance of the river William the Fourth, which he named Queen Adelaide River. The whole of the country round these parts is under the denomination of Kankatatoo.”

The term river was, at that time, applied to what we now designate a sound, the village of Wickett was at Te Awaiti, and William the Fourth River was Tory Channel. The beautiful bay 50 miles up would be the head of Queen Charlotte Sound, where resides Mr. John Duncan, whose intimate knowledge of the Sound the author has freely drawn upon to identify the localities, and the timber was probably obtained from the place where Mr. Duncan's mills afterwards operated so successfully. Queen Adelaide River might have been the Pelorus, or the upper reaches of Queen Charlotte Sound.

Captain Steine sailed from New Zealand on 14th August, and reached Hobart on 1st September.

About the end of 1832 Captain Steine, then a young man of only 22 years of age, set sail in the Emma Kemp, a small craft of 37 tons, for Rio de Janeiro, for a cargo of tobacco and coffee. On his outward journey he called in at Cook Strait about the end of the year and there met the Sydney cutter Lord Liverpool. Following up the bold voyage of Captain Steine in his little craft we find that he left Rio on his return journey on 14th April, 1833, and reached Hobart on 12th August. Of his crew of 5 men not one could read or write. This is probably the most daring circumnavigation of the Globe ever undertaken by an Australasian captain.

Chapter II.The Brig “Elizabeth,” 1830 TO 1832.

On 22nd February, 1830, the Elizabeth, a brig of 236 tons, lay in the London Docks completing her crew and cargo for a voyage to New South Wales. Her owners intended to discharge her English cargo at Sydney and then send her to the coast of New Zealand to engage in the flax trade. Her captain, who was also a part owner, was John Stewart, described as of Southtown, in Suffolk. On 3rd March she sailed, and, after discharging her cargo at Port Jackson, proceeded, on 19th August, to New Zealand for general trade.

Stewart first took his vessel into Whangaroa, the last resting place of the ill-fated Boyd, and then made for Kapiti, at that time the great flax emporium of New Zealand. Here he found Te Rauparaha and Te Hiko busily engaged in preparing for a raid against the tribe which, under Tamaiharanui, occupied the shores of Akaroa, and whose chief had committed the offence of having killed Te Pehi Kupe, the father of Te Hiko.

The foresight of Te Rauparaha, and the special facilities which Kapiti offered for coming in contact with shipping, had enabled a large stock of muskets and powder to be accumulated there for any venture the two chiefs had in view. The weapons having been secured, Te Rauparaha set himself to obtain for his warriors means of transport to the scene of action. Just then the Dragon of Hobart Town dropped anchor off the Island, and Te Rauparaha at once approached Captain Briggs for the use of his vessel.

More than merely the means of transport was to be gained by the employment of a British vessel. The mission of the trader was a peaceful one and Te Rauparaha saw that he could, with such aid, transport a large body of men without the publicity attending a flotilla of Maori canoes. The vessel was a transport, and at the same time a blind. The scheme was well thought out. The difficulties in the way were many, but were faced with consummate skill. A tribal war was not a thing in which captains of British vessels cared to interfere, and, knowing this, Te Rauparaha determined to get over the difficulty which Captain Briggs was bound to raise by making the objective of the mission appear to be satisfaction for wrongs committed against white men. He represented that Te Pehi Kupe, the chief whose death he sought to obtain satisfaction for, had been the friend and avenger of the wrongs of the Pakeha. If that was not enough he and Te Hiko reminded the captain that there were no less than three other charges standing against Tamaiharanui and all of them involving responsibility for the death of Europeans. The first was that of a trader named Smith, in the employ of Captain Wiseman, who had been killed at the same time as Te Pehi Kupe. The second was the case of Captain J. Dawson and five of the crew of the Samuel, in 1824. The third was the murder of a midshipman and boat's crew belonging to H.M.S. Warspite.

In addition to the skill which the two cannibal chiefs manifested in voicing the cries for vengeance for the spilt blood of Maori and Pakeha, they showed considerable diplomacy. They informed Captain Briggs that they were quite prepared to pay, and to pay well, for the use of his vessel. Though often regarded as an illustration of the brutality of Te Rauparaha it may rather be an indication of his knowledge of the European trading captain of that day, that he proposed to make good the want of a suitable cause of war by a plentiful supply of its sinews.

Briggs would not agree to the proposal. He was not averse to taking part in an expedition against one whom he believed to be a murderous villain, but he objected to the scheme as outlined by the Kapiti chiefs. He would only go so far as to convey Te Rauparaha and two of his best men to Akaroa, where they could get an opportunity of securing the object of their vengeance: he would not be a party to their scheme of wholesale butchery. Te Rauparaha, who always believed in the personal safety of the leader of any expedition which he himself commanded, insisted on taking with him not less than twenty of his people, but. as that would give him the physical command of the Dragon, Briggs would not agree and the negotiations ceased. At this stage the Elizabeth arrived.

It is only fair to Stewart to state that he could have known, personally, nothing of the habits of the Maoris, nothing of the crafty nature of Te Rauparaha, and nothing of the truth or otherwise of the charges made against Tamaiharanui. If, in his ignorance, he appealed to Briggs for corroborative evidence of the iniquities of the Akaroa chief, he would get it, because Briggs believed that he was, as described to a Hobart Town editor, a “monster, the recapitulation of whose atrocities would fill a dozen of your numbers.” Outside of Briggs, Stewart's adviser would be his trading master, Cowell, who, from what transpired afterwards, would have no scruples how flax or any other cargo was obtained, so long as it was got. Whatever was the cause, Stewart favourably considered Te Rauparaha's proposals, and ultimately closed a bargain with him to convey his expedition to Akaroa, and to return with it to Kapiti after the objects of the expedition had been attained. Briggs says that he tried to dissuade Stewart from taking more Maoris on board than he could control, and urged him to send ashore, on arrival at Akaroa, men with presents, and who would state that they wanted to make the chief alone responsible for the death of the white men. This advice was ignored, and, on 29th October, 1830, an expedition of something like 120 men, armed with muskets and native weapons, embarked on board the Elizabeth and set sail for Banks Peninsula.

Here we may be permitted to digress for a moment to analyse the causes assigned by Te Rauparaha for asking the co-operation of a European vessel in such an undertaking. The death of Te Pehi Kupe might, according to native custom, warrant Maoris in taking steps to secure vengeance from Maoris, but would never justify the intervention of the Pakeha, not even if a Pakeha's death was brought about under the circumstance mentioned in the case of Smith. So much for the first case quoted. The death of Captain Dawson and his five men—the second charge—took place, so it was recorded at the time, at Cook Strait, which would seem to be inconsistent with Tamaiharanui's personal complicity, as that chief had his headquarters at Akaroa. No further information regarding this matter is at the author's disposal. The loss of a midshipman and a boat's crew belong to H.M.S. Warspite, which was the third charge, is a matter capable of proof or disproof, by a simple perusal of the vessel's log. This, on examination, shows that from August. 1825, to March, 1833, she only visited Cook Strait once—in January, 1827. On that occasion she was within sight of land from the-fourteenth to the twentieth, but never once landed a boat's crew. That charge, then, goes by the board. As bearing on the same question the author desires to place on record a statement made to him by the Rev. Canon Stack, who long laboured with much acceptance among the Maoris at Kaiapohia, that the natives there always maintained to him that whatever wrongs they had committed in the past, their hands were clean of white man's blood. The three charges against Tamaiharanui, made to justify European intervention, may, therefore, be ascribed as: the first, not applicable; the second, not probable; and the third, not true.

After an uneventful passage in the Elizabeth, Stewart arrived at Akaroa, and, to prevent the possibility of arousing the suspicions of the natives residing in the Bay, gave not the slightest indication that any Maoris were concealed on board. For several days, while the vessel lay at anchor, he kept Te Rauparaha's men down below and only permitted them to patrol the decks at night. The vessel's appearance thus conveyed the impression that she had come into the Bay merely to trade, as vessels from Australia often did at that time. It is reported from Maori sources, that, when the Elizabeth arrived. Tamaiharanui was not at home, but was on the flax ground with the women dressing flax, and Stewart, to lull all suspicions and at the same time to arouse the cupidity of the natives, brought 10 muskets and 2 casks of powder up to the chief's house. Be that as it may, the chief was invited to come on board, and information was sent him of the captain's desire to trade, and of the fact that he had plenty of muskets to buy flax.

Some three or four days after casting anchor in the Bay, Captain Stewart, and Cowell, went ashore with a boat's crew, professedly for sport. One of the sailors who gave evidence before the Sydney Magistrate said:—

“Three or four days after our arrival and before the landing of the Natives, the Captain and the Trading Master (Mr. Cowell) went on shore in the boat to shoot. There were four or five men of the ship in the boat unarmed, and on our return we met a canoe with a chief in it; he hailed us, and we pulled slowly till he came up with us; he was very glad to see us; Mr. Cowell spoke to him in the native language, and afterwards the chief came on board the ship—very gladly as it appeared to me. A little girl of about 11 years of age, and three or four natives, were with him. The little girl and the chief came on board our boat, and the other boat rowed away.”

Tamaiharanui was now in Stewart's power, and, all unconscious of the friends which awaited him on board the Elizabeth, was the first to climb on board when they reached the vessel's side. He was met on deck and accompanied to the cabin by Clementson, the chief mate. There the mate, with the assistance of three sailors, put him in irons. The old chief, says John Swan, the carpenter on board the Elizabeth, “made no resistance, but spoke and seemed much agitated.” The scene which followed with Te Rauparaha and Te Hiko before the old chief, is recorded by no eye witness, but probably no story in circulation exaggerates its horrors. After the chief had thus been secured, and on the same day, two canoes with some six or seven natives, including the chief's wife, came on board this floating man-trap to carry on trade. At once they were seized by Te Rauparaha and put into the hold. No native found out the trap in time to get away and warn his tribesmen; not a shadow of suspicion of the awful truth was communicated ashore. Nothing now remained for Te Rauparaha to do but to land, and in form and manner as by Maori usage appointed or tolerated, to carry out the object of the expedition, until the last Akaroa native was dead or captured.

We have the authority of the second mate for the statement that when the chief had been secured in the hold and Te Rauparaha was making preparations for going ashore to complete the work of destruction, the crew of the Elizabeth wanted the captain to sail away and thus prevent further bloodshed. Stewart, however, was fearful that if Te Rauparaha found himself thwarted he would turn on the ship's crew and wreak his vengeance on them. As there were some 120 Maoris on board and only a mere handful of Europeans, the former had physical command of the brig. The fear expressed by Captain Briggs had come true, Stewart was no longer master of his own vessel.

Te Rauparaha waited until all was quiet that night, and, between the hours of one and two o'clock in the morning, the Akaroa canoes captured that day, manned by Kapiti Maoris, and the ship's skiff and whaleboat, manned by a crew from the vessel and accompanied by the infamous Stewart, pushed off from the ship's side and made for the shore. To make their work all the more effective the flotilla divided into two parts, one to the one side of the Bay, the other to the other. No European eye witnesses have described the scene for us but Akaroa's hills were that night lit with the fires of her burning whares, and her creeks were dyed with the blood of her slaughtered people. From the ship the sailors saw the fires of the burning whares. All night the work of butchery continued, and only those escaped the wild fury of Te Rauparaha who fled to the bush-clad mountains. Before breakfast the ship's boats returned. Stewart came with them, as also did Te Rauparaha, and probably Te Hiko. It is alleged, by the only Maori whose evidence was taken in Sydney, that the European sailors took many of the Banks Peninsula natives prisoners, and handed them over to their Kapiti enemies. There is every reason to fear that this charge was correct.

After breakfast, Stewart and Te Rauparaha, with Cowell and a boat's crew, returned to the shore. All, by Stewart's orders, were well armed with small arms and swords. The village was still in flames and six or seven bodies of men, women, and children, who were killed during the night, were seen by the party. At the place where the boat landed were about a dozen of Te Rauparaha's men, and Cowell spoke to them when he came up. The boat stopped ashore for only half an hour, but during that time a woman, covered with blood, was seen to come out of one of the burning whares. She was at once set upon, pushed down the hill, and killed with spears. When the boat returned, Te Rauparaha and Te Hiko remained on shore to take part in the cannibal feast which was being prepared and to direct the ghastly work which was to follow that.

In the afternoon a boat from the ship visited the other side of the Bay. She was under the command either of Cowell or Richardson and remained for two hours when she brought back the two chiefs to the ship. By that time fires had been made, the bodies had been cooked, and what was not consumed had been packed into baskets for transport to Kapiti. That night the Kapiti natives returned on board the Elizabeth with their horrible burdens. Some twenty of those captured ashore were kept as prisoners to accompany the returning warriors, and were placed in the hold along with those who had been taken out of the canoes when they visited the Elizabeth the day before.

None taken prisoners on the ship were killed, nor were any of those killed on shore cooked on board, nor in the cooking vessels belonging to the ship. All the bodies were cooked on shore in the primitive Maori fashion of the day, thus described by Captain Briggs who saw the Kapiti Islanders adopt it for the cooking of their food:—

“They dig a hole in the earth two feet deep, in which they make a quantity of round stones red hot with dry wood, after which they take out all the stones, except a few at the bottom, over which they lay several alternate tiers of leaves and flesh, until there is as much above ground as below—they then throw about two or three quarts of water over all—and confine the steam with old mats and earth so completely, that in 20 minutes the flesh is cooked; it is in this way that they cook and cure all their provisions.”

It was thus they occupied themselves after the massacre; it was thus they prepared the flesh of the dead which they brought on board the Elizabeth. As soon as the expedition had returned from their bloody work, Stewart ordered 10 guns to be fired.

As near as the author can determine from a careful analysis of the depositions and from other contemporary statements on the subject, the date of this awful event was 6th November, 1830.

The massacre over, the live prisoners secured on board the Elizabeth, the unconsumed flesh packed away in baskets in the ship's hold, and the death salute fired, Captain Stewart lifted the anchor and sailed for Kapiti to land this awful cargo and receive payment for his horrible services. On the voyage, with the object of preventing her falling into the hands of her captors, the old chief and his wife, who were confined in the fore cabin, strangled their little daughter. Burial was provided by the chief mate and some of the sailors throwing the body overboard. Tamaiharanui gave as a reason to Montefiore for the killing of his daughter, “One die, all die.” When this took place, the chief's wife was also put in irons. Kapiti was reached on the morning of 11th November.

About eleven o'clock on the day of landing preparations were made for embarking the miscellaneous cargo of live captives and dead human flesh. The prisoners, with the exception of Tamaiharanui, were marched on shore, and seated in rows on the beach, and the preserved flesh was carried off in baskets to the place appointed for the cannibal feast. It was estimated that about one hundred baskets of flesh were landed and that each basket contained the equivalent, of one human body. That was probably an exaggeration. Then commenced the dance. The record by a Hobart Town reporter from an eyewitness of the scene reads as follows:—

“The warriors, entirely naked—their long black hair, although matted with human gore, yet flowing partially in the wind—in the left hand a human head—in the right a bayonetted musket held by the middle of the barrel. Thus, with a song, the terrible expression of which can only be imagined by being heard, did they dance round their wretched victims—every now and again, approaching them with gestures threatening death, under its most horrible forms of lingering torture. But they did not inflict it. None of them were killed.”

The captives, with the exception of one old man and a boy who were sentenced to death, were apportioned amongst the conquering warriors as slaves. The tables were laid. About a hundred baskets of potatoes, a large supply of green vegetables, and equal quantities of whale blubber and human flesh constituted the awful menu. The old man, from whose neck hung suspended the head of his son, while the body formed part of the cannibal feast, was brought forth and subjected to torture from the women before the last seene of all. Captain Briggs, an eyewitness of all this, made a desperate resolve to save the lives of the man and the boy, and, just as the axe was about to fall on the lad's head, he rushed forward at the risk of his own life, and, by threats and entreaties, saved the life of the boy altogether, and secured a respite of the old man's execution for the space of one day. The banquet went on to a finish, and, though it proved none the less attractive to the participants, was rendered all the more hideous to the onlookers by the fact that the midsummer season when it took place, added to the hasty and incomplete manner in which the human flesh had been prepared in the ovens. caused the human—yet unhuman—food to become putrid in a most revolting form, before it was spread out for the banquet. The officers of the Dragon witnessed this frightful orgie, and some of them brought to Hobart Town mementoes of the scene, dissected from the bodies, as they lay out for the repast. The Maori lad who was saved accompanied Captain Briggs as his attendant, when he sailed, and held the position until he died, some three years later.

As the flax which was to repay Stewart for the charter of the brig was not at hand, Tamaiharanui was retained on board. There he remained until Montefiore, who had now arrived at Kapiti in the Argo, went on board and saw him on the 23rd or the 25th of December. Apparently he was not then in irons. Captain Briggs appears to have tried his best to induce Stewart to retain the chief on board, and, after getting what flax he could, to sail for Sydney. The same advice was given to him by others. Stewart thought he had gone too far to do that, and, although only a portion of the flax had been handed over to him, decided to surrender Tamaiharanui to Te Rauparaha.

Montefiore and Stewart were both on board the brig when this final act of perfidy was committed. Richardson brought the old man out from his place of captivity, and handed him over to his inhuman captor. Te Rauparaha first of all went with his prisoner over to Kapiti. Then he returned to the ship and Montefiore joined the boat. Cowell was the only other European on board. They sailed over, to Otaki, which was about ten miles from where the Elizabeth was lying at anchor. There the Akaroa chief was landed and they all marched to the home of Te Rauparaha. On the following morning Montefiore visited. Te Hiko's settlement, and five or six hours afterwards Tamaiharanui arrived in a canoe. He was apparently being taken from place to place as the central figure of a Maori triumph, and at every place was being made the object of derision by his captors. Harvey, the European already mentioned as residing on the mainland, stated that the old chief was killed by sticking a knife into his throat. He pointed out the scene of the tragedy to Montefiore. It was a placed called by the Maoris, Waikawa. The chief's wife had already been killed at Otaki. Both were eaten. A report current at the time was that Tamaiharanui was fixed to a cross and his throat cut by the widow of Te Pehi Kupe, the chief whom he had slain. It was also said that while she drank a portion of the blood as it flowed from the wound, her son, Te Hiko, tore out the eyes of his victim, and swallowed them, to prevent them being fixed in the firmament of stars, as Maoris believed would happen on such an event.

After waiting for over six weeks, and getting only 16 or 18 of the 50 tons of flax promised, Stewart, with Montefiore and Kemmis on board as passengers, took the Elizabeth on to Sydney, which was reached on 14th January, 1831.

Although the two passengers mentioned might have been expected to see that something was done to bring Stewart to justice, they appear to have taken no steps whatever, and it was not until Gordon Davies Browne, a merchant of Sydney who was interested in the New Zealand trade, took the matter up, that the crime was brought under the notice of the authorities. On the 5th 6th and 7th February, the Superintendent of Police at Sydney held an inquiry and took the depositions of G. D. Browne, J. B. Montefiore, and A. Kemmis, of Sydney, Pery. a native of Akaroa, and W. Brown and J. Swan, two of the crew of the Elizabeth. On the 7th, these depositions were forwarded to Governor Darling, with a recommendation by the police authorities that the opinion of the Crown Law Officers should be taken as to whether an offence had been committed which could be punished under the Act 9, Geo. IV. c. 83. On the same day Mr. Moore, the Crown Law Officer, gave his opinion that the depositions did not disclose enough to warrant a commitment by the Magistrates, and that he doubted whether any offence had been committed which would come under the criminal law of England. On the twelfth, the Colonial Secretary, by direction of Governor Darling, instructed Mr. Moore to file criminal informations against the master (Stewart), the mate (Clementson), Cowell, Richardson, and G. Brown, “considering it a case in which the character of the nation was implicated and that every possible exertion should be used to bring the offenders to justice.” The warrants were at once prepared by Moore but some difficulty was experienced in getting the necessary information from the agents of the vessel and from the police. In due course, however, the warrants were obtained from the Court, but the fact of proceedings having been commenced must have leaked out, as the Chief Constable could find no one but Stewart: the others had vanished. Although the charge was one of murder, Moore agreed, considering the uncertainty of the legal position, that Stewart should be admitted to bail, himself in the sum of £500, and two sureties in the sum of £500 each. Mr. Browne's solicitor stated that efforts were being made by residents of Sydney to get the accused and the material witnesses removed beyond the jurisdiction of the Court. The delay from 14th January to 5th February evidently enabled that to be done.

The same unsatisfactory condition of things followed Stewart's arrest. Time wore on. On 21st May, Moore stated in Court that he did not intend to proceed with the charge of murder, but would prosecute a charge of misdemeanour on the Monday following, or, if he did not, would abandon the prosecution altogether. When the Monday came he was still unprepared, but the Court refused Counsel's motion to discharge the recognizances. On 1st June another application of a like nature was, after judgment reserved, declined. Seventeen days afterwards Stewart obtained his release, without even the semblance of a trial for his crime.

Meanwhile, under date of 13th April, Governor Darling had sent a copy of the papers connected with the case to London, to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. This report indicates very clearly the Governor's opinion that the proceedings against Stewart would end in nothing. Darling's communication found its way, in the ordinary official course, to the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, who set about consideration of it with the utmost vigour. The opinion of the King's Advocate and the Attorney and Solicitor-General, on the law points raised, was taken and turned out quite opposed to that of the Crown Solicitor at Sydney. It stated—

“We think it clear that by the Law of England Captain Stewart and Clementson as the Mate are guilty as accomplices before the Fact, to the Murder of Mara Nui and his wife if not to that of the Tribe which was massacred and we think the fact fully proved by the witnesses. It is also clear that the 3rd and 4th sections of the 9th of Geo. 4. Cap. 83 give the Court at Van Diemens Land jurisdiction to try these offences. We therefore lament that measures for securing and bringing them to trial were not taken at New South Wales. We advise that they should be apprehended as they can be met with, and brought to their Trial when the attendance of the witnesses against them can be procured.”

It was not until this that any reply was sent to Governor Darling's despatch. On 31st January, 1832, Lord Goderich expressed in no uncertain terms his detestation of the doings of Captain Stewart. His despatch to Governor Bourke, Darling's successor, contains these memorable words:—

“It is impossible to read without shame and indignation the details which these documents disclose. The unfortunate Natives of New Zealand, unless some decisive measures of prevention be adopted, will, I fear, be shortly added to the number of those barbarous Tribes, who in different parts of the Globe, have fallen a sacrifice to their intercourse with Civilized Men, who bear and disgrace the name of Christians, when, for mercenary purposes, the Natives of Europe minister to the passions by which these Savages are inflamed against each other, and introduce them to the knowledge of depraved acts and licentious gratifications of the most debased inhabitants of our great Cities, the inevitable consequence is, a rapid decline of population preceded by every variety of suffering.”

The Lords of the Treasury did not permit it to rest at that. On receipt of the opinion of the law advisers they decided that, late as it was, every effort should be made to bring the offenders to justice, and they gave instructions accordingly. They left not a stone unturned. From the Secretary of the Customs, London, came word that as the brig had not returned to that port, he could not say where Stewart and Clementson were. All efforts made to secure the names of the crew were also futile. Information from Yarmouth was to the effect that Stewart had severed his connection with the Elizabeth. That was all the information which could be obtained up to April. In regard to the desire of the Lords of the Treasury to follow the matter to the end they were informed that the great difficulty in the way of doing anything in England was the absence of the accused and of the witnesses, and that all that could be done was to keep a close look-out for the return of the brig and her crew. Until she was secured, nothing further was possible in the way of legal proceedings.

Stewart is said to have perished at sea, but little or no evidence can be found of what his end really was.

The responsibility for this shocking miscarriage of justice must rest with someone in Sydney. Montefiore and Kemmis appear not to have considered it to be any part of their duty to take steps in the matter. To incur the hostility of Te Rauparaha would have killed their chances in the Cook Strait flax trade. That, of course, may not have been their reason. As the result of proceedings being left to an outsider, twenty-two days passed before the depositions were taken by the Superintendent of Police. This officer even then appears to have doubted whether the offence was one which was punishable. On 7th February, Mr. Moore, the Crown Solicitor, advised that the evidence was not sufficient, nor was the legal position clear. Twenty-four days had elapsed and an enquiry had been held. The seamen involved had plenty of time to transact their business in Sydney, and the enquiry was a warning of coming prosecution. Naturally they were on the move. In spite of that, five days were allowed to pass before Moore received instructions—which he did on the twelfth—to prosecute the parties. The instructions came too late. All but Stewart had fled. That five days' delay may easily have been responsible for what followed. It is also worthy of notice that though, on 12th February. Governor Darling sent peremptory orders for the prosecution of the culprits, he never made enquiries how things were proceeding until 8th April. The fact that he was sending to London a despatch on 13th April would suggest that the enquiry was then made to enable him to report the position to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and that it would not have been made but for the Home despatch. We also know that, on or about this date, Marsden had had two interviews with Darling on the same matter, and on other subjects of complaint by Maoris of the intervention of Europeans in their quarrels. From whatever cause, we know that the inaction of the Governor, the erroneous view of the Crown Law Officer, and the fear in the mind of the Superintendent of Police that he was exceeding his duty, all combined to cheat the gallows of a most deserving case. Browne's Solicitor indicated to Moore that strong pressure was being exerted by influential men in Sydney to get the accused and the witnesses out of the road. There was probably something in that charge. The system was not unknown there at the time, and if, in this case. it was true and was not responsible in some measure for the action of the three officers alluded to, it would, at any rate, find all difficulties removed by the strange proceedings of these three gentlemen. It only remains to add that Thomas Street, a Sydney merchant, had chartered, the vessel for the voyage. The same man had also been interested in the Samuel, which was mentioned by Te Rauparaha when seeking to enlist the services of Captain Stewart. Street would also be in the same position as Montefiore. He does not appear to have helped the authorities in the slightest.

To the credit of the Home Authorities not only did they enter their most emphatic protest and call on the officers for an explanation, but they also tried to make good the inaction at Sydney by taking every step in their power to bring the accused to trial in London.

The only results which followed these futile investigations were two: the attention of the Admiralty was called to the necessity of more regular visits of men-of-war, and instructions were issued to that effect, and the appointment of a British Resident for New Zealand was approved. In the further narrative these two important developments will be dealt with only so far as they affect the southern portion of New Zealand.

The more important of the official papers connected with this historic incident will be found set out as Appendix “A.”

Chapter III.The Defence of Nga-Motu, 1832.

This chapter consists of five letters found by the author in the columns of the “Sydney Monitor” of 10th, 17th, and 20th April, and 1st and 4th May, 1833, giving an account of the defence of the Nga-Motu Pa from 28th January to 23rd February, 1832. by its Maori occupants, aided by a party of Europeans traders resident at that place. As the author lays no claim to a knowledge of Maori history, he asked Mr. W. H. Skinner, Commissioner of Crown Lands for Nelson, and formerly a resident of New Plymouth, who has given the subject of the Maori invasions of Taranaki special study, to write an introduction to the “letters” and to supply explanatory notes of the names given and the customs referred to in them. These Mr. Skinner has done, and a perusal of his work will show how much would have been lost had his information not been at the reader's disposal.

The Introduction.

The recovery by Mr. McNab of the series of five letters written just eighty years ago by one of the shore whaling party at Moturoa, or the Sugar Loaves, New Plymouth, and published in the “Sydney Monitor” of April 10th, 1833, and succeeding issues, is of more than passing interest, interwoven as the story is with the history of the whole south-west coast of the North Island. The letters describe the closing scenes of the long blood feud between the Waikato-Maniapoto and allied tribes and the Ngati-Awa—Ngati-Tama—Taranaki combination. For generations, these tribes had been warring against each other, and in a general summing up, as long as the old Maori weapons were in use, honours may be said to have remained even. But the advent of the Pakeha musket altered all this. Armed with the new weapon, the Rarawa, Ngapui, Ngati-Whatua and allied peoples of the extreme northern portion of New Zealand, better known as the Bay of Islands tribes, started out in the early years of the 19th century on a series of sanguinary raids against the unarmed—that is without firearms—tribes to the south. These in their turn, seeing that the non-possession of muskets spelt, sooner or later, extermination, strove with might and main to become possessed of such, and fabulous prices were given to the traders by way of exchange in flax and other commodities, by the natives, for these coveted articles, and often it was discovered that a useless article had been pawned off on the unsuspecting Maori by the unscrupulous trader. Once possessed of firearms they in their turn pressed south and ever south, and thus it came about that the famous warrior and diplomat, the most able Maori leader of his day and generation—Rauparaha—seeing clearly what would happen if he remained at Kawhia, promptly decided to move south and conquer fresh lands, rather than be overwhelmed by the great tribes to the north and east who were already on the move to compass his destruction. Accordingly, he and the whole of his people set forth on that heke or migration, which shows us the abundant resourcefulness, courage and craftiness of the man more than any other incident in his long and enterprising career. For particulars of this heke, and his story generally, we refer those interested to the “History of the Taranaki Coast,” published by the Polynesian Society. Rauparaha, who was connected with the Ngati-Awa and Taranaki people, induced many of these to join him in his migration, and as the story of his successes came to be told, heke after heke followed in the wake of the first, until but a remnant of the once most numerous and warlike tribes of northern Taranaki—Cape Egmont to Mokau—remained. Thus weakened, the country fell an easy prey to the Waikato combination, who, besides greatly outnumbering the Taranaki people, were armed almost to a man with firearms, while the local tribes were poorly supplied with muskets, and were dependent almost entirely upon the old Maori weapons of wood and stone.

The letters open with an account of the siege and capture by the Waikato of the great fighting pa of Puke-rangiora, on the Waitara River, and the accompanying horrors of lust and cannibalism. This was one of the most momentous events and the greatest disaster that ever happened to the Taranaki people, resulting eventually in the practical abandonment of the whole coast from Mokau to Patea. Flushed with success and overburdened with human flesh, upon which they fed unstintedly, the great taua, or war party, moved on to Nga-Motu—The Sugar Loaves—twelve miles distant, with the avowed object of capturing and devouring the remnant of the tribe sheltering at that settlement, and also of the Europeans who were working a whaling and trading station at that place. This station had been established in 1828 or early in 1829, and at the time of the siege—February 1832—was under the direction of John Love, or Akerau, as the natives called him, with Richard Barrett, so well known through Wake-field's description of him in his “Adventures in New Zealand,” as second in command. The letters tell the story of the three week siege with a vividness and reality that could only be infused by one taking an actual part in its varying fortunes. The final success lay with the Nga-Motu Natives and the whalers, but the impression made by the fall and dreadful slaughter at Puke-rangiora and by their knowledge that the enemy would inevitably return, better armed and in larger numbers, to take utu or revenge for their losses in the siege, determined the remainder of the Ngati-Awa people to migrate south and join forces with their tribesmen and allies under Rauparaha and other noted leaders in the neighbourhood of Kapiti and Port Nicholson. Accordingly in the following June practically all that remained in North Taranaki joined forces near to what is now the Sentry Hill Railway Station, and marched to the number of over two thousand men, women and children through the forest at the base of Mount Egmont, coming on to the coast again at Hawera, and thence on through many dangers and much fighting to their destination. This heke or migration is known as “Tama-te-Uaua.” For a full and graphic description of which see page 488 of the “Maori History of the Taranaki Coast,” already quoted. This migration left North Taranaki practically deserted, save a miserable remnant who sheltered on the Sugar Loaf Islands. Its great pas and numberless plantations and gardens speedily fell into decay and ruin. To quote the words of Ihaia Te Kiri-Kumara, a leading Ngati-Awa chief, “All was quite deserted—the land, the sea, the streams, the lakes, the forests, the rocks, the food, the property, the works; the dead and the sick were deserted; the land marks were deserted.”

The names of the traders who assisted in the defence of Nga-Motu Pa were:—

John Love (Haki-rau), the leader of party.

Richard Barrett (Tiki Parete).

Billy Bundy (Piri).

John Wright (Harakeke).

—Bosworth.

Wm. Keenan.

Daniel Hy. Sheridan (Tami-rere), the historian of siege.

George Ashdown.

—Lee (E'Tori) the negro cook.

The Letters.

[Mr. Skinner's notes are shewn thus (….)].

A correct account of the siege and horrid transactions which happened between the tribes of Wicatto (Waikato) and Tarranchy (Taranaki), commencing January 2, 1832, and ending February 23. The natives of Tarranchy (Taranaki) have at different times been put in alarm on hearing false reports of the Wicattos (Waikato) being on their journey towards their settlements, to seek revenge for some former grievance, which they were well aware existed between them, and finding the reports to be false, they did not put much confidence in the latter, which they have since found to be too true. On the 25th of November, 1831, a boat arrived at Mutarau (Moturoa)

Site of present Breakwater, New Plymouth.

from Corfea (Kawhia), with natives, under a false pretence of procuring a particular sort of provisions for their chiefs, and also reported that the Wicatto (Waikato) tribes had reached as far as Mocow (Mokau), and returned back towards their own settlements. The natives of Mutarau (Moturoa), not doubting the integrity of their artful story, supplied them with every necessary they required, repaired their boat, and allowed them to return. On the 24th of December, in a few hours after their departure, the fires of the enemy were observed fifty miles to the northward, at a place called Tongaporutu, proceeding towards a place called Bucharangcoala (Puke-rangiora). The different tribes of Tarranchy (Taranaki) and Namuty (Nga-Motu) collected together to go down to meet them, but on perceiving the multitude they had to contend with, their spirits drooped, and they thought it a much wiser plan to return, which they accordingly did. They then consulted among themselves, and all the natives within six miles of our residence (Moturoa) fled to Bucharangcoala (Pukerangiora), where they enclosed themselves within a slight fence, to the number of about three thousand souls, men, women, and children, and a very scanty stock of provisions with them, to sustain such a number for a length of time. It was impossible for them to conjecture that their enemy might blockade them. On their approaching near the place, they took two men and one woman, slaves, which they killed, but did not eat, as it is their custom to feed their gods with the first slain in battle.

Ceremony of Wanga-Nau, when the heart of the first victims, the Mata-Ngohi is offered as a sacrifice to the god of war.

They shortly afterwards took twenty-five women slaves, most of which they ate, and commenced burning, destroying, and laying waste the country, as those horrid wretches approached to commit the most bloody and treacherous deeds that have ever been recorded in the annals of history. When they arrived at a place called Friterra (Waitara), having a river to cross, our natives made a slight defence, to try and prevent them, but were obliged to retreat, killing two of the enemy. January 2, 1832, they surrounded Bucharangcoala (Puke-rangiora), and on the 3d. at daybreak, they attempted to take it by storm, in which they were defeated, with the loss of four chiefs and ten men killed; on our side two killed. On the 9th the enemy had one man killed; on the 10th four killed; on the 11th one chief killed; on the 13th six killed; on the 14th ten killed; on the 19th twelve killed. On the 21st the besieged wretches, being entirely exhausted for the want of provisions, and having no possible means of replenishing their stock, and a vast number not having a morsel to eat for several days previous, finding themselves entangled in this dreadful situation, being certain of death if they remained there, and not having the courage to go boldly out and face their enemy, which they might with little difficulty have conquered on their first arrival, they broke down part of the fence to endeavour to make their escape, in open daylight, so ignorant are those wretches. Those who had plenty of provisions would not divide with the starving, and not even with the distant tribes who voluntarily went into their part to their assistance, and had not time to procure a sufficiency. The enemy perceiving them running in such disorder, they advanced from all quarters, making a dreadful slaughter, not sparing man, woman, or child. Many were so weak with starvation (mere skeletons) that they were deprived of the use of their limbs, and could not even bear the weight of their musket; and those at the opposite end of the par not being aware of the intention of breaking down the fence, at this critical moment, took their children in their arms and threw themselves over cliffs of a tremendous height, so great is the dread of these savages of being eat by one another. Fear prevented others from making the least resistance whatever, and of course they becam an easy prey. The principal part of their prisoners, that day, were cripples, women and children; the remainder making their escape as well as their weak state would allow them. A party of the enemy were employed in despatching as many as would be sufficient for the evening's meal; their slaves getting their ovens ready, and the remainder went in search of more prey, which they found, to the number of twelve hundred. On the 23d they commenced the slaughter of the prisoners that were taken alive. They were all crammed into huts, well guarded, the principal chief, executioner, with a sharp tomahawk in his hand, ready to receive them. They were then called out, one by one. Those that had well carved or tatooed hands, hand their hands cut off on a block, the body quartered and hung upon fences, which were erected for that purpose; those with indifferent heads received one blow, and then dragged to a hole to bleed. The chief (Te Wherowhero), complaining of his arm being tired, after despatching about three hundred, very mercifully respited the remainder until next morning, when this monstrous cannibal commenced business with as much cheerful gaiety as if he was going to some grand entertainment. The young children, and grown up lads, were cut down the belly, then roasted on sticks before the fire. There was no mercy shown. I have, since this bloody deed has been committed, paid a visit to the fatal spot, to view the remains of this horrid carnage. Within several miles of the par (pa), in different directions, are placed in the ground pieces of wood, painted red, as a memorial of the spot where those that were left behind had some friend or relation slain. On advancing nearer, is a heap of bones, since burned, as near as I can imagine of about three hundred persons. Thence to about a quarter of a mile are skeletons, not burned, strewed about the place where the enemy had formed their settlements, and the ovens still remaining where they had been cooked. I believe they did not eat any flesh inside the place where they butchered them, as I could not see any bones in it; it had not been disturbed since the savages left it to pay us a visit. The block they struck the fatal blow on, was still remaining, the blood and the notches from the axe were still quite fresh. The trees in the par were stripped of their leaves, and the branches thereof supplied instead, with dead bodies, cleaned and ready for cooking. On taking a general view of the place, I observed the enemy had formed three different settlements, and in each of them was a heap of bones similar to the first I had seen, and also to each, a rack, placed along the spot where they eat their victuals; on it they put the heads of their unfortunate victims, that they may continually keep the objects of their revenge in their sight and mind, which is the continued blood-thirsty practice of this disgraceful race, whose constant study is, meditating the death of their fellow-countrymen. I have scarcely sufficient words to describe the horrid spectacle, and what was still more barbarous in the wretches that had made their escape and got safe into the bush from the Wicatto (Waikato) tribes, there being some old grievances between them, the stronger party fell upon the remainder of those tribes which had left their own settlements at a considerable distance, to come to their assistance, and slaughtered them in as cruel a manner as the enemy had served their fathers and brothers, only a day before; so treacherous is the heart of a New Zealander, even in the greatest distress, that he will never forget or forgive an injury, although it may have been sustained by accident. When these savages had satisfied their voracious appetites, at Bucharangeala (Puke-rangiora), and the adjacent settlements, they proceeded on their journey towards Maturee (Moturoa), feasting sumptuously, and enjoying their spoil as they marched along, conceiving among themselves, that they had achieved a most glorious victory, and not doubting in the least, but that they would soon be conquerors of a few more hundreds, with a great deal more ease than the former, well knowing, they had only a handful of men to contend with, in comparison with the numbers that were enclosed at Bucharangeala (Puke-rangiora), but amongst the few in number were eleven Europeans, who had firmly resolved to die rather than be taken alive; necessity compelling them to remain on the spot, and protect their property, not having any place of security to fly to. As for the Natives' bravery, I cannot boast much, as most of their victories are obtained by artifice and treachery; they dread the thoughts of being eat after death, much more than death itself, and will run more risque in getting a dead body to have a feast, than they will to meet their enemies. On the 28th, a party of Wicatto was observed coming along the beach, of about one hundred, which put the whole settlement in confusion, and leave off their employment, which was in cutting trenches inside the fence, and building banks with clay, intermixed with fern, round their huts, to prevent musketry from penetrating, which proved to be a very good scheme; the women were busy in bringing in the provisions, which were scarcely ripe enough to take out of the ground, but were very acceptable at that time; a party went on the beach to receive the enemy; they commenced firing, which continued for about an hour, and no damage done on either side; when they retreated to a short distance, to join the remainder of their tribes, about sixteen hundred, able and well armed, and a vast number of slaves, to contend with two hundred and fifty, and only one hundred muskets, three long guns, and one small swivel, placed in a good direction as we expected they would attack us. Previous to their arrival, the Europeans drew lots for their stations at each of the guns, which allowed three to each and two to the swivel. We had plenty of powder, but very scarce of balls, for which stones served as a substitute; but I am very sorry to say they did not give us much occasion to fire at them, always leaving us a wide berth; and the place being so full of trees, and very unlevel ground, we found it impossible to get them to bear upon them. On the 30th they blockaded us on three sides, forming their settlements at a quarter of a mile distant; one at each end, and the other in the centre, at the back of a large and high hill, which completely overlooked the par, and made it very dangerous in walking through it. The par being situated on steep ground, up from the beach, they could not form a settlement on that side; but, however, it was impossible for any person to make their escape unperceived by the enemy. On the 31st we observed one of the principal chiefs walking up the beach towards us, waving his mat as a signal for a truce. He wished to have a parley with our chief, who went to meet him.

They were relations and had a long conversation upon different subjects, but mostly concerning the intended battle. He dwelt very much upon the last place he had taken, Bucharangeolas (Puke-rangiora), and such a quantity of men, that it would be impossible for so few to contend with the numbers he was then surrounded with, and advised him strongly to surrender and he should not be hurt. Our chief told him, that such news would be very disagreeable to his children and brother chieftains, to be delivered up as slaves, killed and eat, without first trying their valour, and pressed his relation, the Conoway (Te Kanawa, of Kawhia) by name, to return without any more bloodshed, hinting, at the same time, that he had already dyed his hands too deep; he, after a long persuasion, consented to return on the next day, which was as false as he proved to be deceitful, for shortly after his return to his settlement, a general firing commenced from all quarters for about 20 minutes. We had on our side three killed and four wounded, on the enemies' five killed and seven wounded. A deep silence ensued, during those intervals, from day to day. Any of the natives that had any friend or relation on the enemy's side were permitted to pass and repass unmolested to see them, and on the opposite side were allowed to come into the par, each party telling different stories, the strength and number of their people, and every transaction that occurred. We, Europeans, had several times tried to persuade the different chiefs to prevent such intercourse, as being very injurious to the par, but to no effect; they had not the least control over them, and would still persist it was for their good, believing every story the artful enemy would send in, and which we well knew to be deceit. February the 2nd they sent a slave in with a message, that the head chief of the Moneapotto (Mania-poto) tribe would wish to speak with ours, to which he gave his consent, appointing a time and place to meet; they accordingly met on a plain a little distance from the par. I must here remark that the principal of their chiefs and ours, Namuty (Nga-Motu) are very near related; and in former days when in battle, a long time previous to their having the use of firearms, only their own implements of destruction—spears, nipes, and an instrument made of a beautiful blue or green marble stone, which they call a Mary (mere), none but a chief is allowed to take them to battle, they are very scarce and very dear. Our tribes had taken them all slaves, spared their lives and gave them their freedom, which plainly describes the gratitude of a New Zealander; whom at this time had only formed a pretended quarrel that could assign some reason for their coming to sacrifice their ancient conquerors and friends. Their conversation on the plain turned towards their former merciful and good deeds, and for what reason they should then come to murder their own friends, relations, and children; which, at that present time, made the monster ashamed, and promise he would return to his own land; they parted accordingly in seeming good friendship. This news was too good to be true; no sooner was his back turned, the venom clung to his heart again, and to complete his deception, he caused the whole tribe to dance that evening in two parties upon a plain, laying themselves open to our guns. They were not in the least interrupted in their amusements, as it is a signal with the natives of either friendship or war. Ours were in great glee, expecting it was the former, and that they would be rid of such unwelcome guests; on the next day they cooked an extra meal; but to their great surprise, they renewed their animosity on the following morning, not exhibiting the slightest symptoms of a retreat. It would be too tedious for me to mention the many different and artful stories they would send to our chiefs, and with great difficulty we could persuade them, that it was only deceit. Their intention was to take the place by night, thinking that by their stories every person would go to sleep contented. When they found that that was to no purpose, and that the white people annoyed them by keeping a good look out for them, they then tried to entice us out to them, and told us we would not be hurt; it was all to no purpose; we were certain of death had they once laid hands on us. We cheered our natives up, and told them to be brave and obstinate, and that they never would be taken, unless they stopped to starve us out; we had then three months' provisions in the par, and those that were short, we recommended the rest to share theirs with them, which they did. We, white people, have frequently been in more dread of the natives in the par than those outside, expecting civil wars amongst them, and we have several times threatened to break down the fence on the least quarrel. If any of their relations happened to be shot, there was sure to be a row, allusions to different frivolous faults; so that we were constantly busy trying to keep peace inside, and look out sharply for those outside. One instance of these civil wars—a woman (Te Wau) who had a few words with her sister, instantly ran out upon the fight, and upon her arrival there, they commenced quarrelling which of them should have her. Their chief, on perceiving the row, immediately despatched her with a tomahawk, visible to those in the par. The villainy of these wretches! to prevent our people drinking the water that run towards the place, they washed her body and threw her entrails in it, which, in their superstitious religion, made it sacred, and made us very badly off for water. They then eat her, cured the head, and sent it to her friends, who still keep it as a memorial of her miserable end. On their perceiving that we were resolute, and fully bent on holding the ground, they commenced digging trenches so close to the par, that they could converse with us with the greatest ease every evening after sunset, and tell every transaction that happened during the day; the number of people killed and wounded; and their names. I have often been surprised to hear them conversing, seemingly as if nothing was the matter, or no enmity existed between them, only five or six yards distant, and one afraid of lifting up his head, knowing the other would shoot him. So jealous of the white people were our natives, that they would not allow us to hold any conversation whatever with the enemy. Their intention in digging was, to undermine until they came to the fence, so that they could haul it down with ease; which rather alarmed us at first, as we could not get a gun to bear on them; however they lost a good many, killed by musketry. During that employment, we advised our natives to dig also and meet them, which they immediately did and prevented them of their bloody scheme, which put them to a stand. They then formed a plan of setting fire to the fence, which, if they had carried into execution, would have proved very destructive, on account of so many houses enclosed in such a small space, and so close to the fence.

If one had caught fire, the whole certainly would have been consumed, but they, fortunately for us, failed in their attempt, which gave our natives fresh courage. However, they still remained in great anxiety, putting their wits end to work which way they could take the place, without the loss of any more men, who were dropping very fast, having lost every day from twenty to thirty, so fully determined were they to take us white people slaves to Wicatto, and plunder the property which was enclosed in the par. Most of the tribes were bent upon killing us. At length the Currency Lass schooner arrived, Captain Hackell (Buckell), which was a very pleasant object to us, being in expectation of a supply of provisions, which were then getting scarce, not having any other sort of food but potatoes, Wicatto (Waikato) having deprived us of three hundred pigs, and a supply of musket balls; but to add fresh scenes of misery to the number of difficulties which we were then overwhelmed with, these hounds of hell prevented us from receiving the least assistance whatever from the vessel. They launched two canoes, and endeavoured to board her, but failed in the attempt. Our natives rauled me on board, amidst showers of musketry, and returned unhurt in the same manner. The following day Toarawaro (Te Wherowhero), the head chief of Wicatto, and from our par Mr. Love, with a crew of natives in a canoe, went on board. Mr. Love had a long conversation with Towrawara (Te Whero Whero) concerning his intention, if he took the par, as to what he would do with the white people, should they happen to be taken alive. He said, he did not mean to kill them; he only intended to take them slaves to Captain Kefil, in Corfea (Kawhia). Mr. Love then wished to know, what injury any of their tribes had sustained from the white men, that had induced him to come to their habitations to rob and murder them, or, as he termed it, to take them slaves? telling him at the same time, that he had not come there to fight New Zealanders; he had only come there to trade with them. Towarawara (Te Wherowhero) said, that was very good, but that he could only command his own tribe, and the remainder were fully determined on taking them, and very likely killing them. However, he requested Mr. Love would condescend to meet him next day on the beach, both to be unarmed, and he would then acquaint him of his determination, to which he consented. During this time, Captain Bucknell (Buckell) was endeavouring to get a quantity of flax on board, but found it was impossible, for he could not even land in the schooner's boat, there being a continual firing from the beach. Mr. Love had a very narrow escape, having to land in the midst of it; but fortunately, the New Zealanders are very bad marksmen. On the following day, Towarawara (Te Wherowhero) sent a slave to acquaint Mr. Love, that he was going to the beach, where they met, according to agreement, and remained in conversation about an hour. Towarawara (Te Wherowhero) agreed to return with his own tribe, as it might entice the others to follow his example, as his verbal persuasions were fruitless. He strongly pressed Mr. Love to retire with him to his settlement assuring him he might return when he thought proper, as he was very partial to his conversation. The latter being rather dubious of his honourable intention, begged leave to be excused, and made a very cordial farewell, advising him not to forget his promise—which he certainly kept, for he retired—to be ready at a call. We were continually on the alert, night and day at our guns, expecting every moment to be attacked, and in fact wishing for it, for really we were getting quite tired hearing so many different stories. Every morning brought forth fresh tidings of their determined and unmerciful revenge, no doubt expecting it would daunt the hearts of their intended victims, and make them surrender; and I must say, that the par would have been taken with ease, and very little loss on the enemy's side, had not the white men kept so strict a watch at night as they did; for the natives would lie in the trenches with their arms, cover themselves up with their blanket or mat, and fall fast asleep! I have frequently fired a musket close to their ear, and it would not waken them, so sweet would those savages enjoy repose, with death staring them in the face. It is my opinion that both parties are alike, which made ours place such confidence in their most bitter enemies. There was another instance which I thought a curious mode of carrying on war. For several days the natives came into the par and traded, selling their muskets, and several other things, trinkets, &c., which they had plundered at Bucharangcoala (Puke-rangiora), for blankets, and other commodities they were in want of. During this time, we received intelligence of the unfortunate Thomas Ralph, a young man, employed by Mr. Monefiore, merchant, of Sydney, to trade for flax, and landed in Mocow (Mokau). On the 12th or 13th of January, a tribe called Nauty Tamma (Ngati-Tama) took the Advantage during the time the natives of Mocow (Mokau) were enjoying the fruits of their plunder at Rucharangcoala (Puke-rangiora) and Mutarau (Moturoa), they having only left behind them two old men and five women to protect the settlement. On the above mentioned day the horrid savages surrounded his house in the middle of the night, but fear prevented them from doing any mischief until daybreak, when they ventured in, and slaughtered the unfortunate old woman—the two men made their escape. Luckily for Ralph and his woman, they remained in the house until the fury of their enemies had a little subsided; after which they were called out of the house, and many of them were for killing him at once. Their chief interfering, said, spare the white man for the present, until we hear if Wicatto has killed the white men at Mutarau; and, if they have, we will kill him for payment. They took the woman he was living with, and would not allow him to speak to her; they then stripped him, and left him only his shirt and trowsers to wear, and plundered the remainder of the merchandize, muskets, powder, &c., and then set fire to about twenty tons of flax, which he had procured for his employer, in Sydney. In this miserable condition they obliged him to travel with them to their settlement, a long distance in the interior, and would upon no account allow him to go to Corfea (Kawhia), which he earnestly requested of them, well knowing his life was in danger while in their custody, and expecting every moment they would put a period to his existence. In this sad dilemma he attempted to make his escape to Corfea (Kawhia), but those fiends of hell pursued and overtook him, which rendered his situation more miserable—the night being dark, and he not being well acquainted with the road, prevented him from making his progress so rapid as his heart could allow him. What was his surprise on hearing the voice of savages around him, about twenty in number, and even then afraid to face an unarmed man? After a long pause they ventured up to him, with uplifted tomahawks. He expected death, but, fortunately for him, the chief's son interfered on his behalf, and prevented them from committing murder, but could not stop them from stripping him stark naked, throwing him an old mat to cover his nakedness, and compelling him to return back with them to their settlement. They did not stint him of victuals, for of such as they had, they gave him a sufficient quantity, which is the only good principle that I am aware a New Zealander possesses; for they will share with a white man should he stand in need of it. In a few days afterwards, a dispute arose amongst the tribe concerning Ralph's woman. A party of them had resolved to despatch him for payment, and a monster came behind him while sitting eating some potatoes for breakfast, and snapped his musket, which, fortunately, missed fire. Another, on perceiving this fellow's manoeuvres, instantly seized the piece, which spared his life. I have frequently heard him say, that he has several times told them to kill him, and put an end to the misery he was then involved in. I will here leave him with the natives of Nauty Tamma (Ngati-Tama), and return to our antagonists, who were very busily employed in building small but high places to fire out of, which they call towmies (tau maihi, or fighting stages), within about one hundred yards distance from the par, which rather annoyed us more than usual, and made it very dangerous passing and repassing; and so effectually did they build them with clay, intermixed with fern, that our guns would not take the least effect, our ammunition consisting only of stones and broken pieces of iron.

On one of those days of their trading in the par, a dispute arose between our natives and the enemy, and firing commenced on both sides; ours came off victorious, having double the advantage of those outside, killing several, and they managed to get one man inside, which they buried, according to their custom; the first taken in battle they give to feed their Athna (Atua), the name of their God; on the 20th of February they had completed four of their towers, which made the white people especially very careful in walking to and fro in the par; they were sure to be saluted by four or five muskets being fired at them, but, thank God, they could not gratify their malicious designs. On the same date, a very serious accident had very nearly occurred to two of them who were firing the swivel, for it burst, and several of the pieces passing between them, went into the bank, not hurting either; it was a great loss to us with regard to defence, it protecting one end of the par, and being the most serviceable piece we had, on account of its being so handy in altering its position to different parts, where it was most likely to do execution. On the 22nd we received the information, that they intended to storm us on the following morning, and to take us by surprise at daybreak; and I can safely say that during the seige, I did not see a better watch kept by the natives than was kept that night; every man was in his station and armed, those who had not fire arms, were supplied with spears, tomahawks, and other native implements of war, which they use with great dexterity. About sunrise one of the white men observed a stir outside more than usual, and he asked the chief if he should give them a gun to let them know we were ready for them; he said no, he was going out to have a talk with them, and he was certain they would return; of course it made us all easy, in hopes it would be settled without any more bloodshed, and not doubting but that he could do so, as they sent word the previous evening, that they wanted to speak to him. Surely he ought to have judged better within himself, knowing they had deceived him twice, than to have put any confidence in them a third time; feeding ourselves with hopes of their departure, and being wearied, we ventured to go to our beds for an hour or two, but had not long been there, when a sharp firing recommenced from all quarters, and a general salley to the fence, some cutting it down with long tomahawks, and several had got inside before a man could get to his station, in the midst of showers of musketry we had to run to our guns, which were always kept loaded; almost naked, having nothing on but a shirt; we fired on them which proved effectual, for after they received our first fire, they began to draw back, dragging their dead after them, and throwing them into their trenches—it appears they had lain in ambush previous to the attack. The firing on both sides continued about forty minutes, and concluded with a dreadful slaughter on the part of the enemy. I must say, that those who did fight inside, fought bravely, and I am certain that one half of them never fired a shot, but stood in amazement till the enemy had disappeared, which they lost no time in doing, for so rapid was their flight, that they did not take time to burn all their dead, but placed them on the top of their huts, and then set fire to them;—others who had relations wounded so that they could not walk, they would quarter and divide amongst them to carry, in preference to letting them remain for the enemy to eat; in twenty minutes there was not one of them to be seen, Our party being few in number, could not go in pursuit of them, but allowed them to return with a loss of two hundred killed that morning. On our natives perceiving the coast was clear, they ventured out in search of prey; they found several bodies half roasted, some lay bleeding in their gore, others slightly wounded; their friends could not assist them, but were obliged to let them remain, and fly for their own safety; they had no mercy shown to them, being cut up on the spot. It made my blood run cold to behold a scene of the most horrid barbarity, of which I was thus compelled to be an eye-witness. I have not sufficient words to express my weak opinion of a race of the most depraved wretches that nature ever formed;—I will here explain an instance of their cruelty, which with horror I beheld. To the gun I was stationed at, they dragged a man slightly wounded in the leg, and tied him hand and foot until the battle was over, they loosed him, and put some question to him, which he could not answer nor give them any satisfaction thereof, as he knew his doom; they then took the fatal tomahawk and put it between his teeth, while another pierced his throat for a chief to drink his blood, others at the same time were cutting his arms and legs off, he never seemed to shrink; they then cut off his head, quartered him and sent his heart to a chief, it being a delicious morsel, they being generally favoured with such rarities after an engagement.

In the meantime, a fellow that had proved a traitor at Bucharangeoala (Puke-rangiora), wished to come in and see his wife and children; they seized him, and served in like manner. Oh, what a scene for a man of Christian feeling, to behold dead bodies strewed about the settlements in every direction, and hung up at every native's door; their entrails taken out and thrown aside, and the women preparing ovens to cook them. By great persuasion, we prevailed on the savages not to cook any inside the fence, or to come into our houses during the time they were regaling themselves, on what they termed their sumptuous food, far sweeter than pork; it was useless to contend with them concerning the barbarous practice they had addicted themselves to, and took such delight in. The enemy lost, during the siege, about three hundred men and a great number of chiefs, which they would burn, and along with them eight or ten muskets; at the same time for each chief that was killed, they would put to death, in a most cruel manner, ten slaves as a satisfaction for his death. Those superstitious wretches believe, when they die, they will require arms to protect them, and tobacco to smoke; travelling to a mountain where, they say, all those that are slain in battle go to. On our side, there were eight men killed, three children, and two women, during the seige; they got sixteen bodies in the par, besides a great number that were half roasted, and dug several up out of the grave, half decayed, which they also eat. Another instance of the most brutal depravity of the Wicatto (Waikato) wretches; a woman slave endeavouring to make her escape from her master, Howhogeia, was pursued and unfortunately taken by the monster, who, a short time after ordered her to prepare a large oven, which she very innocently complied with, not expecting her miserable doom; when it was ready, she went to her master and told him she had nothing to put into it—he very carelessly told her to get into it—the poor woman looked rather surprised at the command, scrupled a little, expecting mercy; the infidel was not possessed of any. Come, come, says he, I am in a great hurry, and immediately tied her, hands and feet, and put her in alive. When cooked he made a sumptuous meal along with his friends. This cruel monster would put his men slaves to a still more cruel death, making a musket ramrod red hot, entering it in the lower part of his belly and run it upwards, and then make a slight incision in a vein to let his blood run gradually, for them to drink. Several other dreadful deaths would he doom his unfortunate captives to. During the seige his conversation concerning us white people, was not the most agreeable in our hearing; chiefly consisted in baking us all in one oven, curing our heads, and taking them to Wicatto. Others would say, they had ropes ready, which they had, to drag us slaves there, and make us carry baskets of dead men on our backs; as for our women they had them allotted for different chiefs. I am very happy to say, they were all mistaken in their opinion. We held the ground, and gave them a good drubbing. I must here conclude, being very scanty of paper, for which reasons, columes of the disgraceful conduct of these cannibals remains unpenned by

Daniel Henry Sheridan.

Mention is made of the arrival of the Currency Lass while the pa was being attacked. This schooner sailed from Sydney on the 26th December, 1831, and returned after her visit to the garrison, on 13th February, 1832, with 17 tons of flax. In Sydney at that time was H.M.S. Zebra, intending to proceed to Tahiti. It is more than probable, as the Zebra sailed on 1st March for Tahiti viâ Cook Strait, and the Currency Lass sailed again for New Zealand three days later, that Captain Buckell informed Captain G. L. A. Macmurdo of the position of things in Taranaki, and that that officer decided to call in and investigate it.

From the ninth to the fourteenth the Zebra was in the vicinity of Cape Egmont. On the former date she reported boarding a schooner, on the twelfth she “sent a boat on board a Sch. in the Bay,” and on the fourteenth she “observed a Brig on the larboard quarter standing in for the land.” Unfortunately, beyond their mere mention, no information is given of the names of these vessels—a strange but very common practice of Navy logs of that date. The vessels here referred to were apparently trading for flax with settlements on the coast, or with the natives at Taranaki, and it shows us that they must have been very numerous. Everything was found to be quiet there.

On 15th March the Zebra sailed for Kapiti, where she cast anchor on the morning of the sixteenth. There she found that Te Rauparaha and his fighting men were away south finding use for the munitions of war, gained through their industry in the flax trade, by attacking the Banks Peninsula natives. The seventeenth was spent in watering the vessel, and at noon on Sunday, the eighteenth, the anchor was weighed and the vessel taken through Cook Strait. She arrived at Tahiti on 9th April.

Chapter IV.Cook Strait, 1833 and 1834.

1833.

Details of the 1833 season are not very full. The Lord Liverpool, which had spoken the Emma Kemp in Cook St. at the end of the year, came up to Sydney with a flax and oil cargo, on 20th January. There appears to have been a considerable quantity of oil over from the last season, 38 tuns of which, and a small parcel of seal skins, was brought up to Sydney in the Waterloo by Hall on 25th February. While in Cook Strait the Waterloo spoke the brig Helen loading timber for Sydney, where she afterwards delivered a very fair cargo of pine.

In May news reached Hobart Town of the total loss by fire of the Dragon, and of the murder of her captain and crew by the Maoris. The crew had made fast to two whales and had followed them into a small inlet where were a number of natives, who promptly overpowered, killed and ate them, and burnt the vessel to the water's edge. The news of this disaster was obtained by the Lindsay, which had picked up, in an open boat at sea, a New Zealand lad who had witnessed the incident. Unfortunately no information is available of the locality of the disaster.

On the second trip of the Waterloo to Sydney she sailed from Cloudy Bay on 1st July, and made for the south where she experienced very bad weather, and was hove to for 10 days off Macquarie Harbour (the Bluff) and lost her bulwarks and boats. She then made for Preservation Inlet and loaded up with 39 tuns of oil, which she brought up to Sydney on 2nd August. When she left Cloudy Bay the natives had been at war with one another and had committed serious depredations on the property of a Sydney merchant. The Harriett, of Sydney, had procured 40 tuns of oil, and the Marianne, of Hobart, was also there. Guard's gangs at Kekapo had procured 100 tuns but it was feared that they would have to leave on account of the hostile disposition of the natives.

The third trip of the Waterloo was a phenomenal one. She sailed from Sydney on 12th August with stores, left Cloudy Bay on her return on 9th September, and reached Sydney with 45 tuns of oil on the twenty-fifth of the same month, having performed the round trip in 44 days. She reported the following shipping at Cloudy Bay—

The Harriett, Irving, with 150 tuns on board.

The Caroline, Blinkinsopp, 100 tuns.

The Denmark Hill, Finlay, 90 tuns, and in a leaking condition.

All of these vessels were about to put to sea.

Guard's gangs had procured 240 tuns of oil, and whales were very numerous.

Captain Hall also reported that the Caroline had lost a mate named Baker, and the Harriett, a mate named Gully. both killed by whales while fishing. While the Waterloo was at Cloudy Bay the schooner Speculator was at Port Nicholson, and the natives there had gone on board of her, killed one Maori whom they found there, and took the remainder away as prisoners.

On 7th October, 1833, the Marianne, the property of Hewitt. Gore & Co., arrived at Hobart Town with a splendid cargo of no less than 260 tuns of oil (100 barrels being sperm) and about 15 tons of whalebone. She had been absent for only some seven months, but had, in that short time, brought a profit of upwards of £4,500 to her owners. She had sailed from Cloudy Bay on 10th September, and reported whales to be plentiful enough there to provide loading for any number of ships.

The various whalers which had gone out from the Derwent had all returned to port with exceptional cargoes but the trip of the Marianne appears to have attracted public attention more than any of the others, and interest in her reports took the form of a proposal to establish a new colony at Cloudy Bay. “The accounts of Cloudy Bay,” says the “Colonial Times,” brought by the Marian, have been so extremely gratifying, that half the people of Hobart Town are crazy to leave for the new Colony now establishing. The soil is described as of the very best quality, and the climate, although rather cold, salubrious in the extreme.” The Article in question went on to point out that the facilities for procuring labour would do away with the necessity for convicts, and it expressed the opinion that the native question could be dealt with if properly taken in hand.

The promoters, in an outline of their scheme, stated that the intention of the families comprised in the movement was to charter a vessel and proceed to the Southern Island of New Zealand, taking with them suitable articles for trade. The settlement was to be on a river, and the sections were to be disposed of by lot. For some time to come the produce of the land was to be in common. Whaling was to be an occupation, strict observance of the Sabbath a feature, compulsory education an essential, and universal training a necessity, of the young settlement. Te Rauparaha's presence was responsible for the necessity. Generally speaking, the promoters hoped to establish an independent community, governed by laws of its own making, and ruled by magistrates of its own selecting.

The scheme was taken up with enthusiasm by a few, and treated with ridicule by many, but it directed men's minds to the question of utilizing the valuable resources of New Zealand in the interests of Hobart Town, and in that way did good. The whole question was not allowed to die, but vessels were sent to New Zealand, and a satisfactory timber trade ultimately opened up between the Derwent and Hokianga. With this development the idea of a Settlement in the South Island dropped out of sight.

During the year a portion of Mana Island was cultivated and a crop of tobacco grown thereon. Europeans resided on the Island, as is shown by the fact of a letter dated, “Island of Manno, Cook's River, 9th November, 1833,” giving particulars of the shipping over a considerable period. Bell's vessel, the William Stoveld, had called in on her road to England six weeks before and a Van Diemen's Land celebrity had evidently been there painting the pahs a deep vermilion. “You doubtless,” says the correspondent, “have heard of Lincoln Bill's pranks at Hobart Town; he sailed from this island on the 24th September, not known for what Port; he had a constable on board and several other gentlemen from Hobart Town.”

Who Lincoln Bill was remained a mystery to the author until he read, in a note in a Sydney paper intimating the death of W. Cuthbert of the brig Bee, that he was known as Lincoln Bill. The remaining portion of the mystery was cleared up, by the discovery, among the Pacific Ocean papers in the Record Office in London, of a letter written by Wm. Stewart to Captain Charlton, the British Consul of the Sandwich Islands. The letter was copied because the author identified the signature of the writer as that of the “discoverer” of Stewart Island. It was not until long afterwards that it was found to clear up the mystery of the Mana Island visitor of 1833. It is here given, being written at the Sandwich Islands where the Bee arrived on 6th January, 1833.

8th January 1834 Captain Charlton Sir

As His Britannic Majesty's Consul at this place I call your attention to the following few lines.

In July last I joined the Brig Bee in New Zealand at the particular request of Mr. W. Cuthbert, the owner, to proceed as Navigating Master. We left New Zealand on the 21st of July the orders I, received were to steer for Van Diemens Land, and arrived at Storm Bay on the 11th of August. On the following morning anchored in Adventure Bay. Mr. Cuthbert left the Brig and proceeded to Town, during his absence the Port Captain came on board and demanded the ship's Papers. I had not them in my possession. The Brig was taken possession of and obliged to go into Port where was discharged the deck load of timber. On the morning of the 23rd August I received orders from Mr. Cuthbert as to my future proceedings, the following morning he came on board and gave me an order to get myself endorsed on the Register & clear out the Brig for Sydney that he himself was going down the River and might probably find him at Maria Island. I shipped a crew and cleared out accordingly but soon ascertained that Mr. Cuthbert had been arrested in a criminal matter and had actually absconded from Justice and taken the officer who had been in charge away with him. On the 29th August left Hobart Town and in consequence of Strong Northerly winds did not make Maria Island till Sept 2nd early in the morning perceived our Whale Boat, she came along side with certain strange men who Mr. Cuthbert said he had shipped then gave me positive orders to steer for New Zealand. I found on the passage he had brought away the constable and three prisoners. At New Zealand some of the crew left. On the 10th October made the Island of Rumutu. Sent two prisoners on shore. At Tahiti the constable and one prisoner were sent on board the ship Erie. There being no person at Tahiti that I could address on the subject I let it stand over till we arrived here.

It has always been Mr. Cuthbert's plan to get rid of all the people who know anything of the business at Van Diemens Land but I hope you will do your duty.

I remain, Yours faithfully W. Stewart.

Sworn to the truth of the contents hereof as Woahoo this 25th day of January, 1834 before me W. Stewart Pudent (?) Charlton

When at Cook Strait Cuthbert sent the mate, and several of the others who were on board the Bee, ashore amongst the natives, entirely unprovided with clothes or provisions, and threatening to blow their brains out if they returned. The mate got away to Sydney in the Harriett, and told that the conditions on board the Bee were terrible, the motley crew whiling away the hours fiddling, drinking, and fighting. Cuthbert himself had stated that he was going to Tahiti to discharge his cargo and then steer on a speculative trip to the Spanish Main.

It was on this wild trip that Stewart called the attention of the British Resident at the Sandwich Islands to the condition of things. Action was at once taken and the Bee was seized, but the Crown prisoners managed to make their escape on board an American vessel, and Cuthbert himself got away in a small schooner to California. On being brought to Sydney the Bee was sold for the benefit of Cuthbert's creditors and fell into the hands of Long & Co. for £800.

On 5th September the Sarah sailed from Sydney for England and was compelled to put into Cloudy Bay leaking. On board of her were Mr. and Mrs. N. L. Kentish and their two children. The description of what follows is from the pen of Mr. Kentish.

“The pumps were obliged to be worked in the Sarah long before she had lost sight of Sydney Heads, and she was so leaky, making from 3 to 5 inches of water in an hour, that it was necessary to pump her out every watch day and night. This the commander and crew generally were aware of before she put to sea, as whilst lying in the harbour she was pumped out every night, and before daylight every morning but of course I was totally ignorant, and without suspicion of anything of the kind, or I would never have taken a passage in her. The captain, however, well aware of the circumstances, directed his course from the Heads to Cook Straits, New Zealand, for the purpose of causing a survey to be held on her, by which he said he should be bound to abide, and which alone could exonerate him. The following is the report of the Board of Survey forwarded to Sydney for the information and guidance of the owner and underwriters.

Whaling Harbour. Cloudy Bay,

September 26, 1833.

“We the undersigned Masters of vessels lying in this harbour, having been requested by Captain Jack, commander of the brig Sarah, bound from Sydney to England, with a general cargo (which vessel put into this port on the 26th instant, in a leaky state) to hold a survey upon her, we have repaired on board, and having perused her log and questioned her commander his chief and second officers and passengers, and having ourselves with the assistance of two carpenters, examined her upper works, and having ascertained that the above-named vessel makes whilst lying in the harbour, three inches of water per hour, we the undersigned are unanimously of opinion that the brig Sarah is not seaworthy for a passage to England, and we have earnestly recommended her commander for the benefit of the underwriters and those concerned, to cause her topsides to be caulked, and to proceed with the least possible delay to Sydney for further inspection.

John Blinkinsopp Com. of the barque Caroline

John Irving Com. of the barque Harriett

John Finlay Com. of the barque Denmark Hill

John Guard Com. of the schooner Waterloo

“The brig was accordingly caulked above water, and two planks were discovered as rotten as tinder, and the carpenter declared the whole bottom to be in the same state, and they, the two mates, the seamen and Captain, all expressed the greatest alarm at even returning in her so far as Sydney, for fear of some other, and worse leak springing in her bottom; but it was Captain Jack's avowed intention to return, who repeatedly declared he could not do otherwise, even if he considered her safe, as it would be illegal, and the insurance would of course be forfeited; however, when such repairs were nearly completed as could be effected in the Bay, it transpired that Captain Jack would not return to Sydney, by his dismissing the second mate (the only person in the brig who understood navigation besides himself) because he, as well as the seamen in general, refused to go in her to Valparaiso, whither he said he would run the chance of proceeding, as he considered the brig was as likely to reach that port as Sydney, and there, if she should appear tolerably safe and tight, he would obtain a supply of provisions and proceed on to England, or if she should still be in a dangerous state cause a fresh survey to be held, when if she should be condemned, the passengers might get a passage in some other vessel, and all who did not choose to go on with him, might go to hell. This was the reason of myself and family leaving the Sarah, and obtaining a refuge at Mr. Campbell's whaling establishment, at Cloudy Bay, intending to return to Sydney in the Waterloo, at that time daily expected, but about a week after the sailing of the Sarah, the news of the total wreck of the Waterloo was brought to us by Mr. Hall the master, who with his men crossed the straits in a boat, after narrowly escaping with their lives from the cannibals, who pillaged and then set fire to the hull of the Waterloo. I then entreated Mr. Irving to give us a passage in the Harriett to the Bay of Islands, where we might have remained in safety and comparative comfort, and from thence obtained a passage to Sydney three months ago, but he was inexorable, which I thought was unfeeling, and under these circumstances, inhuman towards my wife and children, as we were existing among a gang of whalers not only destitute of every comfort (and subsequently of common necessaries, as we foresaw must be the case, from the exhaustion of provisions) but in the greatest terror of a descent from a powerful tribe of one or two thousand natives from the Southward, under a chief called Tyroa (Taiaroa). who are at war with the tribes about the Straits, and last year destroyed fifty tons of barrels, and some oil with the huts and the property on the same beach, belonging to Mr. Mossman, and at the reported approach of which hostile tribe, the natives in Cloudy Bay were so much alarmed that they (our chief protectors) deserted us and fled away into the bush.”

After the phenomenal trip of the Waterloo already recorded no time was lost in getting her away to Cloudy Bay again. Her luck had now changed, however; she met very bad weather on the road down, and about the middle of October was driven on to the rocks on the mainland near Kapiti and had to be left to her fate. The captain and mate were seized by the natives and stripped of everything they had saved from the wreck, and were about to be killed, when a chief, who was on friendly terms with Captain Hall, saved their lives, saying, “Kill me, don't touch white people.” The natives afterwards burnt the wreck. Guard, who managed the gangs for which the Waterloo was sailing, told his son that the scene of the wreck was at Waikanae.

1834.

Mr. Kentish threatened to publish “in blank verse” a description of his voyage to New Zealand, and of his stay at Cloudy Bay, but there is no record of the threat having ever been carried out.

Of the other vessels mentioned in the survey certificate of the Sarah, the Harriett arrived in Sydney on 22nd January, 1834, having called in at the Bay of Islands, with the captain and crew of the Waterloo and 133 tuns of black oil on board, and the Denmark Hill reached Sydney on 20th March, with 860 barrels of the same commodity. The Hind also called in at Cloudy Bay, and, taking away Mr. Kentish and his family on 12th January, landed them at Sydney on 28th February.

When Captain Elley brought the Hind to Sydney he reported “a very dangerous sandbank in Cook's Straits which seems to have hitherto escaped notice and is not marked on any chart of that coast at present extant.” He described it: “From Cape Farewell there is a sand spit, bearing about due east, to a distance of 9 leagues, and cannot be seen until within about a mile from it. It is, without exception, the most dangerous place in Cook's Straits; and, if not aware of its position, destruction is inevitable. From Cape Farewell, however, as long as your vessel can carry canvas, and may be depended upon, East and by North will keep you clear.” It must appear to the reader strange that the discovery in 1834, of a sand spit which had been seen by Tasman in 1642, and by D'Urville in 1827, and particulars of which had been given by both, should have entitled Elley to “the thanks of the mercantile community.” Poor charts indeed of the coastline must have been at the disposal of shipping at that date.

Mr. Kentish had mentioned the fear of an invasion by the southern natives, under which the shore whaling gangs at Cloudy were at that time labouring. This fear proved in due course to be well founded. On 29th March, Captain Shaw, in the schooner Harlequin, reached Sydney with a cargo of potatoes and reported that she had sailed from New Zealand on the thirteenth of the month under the following circumstances:—

“It appears that some time ago the natives of Cloudy Bay, then at war with those belonging to the province of Otargo, had taken a Chief of the latter place, Eacho (?Tamaiharanui) with his daughters, both of whom they killed. In revenge the natives of Otargo had come in great numbers to Cloudy Bay to seek revenge for their injuries. Upon the 6th instant headed by Tiharoah (Taiaroa), Tarbooco (Te Whakataupuka) and another chief, they proceeded in a body about 400, with the intention of commencing war against the Cloudy Bay tribes, who it appears, were in the interior engaged in civil war among themselves. Not finding them, they proceeded in the work of devastation. Every station was completely annihilated—those of Messrs. Campbell and Captain Blinkensoppe in particular—their men taken prisoners, and one or more of the women shot—two of the white men, accompanied by several native women, escaped in a whale boat. On the 7th March the Harlequin schooner came to anchor in the Bay. Three boats, filled with natives, bringing the remaining two white men (for whom they expected ransom boarded her, and commenced plundering the vessel of sails, colours, muskets, &c., cutting part of her running rigging, &c., and but for the good policy of Captain Shaw, the vessel doubtless would have been taken, nearly two hundred of the natives being on deck searching for plunder and scarcely a part of the vessel but what underwent their scrutiny. However, Captain Shaw, with much address, persuaded the New Zealanders to go on shore and immediately made sail for Cavity (Kapiti) Island, where a similar fate awaited him, from which he also luckily managed to extricate himself.”

The little schooner, Speculator, which had got into trouble with the natives at Port Nicholson in 1833, came up to Sydney on 4th March, after a sealing voyage which had commenced on 13th April, 1833. Her captain, Parker, reported a successful voyage. The Maoris at New Zealand had seized one of his boats, but, after a little altercation had surrendered it.

On 30th March our first farmer set out from Sydney to establish himself in Southern New Zealand. Mr. John Bell had made the necessary arrangements for settling himself and his belongings at Mana Island, and, with a cargo of 10 head of cattle, 102 sheep, and 2½ tons of hay, sailed in the Martha for Cook Strait. With the exception of the domestic animals which accompanied the expeditions of Cook and Vancouver, this is the first record of any such having been taken to New Zealand, though it is incredible that sheep, cattle, goats and rabbits were unknown at the shore whaling stations of Preservation, Otago, Cloudy Bay, Queen Charlotte Sound and Kapiti.

On 7th June the brig Eleanor, Mann, brought up 130 tons of flax and 1 cask of oil, consigned to R. Jones & Co. She had come up from Macquarie Island and had spoken the brig Martha in Cook Strait.

Captain Blinkinsopp, in the barque Caroline, left Cloudy Bay on 3rd June and reached Sydney on 5th July, 1834, from Campbell's establishment, with a cargo of 100 tuns of black and 60 tuns sperm oil. When the vessel left, the natives were quite peaceful and in the Bay were the Hobart Town whaler, Marianne, and the American whaler Erie of Newport. The sperm oil on the Caroline had been obtained at Curtis Island. The Erie, here mentioned, was the pioneer ship of that immense fleet of American whalers, which, during the next few years, filled every bay in the South Island with whaleboats.

Encounters between the whalers and the natives, which so disturbed the peaceful carrying on of the whaling trade during the year 1834, were not confined to Cloudy Bay, uor yet to Port Otago, to be described hereafter. Admiralty Bay was the scene of rather a remarkable attack on a whaling craft. The Mary and Elizabeth, under the command of W. Lovitt, sailed from Hobart Town on 12th April, 1834. During the voyage she called in at Otago, and when there her boat, gear, and dead whales were seized and Captain Lovitt only escaped by a precipitate retreat. She then made for Cloudy Bay, where she was deserted by her crew and had to return to the Derwent, which she reached on 9th July. James Young was then put in command and she put to sea again on the thirteenth of the same month. She returned on 12th September and reported as follows:—

“On the 10th August, in Admiralty Bay, lat. 41. 19. South, lon. 175 East, the Mary and Elizabeth, having been drove in by stress of weather, several of the natives, amongst whom Captain Young recognised our old acquaintance, Tomawk, came alongside; Tomawk claimed acquaintance with Captain Young, and was received into the ship with his followers, one of whom he introduced as his brother, Waktoob, and others as his cousins (we suppose Highland cousins). Tomawk and his brother were invited into the cabin, and breakfasted with Captain Young—they appeared very friendly. Tomawk, on coming on board, said—‘This brig belongs to Mr. Kelly.’ Captain Young said, ‘No, it belongs to Mr. Hewitt,’ and endeavoured to explain the nature of the charter. About an hour after breakfast, the weather clearing, Captain Young ordered his men to weigh the anchor, and requested Tomawk and his brother to sit on the companion, and to order their men into the canoes; they appeared to consent, and rose, as Captain Young thought, to comply with his request. Captain Young turned round to the head of the ship to give his orders to his own people, when the two chiefs, Tomawk and Waktoob, seized hold of him, and attempted to push his overboard; he resisted, and prevented their effecting their purpose, by entwining his arms in the main rigging; another New Zealander then struck him with a scrubbing brush on the hip, and brought him down on the deck; they then dragged him alone the deck to the larboard pump, where they made him fast. Three of Captain Young's crew took to the rigging, the natives had knocked down the other three, and lashed them to the ring bolts—they then commenced plundering the ship, and took everything they could move, including harts, chronometers, ship's register, and other papers. At last they quarrelled about a keg of tobacco, and fought with the ship's muskets, which happened to be loaded—two of them were killed, and Captain Young thinks that several more must have been wounded. When the natives began to fight amongst themselves, they left the ship, and took to their canoes, on which the men, who had fled to the fore-top, came down, and released their commander and comrades. When the natives saw this, they gave up quarrelling, and made for the shore. One of the canoes was alongside, and Captain Young observed the chronometer in the bows of the canoe, and, stretching from his own deck, succeeded in rescuing it, though one of the natives made blows at him to prevent it. He then got up the anchor, and stood to sea, making for Cloudy Bay, where the Marian was whaling—he got within six miles of the station, and could distinctly see the smoke of the try works, but the weather was such that he could not get into the Bay. After striving to accomplish this, from the 11th to the 27th of August, without any bedding, and hardly any clothing left them, Captain Young was compelled to run for Hobart Town, his crew being unable to stand the rigours of the season in their destitute condition.”

To that the editor adds the following, in the best Van Diemen's Land editorial style of that period:—

“We publish the above as a caution to mariners who may have occasion to visit New Zealand. But we confess that we are much surprised and disap- pointeddisappointed at hearing of our friend Tomawk being engaged in an outrage of this nature. It is true that the neglect and contempt with which Tomawk and his friend Tooet were treated by our bum burocrat oligarchy was calculated to inspire him with any feelings, rather than feelings of respect or kindness for British subjects. We predicted what would be the consequence to our shipping interests trading to New Zealand, of the contemptuous conduct of the Governor to Tomawk, who is not only a powerful Chief in his own country, but a near relation, we believe an uncle, to “Hecho,” the paramount Chief or King in Cook's Straits.

“We have often, too often, had occasion to predict the consequences of the negligence and positively bad acts of our Government—acts of which we could not help foreseeing the evil consequences; and we could quote a long record of cases wherein, either personally, or through the press, we have given the head of the Government, in the most respectful maner, timeous warning of consequences against which he might have guarded, and which he might, in fact, have altogether obviated, but which fell out exactly as we had predicted. It will cost much bloodshed, and take many years, to remove the effects of the Governor's neglect of Tomawk, and to accomplish that which an opposite line of conduct, on the part of His Excellency, might with ease have effected. What was the economy philosopher about, that he did not point out to his patron, the example of great men in every age, who had such an opportunity of conciliating powerful savages—he surely could inform his patron of what history relates of Cyrus, Cæsar, Scipio, and a hundred illustrious names, not to mention Buonaparte. And he could have assured him that the respectability of those names would prevent the imitation of their example, from proving any con- taminationcontamination to bum burocrat purity, or degradation of deputed Autocracy. His Excellency might have learned from ‘his Philosopher’ that he might have worn his cock's feathers, and his glittering coat, and headed his soi-disant Aristocracy, and bum burocrat ESQUIRE!!! Clerks, with undiminished grace and dignity; at the same time, that he would have done a duty to his Sovereign, which that Sovereign had shewn, in more than one instance, that he would not have thought beneath him to perform, by contributing to the safety of his Majesty's subjects, trading to New Zealand, had he condescended to have treated ‘Tomawk and Tooet,’ as General Macquarie and his high-spirited lady always treated every New Zealand Chief, who ever visited Sydney, and as George the Fourth, without any fear of degradation, treated the Chiefs who visited London.

“Tomawk's mind was not formed of bum burocrat materials. He could feel as one of “Nature's” Princes, and we know from himself, that though he was impressed with the kindest feelings towards many individuals here, nothing could exceed the contempt and dislike which he felt personally for the Government. Often have we heard him draw comparisons, the most unfavourable to the latter, between the Sydney Government and ours. We have received a very large packet from Captain Parker, who went passenger in the Emma Kemp, giving a most interesting detail of Tomawk's conduct on the passage, and of his reception in his own country, which confirms the opinions which we have already held concerning him. We have mislaid Captain Parker's packet, but when we find it we will publish it for the entertainment of our readers. With regard to the particular case of the Mary and Elizabeth, it was known to us, that Tomawk, had a personal grudge to Mr. Kelly, on account of a former occurrence in some port of New Zealand, and between one of Mr. Kelly's vessels and the natives. And also on account of Mr. Kelly having, as Tomawk told us, declined taking him passenger to Cloudy Bay—stating as his reason, that he expected Tomawk and his friends would plunder any vessel that would take Tomawk back, in revenge for the disappointment which that Chief suffered by his detention here. However, Mr. Kelly was mistaken, for nothing could exceed the kindness with which they treated all the persons on board the Emma Kemp, and the good will which Tomawk expressed for Mr. Horne.”

Tomack and Tooet were two of the three chiefs landed in Hobart Town by Captain Steine in the William the Fourth, on 1st September, 1832. After remaining there for some time they had approached Captain Kelly to carry them home, but that shipowner feared the wiping out of old scores, and declined. Why Steine did not take them back when he sailed for Rio in the Emma Kemp on 13th December, 1832, is not known. It was certainly stated in Hobart on his sailing that the Emma Kemp would visit New Zealand, and she was afterwards recorded as calling in at Cook Strait for water. When the Emma Kemp returned from Rio on 12th August, 1833, the Maori chiefs were still at Hobart. And there they remained, unable to get passage home, until Mr. Horne, whose vessel had brought them away from New Zealand, purchased the Emma Kemp and sent her to New Zealand on 22nd April, 1834, under the command of Captain Doyle. Captain Parker also sailed as a passenger to bring back to Tasmania a vessel laden with New Zealand produce. Parker's trade was, in the main, leather belts with buckles for the natives to use in fastening their mats. Costing one shilling apiece he expected to purchase pigs, giving one belt for a 100lb. pig. On his return to Hobart Town, Captain Parker handed in an account of the reception of the long absent chiefs by their tribes, but, as explained, this interesting document was lost.

Amongst the papers available in Tasmania are the Articles under which the crew of the Mary and Elizabeth served during these exciting voyages. They form the only contract of that nature which the author has found in Australia. Captain Young having lost his register, the correspondence regarding the granting of a new one is of sufficient interest to accompany a copy of the Articles, and will be found with them in Appendix D.

A writer, R. W. S., under date August, 1834, sent to “The Sydney Herald” an interesting account of a trip round the North Island of New Zealand. The portion relating to Cook Strait is here reproduced.

“Owing to contrary winds on my arrival in Cook's Straits, I was necessitated to beat about for several days previous to reaching my first destination, the Island of Manna (Mana), the Warspite Island of Captain Dundas, R.N., during which I discovered a shoal, not previously noticed, lying about ten miles south-west of Manna (Mana), upon which, as far as I could judge from the great way on the vessel, there is about five fathoms of water. You approach the roadstead of Manna (Mana) either from the northward or southward, the only danger being a reef, visible at half tide, which runs out about a mile off the southermost head-land of a Bay or Harbour on the opposite shore, called Purrirua (Porirua), which is immediately facing you on entering from the northwest, and which vessels may always avoid by keeping the island aboard. The best anchorage is abreast of the Boat-house at the north end of the native Pa or Fort, at about a quarter and a half mile off shore; small vessels may, however, anchor with safety, a cable's length off the island, abreast of the settlement: This island is the property of Mr. Bell, who is just gone down with a quantity of cattle, for the purpose of forming an establishment to supply vessels with Stock, &c. A part of the Island is already in cultivation, and a very fair crop of tobacco was grown there last season. Vessels homeward bound through Cooke's Straits will find Manna (Mana) a very convenient place to refresh at. The anchorage is safe at all times; wood and water are both good and plentiful, and fresh beef, mutton, lamb, and pork, with rabbits, poultry, and vegetables may be procured at Mr. Bell's establishment on reasonable terms. Whilst at Manna (Mana) I had an opportunity of witnessing an assemblage of the principal Chiefs of most of the tribes on this part of the coast, who met there for the first time since the war, which had been carried on for five months previous to my arrival. Te Rowparra (Te Rauparaha), one of the oldest Chiefs, who had been the principal occasion of hostilities, was at first dubious as to the reception he would meet with from his compeers, so much so, that instead of going on shore, on arriving in his canoe from Cabitie (Kapiti) he stowed himself away in the vessel's cabin, and it was not till the succeeding evening at dusk, that he would leave her. On the morning of our departure the meeting of the Chiefs took place, when several speeches were made. Peace was proclaimed, and, as usual, a feast concluded the ceremony! I could not but observe the sarcastic and significant looks of some of the principal Chiefs, from which I would infer, that their present acquiescence was but feigned, and that hostilities would break out again, at no very distant period. Be that however as it may, Te Rowparra (Te Rauparaha), from all accounts, have proved himself in the late war an able General, and experienced Tactician, and by a cunning peculiar to himself, has not only overcome a vastly superior force, but actually embroiled a more inveterate foe in the contest, whom, he first made fight his battle, and afterwards propose a cessation of hostilities in the very camp of the adversary.”

When the Joseph Weller was at Cloudy Bay on 14th July, the Marianne and the Erie were still there and they had been joined by the Denmark Hill and the Sussex, the latter an English vessel which had been out for three years and was not yet full. This is the first mention in Sydney papers of an English whaler taking up the South Island black whale trade. A schooner and a brig, supposed to be the Shamrock and the Carnarvon, were coming in when the Joseph Weller left.

On 28th July, a vessel of 435 tons, called the Bardaster, sailed from Sydney for New Zealand, to bring up a cargo of flax before sailing for England. She made for Cook Strait and found in Cloudy Bay no less than seven vessels:—

The Caroline, Blinkinsopp, with 130 tuns of oil.

The Denmark Hill, Finlay, with 150 tuns of oil.

The Cornwallis, Bardo, with 2 whales.

The Sussex, British barque, full of sperm and black oil.

The Erie, American whaler, half full.

The Marianne, Sinclair, full, for Hobart Town.

The Shamrock, schooner, with potatoes, oil and bone.

After leaving Cloudy Bay the Bardaster made the circuit of the flax stations in the North Island, and at one of them picked up a pakeha Maori named Barnet Burns. Captain Chalmers brought his vessel through Cook Strait, calling at Cloudy Bay and Queen Charlotte Sound, and when at the last-named anchorage, so is alleged by Burns, an attempt was made to seize the vessel, and was frustrated through his knowledge of the Maori language. It was found that the Shamrock had capsized and sunk, drowning 3 Europeans and 7 Maoris. Williams, the captain, was saved. The Caroline had secured from the Maoris the papers they had seized from the Mary and Elizabeth. All that information was brought to Sydney by Captain Chalmers when he came up on 2nd November.

Burns became so enamoured of life on board the Bardaster that he changed his plans of staying at Sydney and went on to Liverpool with Captain Chalmers. In 1835 he published a short sketch of his New Zealand experiences, which, though it went through new editions in 1842, 1844, 1848, and 1850, is now very difficult to secure.

One of the items of information brought up from Cloudy Bay was that the Denmark Hill was so leaky that the Caroline would accompany her to Sydney. This reminds the author of one of John Guard's stories, told now by his son, of Harriett rescue fame. A Maori, desiring something better to live in than the primitive whare of his race, built a house after the manner of his white friends. All went well till the rain came, when it was found that a perfect mill stream poured through the would-be mansion. As his friends gathered round to commiserate with him and discuss what next should be done, the philosophical old Maori who owned the house said, “We will call it the Denmark Hill, it leaks so much,” and the Denmark Hill that house was known as ever after. He had been a sailor on board the old leaky whaler.

Of the vessels which the Bardaster found in Cloudy Bay in August, the Marianne was the first to leave, and reached Hobart Town on 23rd September, with a cargo of 60 tuns of sperm oil, 160 of black, and 9 tons of bone. The Shamrock was capsized, as has already been described. The date of the departure of the Sussex for England is not recorded. The Erie sailed for the Bay of Islands on 5th October, full; and the Caroline, Denmark Hill, and Cornvallis were left at Cloudy Bay. On 9th November the Caroline and her leaky consort, the Denmark Hill, sailed for Sydney. The latter brought up the captain and five men of the Shamrock, and three men of the Harriett, and landed with a cargo of 190 tuns of oil on 23rd November.

The Caroline reached Sydney two days later with 200 tuns of oil and 11 tons of bone on board. On board the Caroline was a runaway named George Wilson, who, with several others, had stowed away when the vessel left Sydney, but when at New Zealand the others had managed to get away among the natives.

Chapter V.Foveaux Strait and the Islands, 1830 to 1835.

1830

The first recorded visitor to this southern region, during the period under review, was an American sealing captain.

Capain Benjamin Morrell of the American schooner Antarctic sailed from New York on 2nd September, 1829, and anchored at Carnley Harbour, Auckland Island, on 28th December of the same year. Three days afterwards he sent two of his officers to look for seals, and on 4th January, 1830, they returned, having pulled round the Island without seeing a single fur seal and not more than twenty of the hair kind. Quoting his own words:—

“Although the Auckland Isles once abounded with numerous herds of fur and hair-seal, the American and English seamen engaged in this business have made such clean work of it as scarcely to leave a breed; at all events there was not one furseal to be found on the 4th of January, 1830. We therefore got under way on the morning of Tuesday, the 5th at 6 o'clock, and steered for another cluster of islands, or rather rocks, called ‘the Snares,’ one hundred and eighty miles north of Auckland Group and about sixty south of New Zealand…

“We searched then in vain for fur-seal, with which they formerly abounded. The population was extinct, cut off, root and branch, by the sealers of Van Dieman's Land, Sidney, etc.”

From the Snares Morrell visited Pegasus, called by him South Port, and there he found a Sydney gang engaged in building a vessel—probably the gang stationed there by Stewart, and now engaged on the Joseph Weller.

Sailing over to Molyneux Bay he found, situated at the head of the harbour, a village known as Tavaimoo, of twenty-eight miserable huts. The best of the dwelling places he describes as being like barns, about ten feet high, thirty long, and twelve or fifteen broad. The insides were strongly constructed and fastened with supple vines. The same materials which they used for daubing their faces they also used for painting their whares red and black. The huts were entered through a hole just large enough to admit a man stooping, and smoke escaped and light entered by a still smaller aperture. An inferior class of dwelling found in the village was about half the size of the above and seldom more than four or five feet in height, framed of young trees and thatched with long grass. A few bags or baskets containing fishing gear and other trifles constituted the only furniture.

These natives of the Molyneux were evidently of a very low standard of civilization, and, although they must have been in touch with Europeans for some time before the visit of Captain Morrell, the contact had evidently not elevated them. The American makes no mention of finding white men in the native camp. The date of this visit was 7th January, 1830.

On the tenth, Morrell reached Banks Peninsula and anchored in Cook's Harbour (Port Cooper). Only a few natives were in the bay, and they eked out a precarious existence on shell fish. From that anchorage the Antarctic skirted the coast as far as Cape Campbell, all along the route the natives inviting those on board to land. They did not come to an anchor, however, until they had sailed past Cook Strait, when some fifty natives met them and took them ashore at Flat Point, beyond Cape Palliser. From there a course was steered for the Bay of Islands.

Both Captain Morrell and his wife, who accompanied him, have published very interesting accounts of the voyage.

The Preservation Bay whaling station has long been held to be, or to share with Te Awaiti the honour of being, the first shore whaling establishment in New Zealand. Both Williams and Shortland, of whom the former managed, and the latter recorded the doings of the station, make the date of its foundation, 1829, and Shortland further says that during that year three boats were employed and 120 tuns of oil were taken at it.

On the other hand, so far as New South Wales records can be ascertained, there are no indications that any oil was received at Sydney from Preservation Inlet during 1829. Williams brought from New Zealand, in the Caroline, flax, seal skins and timber, but no mention is made of oil. Her first cargo of that commodity reached Sydney on 11th August, after the whaling season of 1830 had commenced. Unless therefore the oil of the previous year was sold at the station to seagoing vessels, Shortland must be incorrect. Before taking over the management of the whaling station, which was owned by Bunn & Co., Williams commanded the Caroline, which traded backwards and forwards to New Zealand. After he took over the management, the command of the Caroline devolved on Farley, and then on Anglin, after whom Mt. Anglem is called. Judged from the nature of the cargoes brought up in the Caroline, the establishment of the station, for sealing and for timber cutting only, can be claimed as early as 1829. The evidence points to 1830 as the date of the foundation of Bunn's whaling establishment at Preservation Inlet.

On 7th February, the Samuel returned from Chatham Island with timber, pork, potatoes, flax and skins. She had sailed there from Sydney on 29th November, 1829, to obtain some skins which had been collected by a party of sealers in the employ of Mr. Street. On arrival at the Island the sealing gang informed Captain Worth that their whole kit had been carried off by the Cyprus, which had called there with about 50 men on board. The vessel was in a very cripled condition, was dismantled of part of her rigging, and had all her sails split or torn to ribbons. The Cyprus was an old Macquarie Island trader which had been seized by the convicts at Van Diemen's Land and was now scouring the sea.

The Caroline made the first two trips of the year in February and in May with cargoes of flax and seal skins, bringing up in all 4 tons of flax and 1200 skins. Then came the first oil recorded from Preservation. The first cargo of 40 tuns arrived on 11th August, and the second, of the like quantity, on 21st October. There also came 4 tons of bone, and 125 skins. The season was a very satisfactory one and the July reports stated that at Dusky Bay the whales were tumbing over one another like porpoises, and the only danger was that there might not be a sufficient supply of casks.

In his evidence before the Lands Claims Commissioners, Williams stated that in 1830 he built a dwelling house for himself and his family, and a store, capable of holding 300 tons of goods for trade and to supply shipping. Six houses were erected for whaling companies and a boatshed for 16 boats. From 50 to 60 men were employed whaling during the season and, when that was over, sealing and sawing timber. The contents of the store may be judged from the ship's manifest on her voyage from Sydney to the station on 25th August:—2 pun. rum, 3 casks, 1 case slops, 10cwt. biscuit, 3 tons flour, 56lbs. musket balls, 3 packages ironmongery, 1 cask vinegar, 3 doz. quart pots, 1 box medicines, 1 box raisins, 2 coils rope, 12 coils coir rope, 12 iron pots, 1 doz. whale lances, 2 jars turpentine, 2 grindstones, 1 bag rice, 1 box pepper, 40 tons casks and stores. No exception can be taken to the nature or variety of the material supplied.

During the year two other vessels, the Fairy and the Emma Kemp, took part in the sealing trade. The former arrived in Sydney on 27th February with 600 skins and some flax, while the latter, under the command of J. H. Skelton, arrived on 12th November with 113 skins. 8 tons flax and 4 tons pork.

1831.

Before the whaling season opened, on 29th March, 1831, the schooner Samuel, under the command of Captain Anglin reached Sydney with a cargo of 440 seal skins and 10 tons of flax, and brought the distressing news that the brig Industry, under the command of Captain W. Wiseman, had been wrecked at Easy Bay, Stewart Island, in a dreadful gale of wind on 28th February. The captain, ten seamen, and six native women, were drowned. Two men only escaped and were expected to come up to Sydney in the Caroline. Wiseman is described as a remarkably active and fine looking man whose father resided at the Hawkesbury. He was married to a daughter of John Grono, formerly in the New Zealand trade, but at this date a ship builder at the Hawkesbury and one of the owners of the Industry. He left a widow and one child. Wiseman had been in New South Wales and connected with its shipping for a long time, and in the course of his trading voyages had visited New Zealand, South Shetland, South America and various places in the South Seas. Tradition among southern natives says that the Industry called at Codfish Island, where she was lying when the gale came up, and that, under the direction of Chaseland, one of the few who escaped a watery grave, she ran for Easy Harbour.

The year 1831 records nothing special about Bunn's establishment beyond the regular visits of the Caroline, taking up to Sydney 114 tuns oil, 2 cwt. whalebone, 674 skins and ½ ton of flax, as follows:—

Arrival Captain Flax Oil Skins Apr. 6 Farley ½ ton 20 Tuns 530 July 8 Anglin 29 Tuns 74 Nov. 8 Anglin 25 Tuns 50 Dec. 26 Williams 40 Tuns 20

On her last trip she proceeded from Sydney to Newcastle and transhipped her oil into the barque Integrity, which was lying there.

This year Messrs. Enderby, of London, the well-known whaling firm, sent out to explore the high southern latitudes an expedition of two vessels—the brig Tula, of 148 tons, under the command of John Biscoe, R.N., and the cutter Lively, of 49 tons, under the command of George Avery.

The expedition sailed from Gravesend on 14th July. 1831, and arrived in due course at Van Diemen's Land, from whence it sailed, on 9th October, 1831, round the North Cape of New Zealand to the Bay of Islands, which was reached in 21 days. On 5th November it proceeded to the south and made for Chatham Island. On the seventeenth, the 44° Rocks were sighted and land was visible at different times, but it was not until the nineteenth that boats were sent ashore. These returned with three natives who expressed their willingness to remain on board. Biscoe describes them as quite naked but wearing over their shoulders a stiff mat, which, when they squatted down on the deck, stuck out like the shell of a turtle and formed a roof for turning the water off. As there was no work for them they were returned to the shore. Thick dirty weather prevailed until the twenty-third when the 44 degree rocks were again sighted and a boat sent for seals, but the rocks proved so perpendicular that it was difficult to land upon them, and only seven skins were secured. Thinking that these were stragglers from some rookery near at hand, Biscoe tried the rocks to the south, but owing to bad weather could not effect a landing and accordingly bore up for Chatham Island. After spending some time in a further unsuccessful hunt after seals, on 2nd December, anchor was cast in a bight of the largest of the Cornwallis Islands, and the boats were sent out to the different islets for skins. Pigs were found on the island, but seals, which were so much desired, were nowhere to be seen. In one of his excursions Biscoe found the wreck, of a small vessel of about 100 tons, which he concluded to be the Glory, lost there in January, 1827. On the twelfth sixteen skins were procured on the Sisters rocks.

From there the expedition made for the Bounty Islands, which were sighted on the twenty-fourth. The boats were sent ashore but returned without anything, having seen only five seals which could not be approached. Landing on one of the rocks they found a hut, the roof of which was formed of skins and wings of birds, a baking dish, a water cask, a bottle half filled with oil, some pieces of firewood and an Irish provision cask. So far the expedition had failed to find likely sealing ground. From the Bounties Biscoe made southward. With his Antarctic explorations we are not concerned, but, considering his poor equipment, Biscoe earned for himself a high position amongst Antarctic explorers.

His journal, for which we are indebted to the courtesy of the R.G.S., will be found as Appendix B.

In the early days of 1831 the Venus tried the old Campbell and Macquarie Island grounds for seal skins and elephant oil, but with no success whatever. She first made Macquarie Island and the captain landed at both ends of the Island, but could see no signs of elephants. “Macquarie Island is entirely cut up,” was his report. After leaving that place Harvey went south as far as 72°, but, finding such a succession of fogs that it was impossible to see further than a mile from the ship, he gave up his search for fresh fields and returned. The Venus next put into Campbell Island to set up casks for whaling. Here 170 prime skins were procured. About 20 tons of salt was landed at the head of Preservation Harbour, and from what Captain Harvey saw there he came to the conclusion that “it would pay a boat's crew to remain.” From Campbell Island the Venus sailed for Cloudy Bay, where she was reported at anchor on 28th May. When she reached Sydney on 31st December, 1832, she had a cargo of 140 tuns black oil, 6 tons whalebone, 25 tuns sperm oil, and 170 skins.

A letter of Captain Harvey to Captain Kelly, the owner of the Venus, written during the vessel's stay in Sydney, is now in a private collection of manuscripts in Tasmania.

1832.

From Bunn's establishment in 1832 the Caroline came up to Sydney on 1st April, 17th June, and 29th August, bringing up with her 80 tuns oil, 12 cwt. bone, 685 skins, 26 tons flax and 12,100 feet of timber. At the end of the season Bunn put on the Bee, and brought up in her from the same station, another 90 tuns oil, 5½ tons whalebone, 3000 feet of timber, 700 baskets of flax and 15 skins. Her passenger list comprised Mr. James Joss, Mr. Griffiths, Mr. Wareham, Mr. E. Barker and a Maori woman.

About the end of the year Williams purchased from the local chief, Te Whakataupuka, the land from the northward of Dusky to the south head of Preservation Inlet for a payment of 60 muskets. Williams says it was effected in 1829 but no deed was drawn up until 1832, on which date Te Whakataupuka attached his moko or copy of his tattoo marks, to a deed of which the following copy is to be found amongst the papers connected with Williams' application before the Lands Claims Commissioners. This is probably the first conveyance of land in the South Island.

“To all whom it may concern be it known that I Taboca Rangatera or Chief of the Southern Territories of New Zealand, have this (9th) ninth day of November In the year of our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and thirty two sold unto Peter Williams of New South Wales his Heirs, Executors. Administrators or Assigns for ever all my right Title and Interest in and to all that portion of my territory situated being and lying on the West side of the Middle Island New Zealand beginning from the North Head of Dusky Bay in Latitude 45° South and 166° 15 East and ending at the South Head of Preservation in Latitude 46° 30′ South and 166° 43′ E. also all those Islands within those boundaries and all the other Islands not herein mentioned including also all Rivers Streams Inlets Fisheries Tenements Buildings Cultivations &c. &c. to him the said Peter Williams his Heirs Executors Administrators or Assigns from henceforth and for ever in Consideration of which I Taboca Rangatera Acknowledge to have received Sixty Muskets. In Witness whereof I have this day set my hand and Seal in my Tatto likeness Opposite.”

(The Chief's Tatto.) Middle Island or Tavai Poenammoo. his Witness James × Spencer. mark Peter Williams.

The Rev. R. Taylor, writing in 1855, described Te Whakataupuka as a great chief of the Middle Island, known to the sailors as Old Wig and celebrated as much for his cunning as for his courage. He died, Taylor says, of measles, in 1833.

1833.

In 1833 the Caroline, after bringing up the very creditable cargo of 1000 seal skins, with some timber and bone, on 27th March, sailed south on 18th April with fishery stores. During the succeeding months Anglin was occupied in visiting the southern islands sealing, and did not return to Sydney until the latter part of the year. The Caroline's place was taken by the Sydney Packet, a vessel of 84 tons, under the command of Captain Joss. This vessel was purchased by George Bunn in March and sent away with a cargo of whaling stores. She reached Sydney on 23rd June, 2nd September, and 11th November, with 409 casks of oil, 332 skins, and 259 bundles of bone. In addition to these cargoes, Captain Hall, in the Waterloo, brought up 39 tuns of oil from Preservation, on 2nd August.

In her November trip the Sydney Packet left Bunn's establishment at Preservation Inlet, on 25th October, with 259 bundles whalebone. 127 casks oil and 200 skins. Captain Joss brought up an oar branded “Mosman,” supposed to belong to a vessel wrecked at Auckland Island between February and August. He stated that there could also be seen strewn on the beach, wreckage of the vessel, wool and oil staves in abundance, cabin furniture made of cedar, flooring timbers, pitch pine spars, cedar plank and part of a wool press.

The wreck was discovered by a party of sealers belonging to the Caroline who were stationed on the island and who brought up the marked oar, part of an iron bar on which was W.C. in a circle and a five gallon keg on each end of which was branded “Knowles & Co.” Anglin of the Caroline, after bringing up these articles from the islands, gave them to Joss of the Sydney Packet who deposited them in Bunn's stores in Sydney. It was Anglin's intention to visit the scene of the wreck upon his next trip and see it for himself. The Sydney press suggested that a vessel should be fitted out to run down and ascertain whether further information could be got of the wreck which was believed to belong to a vessel of 400 tons.

1834.

On 9th January, 1834, George Bunn, one of the first merchants of Sydney and the senior partner of the firm which owned the Preservation Bay whaling station, died.

On 14th March the two Preservation Bay vessels came up to Sydney. The Sydney Packet sailed from New Zealand on the second, with 185 skins, 68 casks oil and 14 tons flax. The Caroline came up with a cargo of 350 skins, having on board Edwin Palmer, who had been sealing at Auckland Island, and who had examined the wreck. He reported that no information could be got of the vessel's name. Many tons of the wreck had been beached, and consisted of wool, oil, and shipping stores. Palmer thought she must have been wrecked eleven months before, as he had visited that part of Auckland Island a short time previous to discovering her and had not seen anything of the kind. Palmer evidently had charge of the gang which discovered the wreck. In spite of the hopeless report it was still thought than an expedition might bring some- thingsomething to light, but nothing special appears to have been done.

At this stage a sad accident took place in connection with the Preservation Bay whaling station. A boat's crew went to Ruapuke Island for a few days' recreation, and, as they did not return for some time, another boat was sent in search of them. On arrival at Ruapuke they were told that the boat had sailed for home. Nothing had been heard of them when the Sydney Packet sailed. Their loss was a severe one to the whaling establishment as three clever headsmen and two boat steerers were among the number. Their names were Fife, Williams, Russell, Lee, Garvin and Bonnivar.

The Sydney Packet sailed on 7th April, 1834, taking down a quantity of whaling gear for the supply of the gangs belonging to the house of Bunn & Co. Her general cargo consisted of 12 casks flour, 24 casks beef, 11 casks pork, 22 bags sugar, 2 casks ironmongery, 2 casks slops, 2 boxes soap, 1 cask beer, 2 chests tea, 2 puncheons, 1 hogshead rum, 2 kegs tobacco, and stores. The Caroline returned in ballast on 20th May, but Anglin had taken over the Lucy Ann belonging to Weller, and his place was now taken by Bruce.

The Caroline brought back to Sydney on 21st July, 104 casks black oil, and, as passengers, Messrs. H. Harding, A. Mossman, and Thomas Mowat. She had sailed from New Zealand on the sixth. On her voyage up she experienced terrible weather, her bulwarks and binnacles were carried away, and one of her boats was stove in. She sailed again on 8th August in ballast. On 21st August the Sydney Packet returned from New Zealand, from which she had sailed on the first, with 150 casks black oil and 2 casks seal skins. The consignee of the cargoes of the two vessels was E. B. Mowle, that House having evidently taken over the business of Bunn & Co. Captain Joss reported that there was not a vestige left of the wreck on Auckland Island.

The Caroline reached Port Jackson on 16th September, 1834, with 97 casks of oil. A local paper says: “When the signal from New Zealand was yesterday displayed, we were anxious to know whether any and what information was brought from that quarter and on applying to Messrs. Mowle & Co. we learn that the Caroline is from Port Bunn where everything was tranquil. No intelligence of the Alligator has, of course, reached Sydney by this vessel.” She came up in eleven days, during which time she encountered very rough weather and a sea carried away 7 of her starboard staunchions and bulwarks, and broke in two the ironwork of the pump. Captain Bruce saw no vessel either going or returning. The excitement in Sydney was caused by a report brought up from Otago in the Lucy Ann that the natives had become very troublesome and that some of them had gone to Port Bunn to cause trouble there. H.M.S. Alligator had left for New Zealand to recapture the remnant of the Harriett's crew wrecked at or near Cape Egmont. From the report brought up in the Caroline the excitement under which the natives laboured while at Otago had effervesced before they reached the southern station.

The Sydney Packet, Joss, sailed with fishery stores on 26th September and returned on 21st November with 40 tuns oil and 8 tons whalebone. In the shipping report it is stated that E. B. Mowle & Co. had a large establishment at Port Bunn. The natives were reported to be in a state of perfect tranquillity. The Customs record gives Williams as the master of the Sydney Packet. Probably he came up from the whaling station, as it was the end of the season, to make arrangements for next year's work rendered necessary by the death of Captain Bunn. At what date exactly the property was disposed of is not certain, but it was owned by Jones and Palmer, in March, 1835.

Throughout the year's traffic it will be noted that the timber trade had ceased, oil, whalebone and seal skins being the staple articles of export.

During the year an attempt was made to revive the old sea elephant trade of Macquarie Island, which had now been untouched for a period of over two years. Captain Mann went down in the Eleanor, on 19th March, with a full equipment of the necessary material. After landing his gangs he endeavoured to touch at Auckland Island to ascertain the name of the vessel lying on the beach there, but the weather was so rough that he had to abandon his design and make for Cook Strait. The Eleanor reached Sydney on 7th June, having on her voyage spoken a Hobart Town sealer. the Penelope, all well but with no seals. Towards the end of the year—on 15th October—the brig Bee was sent down under the command of Captain Robertson, to minister to the wants of the gang and to bring back the oil. She found, however, that in the seven months the gang had been on the Island it had not been able to secure one cask of oil. The seals had completely abandoned the Island. Captain Robertson, on 20th December, brought back 5 seamen of the gang; the remainder he was to call for later.

1835.

Captain Robertson did not delay long in Sydney, but sailed on 3rd January for the balance of the Eleanor's sealing gang at Macquarie Island. On 26th February he had them all on board—a gang of 12 men—and sailed from the Island without oil or skins, a clean ship but for 300 tuns of empty casks. During his visit he called in at Chatham Island and found there eight or ten runaways. He reached Sydney on 19th May.

The day after the Bee left, the Sydney Packet sailed for her usual destination and returned on 12th March with Messrs. Palmer and Wareham as passengers. She sailed from New Zealand on 23rd February with a cargo of 496 seal skins, 10 tuns seal oil, and 47 casks black whale oil, consigned to E. B. Mowle.

On 11th March, the New Zealander reached Sydney, having sailed from the southern part of New Zealand on 28th February. The schooner was under the command of Captain Cole and had on board oil and potatoes. Mrs. Cole was a passenger, but the places called at by this vessel are not given. Amongst other descriptions of her trip, however, one paper speaks of it as “a speculative trip of five months among the Eastern Islands.” In view of the fact that on 12th January, 1839, four men were found on Campbell Island who stated that they had been left there four years before by the New Zealander, it is more than probable that this “speculative trip” took the New Zealander as far south as Campbell Island.

Early in April the schooner Sydney Packet was purchased, through Polack of Sydney, for £800, by John Jones, for many years a waterman of Sydney Cove. By her new purchaser, who was now the owner of the Preservation Bay whaling station, she was fitted out for bay whaling and sailed on the twenty-first under the command of Captain Bruce. Her first voyage under the new ownership ended on 12th July, when she reached Sydney with two passengers—James Spencer and a New Zealander. She left Preservation Bay on 22nd June with 45 tuns of oil. No other vessel was sighted during the trip. Her cargo was consigned to J. Jones. “Johnny” Jones, whose name was afterwards to become a household word in Otago, thus received his first cargo of oil from New Zealand.

In trying to ascertain the first record of “Johnny” Jones' connection with New Zealand trade the author found mention made of a boy named John Jones advertising his intention of shipping in the Venus in 1808.

It was noticeable that renewed activity was imported into the movements of the Sydney Packet when she came under the ownership of “Johnny” Jones. She sailed for the whaling establishment on 21st July with a cargo of casks, whaling gear, rum, tobacco, flour and stores, and returned on 16th September with 45 tuns oil, 30 cwt. bone, 1 cask seal skins and 5 tons potatoes. She had sailed from Preservation on 21st August and J. Jones is stated to have been supercargo. He had evidently gone down and superintended operations in person. The people on the schooner found the measles very bad among the Maoris. On her next run she reached Sydney on 31st October, with 80 casks black oil, 6½ tons whalebone and 4 tons potatoes. James Saunders was the only passenger. She set sail again on 5th December.

It will be remembered that Te Whakataupuka sold a portion of his land to Peter Williams in 1832, and that Taylor gave 1833 as the date of the old chief's death from measles. There is reason to believe that Taylor is wrong in the date given, because as late as September, 1834, Te Whakataupuka took part in the raid on the Otago station, and left to raid the gangs at Port Bunn, when he was carried off by measles which raged among the southern Maoris during 1835. As a result Tuhawaiki became the foremost Maori in the southern portion of the Island. He described himself as the nephew and successor to Te Whakataupuka and stated that he received a portion of the payment made by Mr. Williams. He was present when the original deed was executed.

Peter Williams now applied to the new dominant chief and got his old grant confirmed. This was done by a document of which he submitted the following as a copy.

“To all whom it may concern be it known that I Toawick are now become Rangatera or Chief of these Southern Territories do hereby Testify that the above deed is true and correct and that the above Tatto is the true likeness of the late Chief Taboca—likewise for and on behalf of myself I do Grant the same unto Peter Williams his Heirs Executors Administrators or Assigns for ever in Witness whereof I have set my Tatto likeness Opposite this 31st Day of December 1835.”

Peter Williams. Witnesses—James Ives. George Moss Mowry, X his mark. Tomarama Mowry X his mark. Barago Mowry X his mark.

When statistics were being collected in 1836 relating to shore whaling on the New Zealand coast, Jones was applied to, among the others, and he replied, regarding the Preservation Bay whaling station, in the following terms:—

Sydney

, 24 March, 1836. Sir,—

According to your request I beg to transmit you the following information relative to my Establishment at New Zealand. I have 39 men employed in the Fishery which I have carried on for the last 12 months and procured 125 tuns oil none of which has been exported by me.

I also beg to state that the late George Bunn was in possession of the said Establishment for about 6 years and procured upwards of 500 tuns of oil during that period.

I have the honor to be, SirYour obedient Servant,John Jones. To Major Gibbs Collector of Customs.

The station therefore had yielded 625 tuns of oil, and the letter seems to indicate that it was in operation in 1829.

Chapter VI.Weller's Whaling Station, 1831 to 1835.

Towards the end of 1831 the Weller Brothers of Sydney decided to form a whaling establishment at Otago Harbour, and, with that object in view, purchased from the New South Wales Government a barque of 214 tons called the Lucy Ann, and sent her away on 25th September, under the command of Captain Owen, with the necessary stores. Her cargo for the first trading establishment at Otago combined the arts of peace and war to a charming degree: 6 cases muskets, 10 barrels and 104 half barrels gunpowder, 1 case axes, 2 iron boilers, 5 casks beef, 1 case whaling gear, 1 case whaling line, 1 pipe gin, 2 puncheons rum, 5 kegs tobacco and stores. Probably the ammunition was required for the natives, the alcohol for the whalers.

When the Lucy Ann returned on 29th February, 1832, she brought a cargo comprised wholly of timber and flax: 100 spars, 10,649ft. planks, 1200 trennails and ½ ton flax, consigned to J. B. Weller.

In the beginning of April and before the whaling season opened, word reached Sydney, by the Caroline from Preservation, that a fire had broken out accidentally at Otago and burnt about 80 houses, totally destroying the whaling establishment. Through the fire a considerable quantity of gunpowder also exploded. This was a terrible blow to the Wellers and meant the loss of a whole whaling season. Strange to say, on 19th May, when she was in Sydney Cove ready to sail for New Zealand, an attempt was made to burn the Lucy Ann, but, although a reward of £50 was offered by Mr. George Weller, the culprit was never identified. On 28th May she sailed, and George Weller went with her.

No mention is made of the Lucy Ann going as far south as Otago, but the fact of the accident at that station being known to Weller before he sailed, if it was not what took him away, and the natural requirements of a large station like Otago, would indicate that the Lucy Ann would hardly be in New Zealand waters without calling there. There is the further evidence to be got from the cargo which she brought up on 3rd October. It consisted of pine timber, handspikes, ships timber, ship knees, and ships breast hooks, and would indicate that she had been at some shipbuilding station. Weller had a vessel on the stocks, just then, at Port Pegasus, and the cargo is just such an one as could well be got there.

Captain Worth told, on his return, that Mr. Weller, while on an island, had been seized by the natives with the intention of being put to death and eaten, as had been the fate of Mr. Pratt, who had gone down some time before in the Vittoria. One of the chiefs, however, was friendly to Mr. Weller, so they drew lots with pieces of wood when the friendly chief won, and Weller's life was spared, and he was brought in safety to another island where he had the good fortune to find his brother. The scene of this exciting incident is not given.

On 14th September, 1832, the Lucy Ann again sailed for New Zealand, but under the command of Captain Weller, and with Mr. Greenfield and Messrs. Jno. McNamara, Lawrence, Stephens, and Peter Shirtley as passengers. About the beginning of March, 1833, she was in Paterson's River, Stewart Island, and was spoken by the Caroline. She left New Zealand on 15th March, and reached Sydney on 1st April, with a well assorted cargo of timber which included 7000 feet of plank. She had also some seal skins and a small parcel of whalebone. Captain Worth brought her up.

On 5th May Captain Worth sailed for Otago with a whaling gang for the bay whaling, and a substantial cargo of flour, beef, sugar, salt, butter, vinegar, and pickles for their food; slops and cottons for their clothing; tar, pitch, lime, and 2000 bricks for their tryworks; 160 tuns casks for their oil; and brandy and rum for their refreshment. On his return he brought up, on 7th November, 1833, the first whale oil recorded as coming up from Otago Harbour. It was a cargo of 130 tuns, with 7 tons of whalebone, 1 of flax, 8 of potatoes, and 1 cask of seal skins. Five Maoris came up as passengers, and one of them, who was a chief, referring to fighting which was reported to be going on at Cloudy Bay, stated that the Maoris were only too anxious to live at peace with the white people. Captain Worth gave the first news of the Auckland Island wreck. He also stated that the New Zealand potato crop had been very fine, and that cultivation was going on to a great extent. Whales were so plentiful that twice the cargo could have been procured had the ship possessed only a sufficiency of casks.

At a date which the author has not been able to ascertain, the Wellers arranged for the building of a schooner at Port Pegasus, by the shipbuilding party which Stewart had left there about 1826. Captain Morrell, who called in there during the first week of 1830, says that a gang of men from Sydney were engaged in building a vessel then. This was probably Cook and his party, at the vessel which later on became the Joseph Weller. As the Wellers decided in 1831 to establish a station at Otago, this may have been the year arrangements were made between them and Cook's party, and the vessel which Morrell saw upon the stocks may probably have been gone on with for the Otago firm. In November, 1833, the Lucy Ann brought up news of the launching of the Joseph Weller, the first vessel recorded as having been built at Stewart Island.

Amongst the correspondence of James Kelly, found, after his death, in the pilot station at Hobart Town, was the following letter from J. B. Weller:—

21st May, 1833,

Otago, New Zealand

. To Mr. James Kelley. Sir,—

This is to certify that the Natives of Otago have threatened to take your Ship from Capt. Lovat, stating that you had formerly killed or wounded several years ago some of their people & that they would have revenge. Most of the people also deserted the vessel at the above Port.

I have the honour to be Your obedient Servt. J. B. Weller.

Here we have evidence of the presence of Hobart Town whalers in the Port of Otago as early as May, 1833. Hobart files tell us that, on 1st February of that year, the Amity, 148 tons, commanded by W. Lovett, sailed for New Zealand in ballast. We have already recorded her arrival at Cloudy Bay on 3rd July, so that she must have gone on up the coast after losing some of her men at Otago. Weller's mention of the killing and wounding of Otago natives some years before has reference to the doings of the Sophia in 1817 when she had a scrap with the natives there, Kelly being at that time the captain. The account had not yet been squared.

Shortly after the arrival of the Lucy Ann, George Weller intimated to the Controller of Customs at Sydney that his brother had launched a schooner in New Zealand, and he made application for a sailing letter to be granted him to trade between the Islands in the South Seas and New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land. In the same letter he desired to be informed whether the produce of New Zealand, when imported into New South Wales, was treated as foreign. In reply he was informed, on 19th November, that vessels built in New Zealand could bring the produce of that country to New South Wales or to Van Diemen's Land, and that up to that time no duty had been levied upon such goods. There was no law, however, which empowered the Authorities at Sydney to grant a License to foreign built vessels.

Under date 20th December, of the same year, authority was sent from London to issue Licences to vessels built in New Zealand, to trade between that country and Australia as a British ship. Under this authority a Licence was issued to the Joseph Weller, described as of 49 tons and built in the year 1831.

The Joseph Weller reached Sydney from New Zealand on her first trip on 31st December, under the command of Captain Morris, with a cargo which included 33 bales flax, 7 ironwood timbers, 25 rough hand spikes, 490lbs whalebone, 13 casks oil and 3 fur seal skins. The day before she arrived Worth had sailed with the Lucy Ann, taking as passengers, his wife, Miss Mary Jackson, Captain Hayward, John Hughes, George Beers and six New Zealanders.

Harry Cook, who was born at Port Pegasus in 1827, said that his father, with a party of shipbuilders, went to Sydney on board the schooner, and when they landed there, one of the first men met on the street was Stewart. The captain of the old Prince of Denmark came forward eagerly to shake hands, but Cook indignantly declined, asking why he had been left down at Pegasus with seven men to starve for want of supplies. Stewart's reply was that he had been put into jail in Sydney for debt and could not get back, not having long escaped from durance vile. This reply rather mollified the indignant shipbuilder and peace was restored; shortly afterwards, Cook returned with some of his men to the Bay of Islands, where Harry, then a mere lad, resided until his death, 2nd September, 1911.

On 17th February, 1834, the Joseph Weller, Morris, sailed for Otago with stores.

On 26th April, the Lucy Ann, Worth, which had sailed from New Zealand on the twelfth, returned with a cargo of 10 logs of timber, 890 rickers, 165 handspikes, 13 casks black whale oil, 6cwt. whalebone, 2 casks seal skins, 3 tons flax, 86 bundles coopers' flags, 2 tons potatoes and 23 barrels of salt fish, consigned to George Weller. She then took in whaling stores and a gang of whalers and sailed for Otago on 19th May, under Anglin, late of the Caroline, whose place was taken by Bruce.

Captain Worth reported that the Joseph Weller was at Otago when he left. He also stated that a large boat had been washed ashore about 20 miles north of Weller's Establishment at New Zealand, and, from the description given by the natives, it must have been about 30 feet long. The boat had a lugger sail, with three reefs in it, and was nearly to pieces. The general impression was that it was a boat which had been taken possession of by a party of convicts at Norfolk Island. Weller's Establishment had been visited by dreadful hurricanes during the latter end of March, but no very great damage had resulted. The Joseph Weller was the only vessel that Captain Worth saw, going or returning.

The Lucy Ann returned from her second voyage on 16th August, having left New Zealand on 21st July, with 100 tuns of black oil, ½ ton whalebone and 3 tons potatoes. She brought with her as passengers several Maoris taken away by Anglin against their will. The following day the Joseph Weller came into port, having called in at Port Nicholson and Cloudy Bay, and brought Guard, of the shipwrecked Harriett to Sydney. Her cargo was 120 tuns black oil, 4½ tons whalebone and 3½ tons of potatoes.

Captain Anglin's account of his Otago experiences was as follows:—

“While the Lucy Ann was at Otago, a very large body of natives, about five hundred, arrived from Cloudy Bay, where they had been at war with a contending tribe. They treated the residents with much insolence, and struck Mr. Weller repeatedly, and assaulted Captain Hayward and most of the gentlemen there. They took the pipes out of the mouths of the servants, and went into the houses and broke open the boxes, taking whatever they thought proper from them. After this, about half of them left Otago for the purpose of going, as they said, to Port Bunn (the establishment of Geroge Bunn & Co.) which they did. The rest remained behind, and while there a child belonging to one of the Chiefs died, which, under some superstitious impression, they attributed to the visit of the Lucy Ann. In consequence of this they resolved to take the vessel and assassinate Mr. Weller, Captain Hayward, Captain Anglim, and the rest of the Europeans. On going ashore for a raft of oil, Captain Hayward was informed, by one of the native boys, of the intentions of the natives to murder them all, and take the ship. Captain Anglim immediately left off work, and before daylight next morning the Lucy Ann was in a state of defence. The natives soon found that the Europeans were acquainted with their intentions, and gave up the idea of taking the vessel for that time. Captain Anglim, previous to his departure, for the better security of the lives of the residents of Otago, and its neighbourhood, persuaded some of the Chiefs on board, and having got them below set sail for Sydney in the most secret manner, and kept the natives as hostages for the good conduct of their tribe during the absence of the Lucy Ann. The utmost consternation is felt about this part of New Zealand, by the labourers belonging to those gentlemen who are residing near Otago, and very little work can be done by them.”

The Lucy Ann had the misfortune to lose three of her men while whaling off the coast, through a boat capsizing while they were fast to a whale. She brought up a sample of New Zealand coal which was represented as clean and bright burning and likely to form another article of commerce with the Islands.

At the same time an extract from a letter dated 21st July, which came up in the Lucy Ann and which is evidently from the pen of Weller, was published in the Sydney papers.

“I am very sorry to inform you that the natives have been very insolent and troublesome; they were on the point of taking and plundering the Lucy Ann but for the activity of Captain Anglin, who repulsed them. The brig Mary Elizabeth, Captain Lovatt, from Hobart Town, very narrowly escaped capture, by making a precipitate retreat; they took her boat, gear, and dead whales, and also took out of the vessel whatever they thought proper; I did not fare better myself, as they took from me whatever they pleased, and would have killed most of us, had there not been a Chief's son residing with you in Sydney and whom I told them would be hanged if they destroyed any of us,—this had the desired effect.

“I shall be obliged to leave the place if some sort of protection be not afforded to the Europeans. What havoc have they not been making at Cloudy Bay.”

There was probably something more in the plundering of the Mary and Elizabeth than was represented in the above communication. This boat was the property of James Kelly, who had already been advised by Weller that the natives had threatened to seize one of his ships on account of an old standing grudge.

The movements of the Mary and Elizabeth following this incident have already been recorded.

During the absence of the Lucy Ann at Otago her old commander passed away. On 13th June Captain Worth went out to take tea with a friend, and, when near his own home, about 9 o'clock in the evening, fell down and expired. The verdict of the coroner's jury was “Died by the visitation of God.”

The Joseph Weller returned to Otago on 4th September.

About this date Mr. Weller decided to ship some of the Otago oil direct to England, instead of viâ Sydney, and he made enquiries of the Customs officers whether that could be done. The Sydney authorities were unable to advise and Mr. Weller chartered the John Barry, 540 ‘tons’. Robinson, to proceed to Otago for oil and return to Sydney with same before proceeding to London. The chartered vessel left on the 24th September with a supply of whaling stores.

Four days after the John Barry left Sydney the Joseph Weller sailed from Otago, under circumstances set out in a letter published in the “Sydney Herald” of 16th October, thought to be from the pen of Captain Hayward.

Otago New Zealand

28th September 1834.

“The schooner Joseph Weller arrived on the 21st of September, all safe, I believe, through her timely arrival, our lives have obtained a respite of a few weeks, that is to say, as soon as the Lucy Ann shall arrive, and the two Chiefs which went up in her shall return. They make no hesitation in telling us that they will murder us all, and divide our property among them, each man having made his selection. Since their return from Cloudy Bay, they have been so much emboldened by their success in plundering the white people there, and they take from us whatever suits their fancy, such as our clothing, and food off our very plates—help themselves to oil. in such quantities as they require from our pots. They say white people are afraid of them, for great numbers of vessels have been taken and plundered by them, and white men killed, and Europeans dare not come and punish them for so doing; and if they did come they (the natives) would all run into the bush, where they would be enabled to kill all the Europeans; but white men do not know how to fight with a New Zealander. We asked them why they wished to kill us? they answer with as much indifference as a butcher would do, that it was necessary for their safety, for then ‘no one would know what would become of us.’ We are under constant apprehension of being burnt in our beds every night; and of the Natives robbing and shooting those that remain, as they attempt to escape. Once or twice Tabooca (Te Whakataupuka), who is one of the worst disposed chiefs, and a horrid cannibal, came up with his mob with that intention, armed, but was pursuaded to desist by the relatives of those Chiefs in Sydney, until the arrival of the Lucy Ann; when after some consultation, they departed, having first endeavoured to provoke me to quarrel. However, a fire they would have, and they burnt down a Native's and a European's house. The schooner Joseph Weller, having brought the news that two ships of war were coming to New Zealand to seek revenge for the murder of the people of the Harriet, surprised them a little but when they heard the small number of men (nearly sixty) they laughed at the idea. Notwithstanding, that very circumstance has saved the Joseph Weller from being taken, and all of us from being massacred, the night after her arrival. Had those Chiefs come down that went up to Sydney in the Lucy Ann, all would now have been over with us, for as soon as it became dark, a great number of strangers crowded on board, under pretence of bringing women, when they began an indiscriminate plunder—some opening the hatches and going below—others taking whatever they could lay their hands upon, but were once more stopped by the relations of the Chiefs in Sydney; so you see everything is got ready for an immediate attack, and God only knows what our fates may be. We put great hopes in the statements which have appeared in the Sydney Papers, that two men-of-war were on the coast, and in all probability they will visit this place; if they do not come here after having told the natives they would, and seek revenge if they should kill us, our fates will then be certain. However we are all prepared for the worst, and we are determined to die like men, and not give up the ghost without a struggle. We are all well armed, and are determined to sell our lives as dearly as possible. We have petitioned the Governor for assistance, but I am fearful that it will arrive too late to rescue us from destruction. If you should get this letter, send down another vessel well armed with the Lucy Ann. I have only landed part of the goods from the schooner; the remainder I return, and have despatched Mr. Snowden, in hope that he may arrive in time to make arrangements for sending down two vessels to bring up all our property, as the whole of us intend to abandon the place should our lives be spared."

Snowden reached Sydney on 15th October, with 28 tuns oil and 3 tons of bone. He saw no other vessels, going or returning, nor did he hear anything of the movements of H.M.S. Alligator or of the Isabella.

The next trip of the Joseph Weller she was provided by the Government with six swivels and a long gun. to enable her to act with effect should violence be offered. Edward Weller came up in her from Otago, leaving there on 15th November and reaching Sydney on the twenty-sixth. The John Barry was at Otago at the same time and sailed three days before the Joseph Weller with 155 tuns of oil and 10 tons of whalebone, reaching Sydney four days later. She brought up J. Hayward, John Foster and a gang of 18 whalers. The word brought up by these vessels was that the natives had become very civil and their conduct had improved so much that Weller had made up his mind to remain a few months longer. On 4th December Captain Stitt took down Edward Weller, Philpson and William Shaw, in the Joseph Weller, to the Otago station.

1835.

The plethora of news from Otago during the year 1834 gives place to a very commonplace repetition of arrivals, departures, and cargoes, during 1835.

On 7th January, the Lucy Ann sailed, with Captain Anglin in command, but beyond the fact that she left New Zealand on 23rd April, and returned on 15th May with 50 barrels of oil on board. nothing is known of her trip.

On 14th February the Joseph Weller sailed from the “southern part of New Zealand” with 1½ tons whalebone, 31 casks salt fish, 65 seal skins, 4000 dried fish and a cask of sundries, and reached Sydney on 4th March under the command of Stitt. Captain Stitt reported that he had seen the Hobart Town whaler, Socrates, on his passage up, and that while at New Zealand he had spoken the New Zealander and the Sydney Packet on the point of sailing for Sydney. The arrival of this large cargo of New Zealand dried and salt fish created considerable interest in Sydney, and 2 tons were sent straight away in the Currency Lass to Hobart Town. Another portion of the cargo got further afield, but that will be dealt with under another heading.

The brig Children was chartered and sent down to Otago with stores on 11th March. She was to call at another part of the colony for a return cargo of flax.

During her next trip to New Zealand (17th March to 11th May) the Lucy Ann, which was now a regular whaler, called in at Otago with 50 barrels of oil on board. She had suffered by “the neglect and desertion of one of the officers,” and was on her road to Sydney, where she arrived on 15th May, in charge of the mate. As she left under Captain Anglin it would look as if that officer was the man blamed for neglect and desertion.

Captain Camroux then went on board the Joseph Weller and sailed on the 24th May, with Edward Weller and a whaling gang for the Otago station. He returned on 25th July after a passage of 27 days, with 12 tuns of oil, 4 tons of whalebone, and 10 tons potatoes. T. Gray was the only passenger.

Shortly after the Joseph Weller left Otago on her last trip, Joseph Weller, who had been suffering from consumption, died. His remains were preserved in a puncheon of rum and shipped on board the barque Sushannah, which called in for a cargo and sailed on 6th September for Sydney. She reached her destination on the twenty-seventh. During her stay measles were making headway among the Maoris.

The Lucy Ann, as a bay whaler instead of a trader, began to seek for fresh places for the pursuit of whales and sailed on 1st June for Port Cooper. On 22nd September she left that port with 90 tuns of oil and a few tons of whalebone. She had been absent from Sydney for only about five months and Captain Rapsey stated that had it not been for rough weather he would have filled his vessel in that time. The Joseph Weller was the only vessel in Port Cooper when the Lucy Ann left. The former afterwards sailed to Otago, where she took on board a gang of whalers on 2nd December, and returned to Sydney on the eighteenth, with 8 casks of oil, 13 tons whalebone and 400 bags of potatoes, consigned to G. Weller.

On 8th December the bark Persian was sent down from Sydney to bring up the balance of the season's oil and then proceed to London with a full cargo.

We are able to give the exact production of oil at Weller's station, from a letter written to the Collector of Customs, Sydney.

Pitman's Wharf, Sydney

, 22 March, 1836. Sir,—

In reply to your letter of the 19th inst., I beg to inform you that the number of persons employed at my Black Whale Fishing Establishment at Otago New Zealand the last season were eighty five, three fourths of which were Europeans.

My Establishment was founded in the year 1832 and the proceeds during the following season viz. 1833 was 95 Impl Tuns of Black oil and four and half Tons Whalebone & in 1834 275 Impl Tuns of oil and 13 Tons Whalebone, and in 1835 430 Impl Tuns of oil and 20 Tons Whalebone, all which oil and whalebone has been shipped to London.

I further beg to mention that during the year 1835 I employed in transhipping supplies from this to New Zealand and return cargo to amount of 1015 Tons of British Shipping, besides a small schooner of 50 tons continually running between this and the Establishment.

I have the honour to be Sir Your obedient servant Geo. Weller. Major Gibbes, M.C. &c., &c., &c.

The total produce of the Station since its establishment was, therefore, 800 tuns of oil and 37½ tons of whalebone, or 21 tuns of oil to 1 ton of bone.

The whaling operations carried on at Weller's Station were responsible for two very interesting decisions on the preferential tariff which at that time prevailed in connection with the whaling trade. The consideration of these two cases requires a short review of the circumstances which led up to the legislation and its terms, and to enable this to be done more effectively, the review, and all the cases which arose under the tariff, are brought together and dealt with under a common heading.

Chapter VII.Rescue of the “Harriett's” Crew, 1834.

On 14th April, 1834, a vessel of 240 tons called the Harriett, commanded by Richard Hall, sailed from Sydney for Cloudy, Bay. On board of her was a shore whaling gang under John Guard, already well known to our readers as the pioneer of shore whaling in Cook Strait. Guard was accompanied by his wife and two children—a son and a daughter. Besides these were two mates and 23 ordinary seamen.

At half-past four on the morning of 29th April, the Harriett was driven ashore at Cape Egmont in a strong W.S.W. gale, and by evening had been battered to pieces on the rocks. None of those on board were drowned, but all were got ashore, with only ten muskets, a small quantity of powder. a few sails—which were afterwards made into tents—and some provisions. Three of the ship's boats were got off in safety.

While the shipwrecked mariners were making the best of their unfortunate position ashore, and were actually preparing a boat to sail to Cloudy Bay, they were visited, on 1st May, by some thirty natives. Three days afterwards two seamen, named Thomas Mossman and James Johnson, joined the Maoris and took away with them some of the powder and other materials rescued from the wreck. On the seventh, a whole tribe of 200 men, armed with muskets, tomahawks, and spears, came down upon the unfortunate party, plundered, and maltreated them, and at the same time threatened to kill and eat them.

The climax came on the tenth, when the rival forces occupied the opposing banks of a river, the Europeans under arms the whole night through, determined that a fitting tribute of Maori life should accompany their own destruction. The attack commenced at eight o'clock in the morning, when the Maoris rushed the little party and cut down two of them, one of whom Guard says they cut into two and the other they cut up into joints for their cannibal repast. Then the Europeans opened fire, and an engagement commenced which lasted over an hour, when, although the Maoris had on several occasions been compelled to withdraw, they had, by taking advantage of their superior numbers, and utilizing the shelter furnished by the broken ground, killed some twelve of the defenders and forced the remainder to retreat. The Maoris fought from holes which they dug in the ground. Captives who were alive—with the exception of Mrs. Guard and her children—were at once killed. Even Mrs. Guard was twice cut down by a tomahawk, and was only saved from having her head split open by a large comb which she wore in her hair. Guard was amongst those who escaped.

The fourteen survivors made their way towards Moturoa, the old native settlement at the Sugar Loaf Islands, a little south of the foot of the New Plymouth breakwater. On their road they fell in with a party of about 100 Maoris, to whom, as they had no means of continuing the combat, they surrendered. After being kept for a few hours they were sent on as prisoners to Moturoa. Here they were confined for three days in the Pa, in a state of nudity, living on potatoes supplied by the Natives. When the three days had passed, the marauders returned from the scene of the wreck and divided up the party of Europeans among them as slaves, each man going to the Maori who had stripped him. Some of their clothes were returned to the prisoners, some were appropriated by their captors, and portions of the flesh of their comrades were offered them for food.

After a fortnight had elapsed, the Natives reported that a boat still remained at the scene of the wreck. Hearing this, Guard made the proposition to them that if they would allow him and some others to go away in the boat he would return with a cask of powder as a ransom for the party. The Natives accepted his offer, brought round the boat on 20th May, and arranged that five men should accompany him, while the remaining eight, including his brother, should remain as hostages. The ransom of the prisoners was treated by all as a purely commercial undertaking.

With the primitive appliances at their command, consisting only of a hammer, a pocket knife, and a few nails got from the broken timbers of the other boats, at the cost of one month of infinite labour, the boat was patched up and Guard was ready to leave. He sailed from Moturoa on 20th June and several Maori chiefs accompanied him. The following narrative of the voyage was given to the Sydney papers:—

“June 20.—Captain Guard and six Europeans, accompanied by three natives, started for Cloudy Bay in a small whale-boat, and which was in such a bad state, that it required one hand to be constantly engaged in bailing the water out. After being at sea in an open boat for two days and two nights, we reached Blind Bay, and hauled our boat on the beach, being unable to proceed further at that time on account of the wind blowing strong from the north, with heavy rains.

“June 22.—Started from Blind Bay; the night, however, coming on, and a heavy sea from the N.E. caused us to put in at a small river, where we again fell in with a party of natives, who robbed us of what we had in the boats, and our oars, and if we had not known some of them, they would have stolen our boat, and perhaps have done what was worse. We were here detained one day.

“June 25.—Started and reached Stephens Island where we had the pleasure of a meal of mussels from the rocks; we were afraid to visit the native settlements, expecting, if we did, that we should be taken prisoners or slaughtered, or lose our boat.

“June 26.—About 4 p.m. (and we have much reason to recollect the hour) we arrived at the European Settlement, Queen Charlotte's Sound, where we had the pleasure of hearing of the schooner, Joseph Weller, Captain Morris, which was lying at Port Nicholson. For the kindness of Captain Morris, we shall always feel grateful.

June 27.—Reached Cloudy Bay.”

At Cloudy Bay they found the Marianne, of Hobart Town, and Captain Sinclair, who commanded her, did everything in his power to assist them. He not only lent the party a boat to go across to Port Nicholson and get in touch with the Joseph Weller, but he gave Guard a supply of goods to ransom his wife and family, and the imprisoned sailors. On 30th June, Guard's party reached Port Nicholson and found the Joseph Weller getting ready to return to Sydney.

Guard experienced no difficulty in arranging with the captain of the Joseph Weller to call at Moturoa, to leave the chiefs and the ransom, and take away the shipwrecked mariners, together with Mrs. Guard and the children.

The Joseph Weller crossed over to Cloudy Bay and sailed from there on 14th July, but the weather prevented her making the Taranaki coast, and she went on to Sydney, where she landed Guard and the three Maoris on 17th August.

Up to this stage Guard had never done anything else than regard the rescue of the prisoners as merely a question of ransom, and had made all his plans to pay such ransom and to bring on the unfortunate captives to Sydney in the Joseph Weller. Had he not been prevented from carrying out this scheme by the accident of bad weather, the whole incident would doubtless have been closed by this time. Now, however, things began to develop a new phase in Sydney.

The Joseph Weller had come from Otago where the local whaling station was in fear of an attack by the natives at any hour. When she reached Sydney it was found that the Lucy Ann had arrived from Otago the day before with a full account of the dangers which beset Mr. Weller's establishment. Probably a conference between the captains of the Joseph Weller, the Lucy Ann and the other New Zealand captains in Sydney, was responsible for Guard's next step. He now abandoned the idea of ransom, and applied, under date 22nd August, for the assistance of the New South Wales Government, and stated his own and Captain Anglin's willingness to assist any party sent down to punish the natives and to teach them to respect the British. In saying, as they did, that they would be able to conduct the vessel to the best ports, the two captains evidently had in view a visit to Otago.

Guard was examined before the Executive Council on 22nd August, and frankly stated “A blanket, a canister of powder, some fish-hooks, and other trifling articles, would be sufficient ransom for each man, but more would be required for the women and children.” He also stated: “I believe if a ship-of-war were to go there, and a few soldiers landed, they could be got without ransom.” The excited condition, which the news brought by the Joseph Weller and the Lucy Ann had thrown Sydney into, was probably what nerved Guard, in spite of his admission that the captives could be ransomed, to ask for a man-of-war, and say: “I will not rest here, if a force is not sent down to intimidate them.”

He succeeded, and persuaded the Executive Council, with only the Colonial Treasurer dissenting, to make an application to Captain Lambert, of H.M.S. Alligator, then in Sydney, to obtain the restoration, peacefully or by force. For which latter purpose, in case it should be required, a military force was provided.

Three sources of information are open to us when we come to describe what took place from this time onwards. Official Despatches, published in London in 1835, give the text of Governor Bourke's Report to the Colonial Office, which forwarded the Reports of the commanders of the ships and of the troops. The Journal of H.M.S. Alligator, which is to be found in the Record Office, London, gives a quantity of interesting matter which has not appeared in any description of the expedition up to the present date. Lastly, William Barnett Marshall, who was surgeon on board H.M.S. Alligator, published a detailed account of the proceedings, and, though evidently written with intense feeling, and to that extent open to question as to his conclusions, his narrative of the different incidents is very valuable, and can be relied on. For the proper Maori names and the location, I am indebted to Mr. W. H. Skinner and Mr. S. P. Smith, of New Plymouth. The traditional Maori version will be found in the Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol. XIX. pp. 108 and 109. The well-written European account which precedes it suffers in details, by the fact that the writer had not before him the printed despatches of the two commanders, dealing with the events which transpired after H.M.S. Alligator arrived off the Taranaki coast.

No time was lost by Governor Bourke in making the necessary arrangements with Captain Lambert. The 50th, or Queen's Own Regiment, was stationed at Sydney at the time, and three officers and 60 men were taken and distributed between H.M.S. Alligator and the Colonial schooner Isabella—Lieutenant Gunton and 25 men to the former, and Captain Johnston, Ensign Wright and 40 men to the latter—and the two vessels left Sydney under command of Captain Lambert on 31st August; Guard and his sailors accompanied the expedition; Battersbey acted as interpreter, and Miller as pilot.

On 12th September, the Alligator reached Taranaki, and Captain Lambert landed Battersbey and Miller at Te Namu Pa, with instructions to demand the restoration of Mrs. Elizabeth Guard and her two children, John and Louisa. When these men landed, they discovered that Mrs. Guard and her children had been removed to Waimate, and the two interpreters accordingly determined to push on with a guide to that pa, which was about twenty miles away. Captain Lambert took his ship down the coast and cast anchor opposite the Waimate and Orangi-tuapeka Pas. He then sent an officer in a boat to negotiate with the natives, but without success, as the latter demanded a ransom, and the captain had determined to give none. Guard acted as interpreter. His policy, as we have seen was “no ransom.”

Up to this time, readers will remember, British troops, had never met Maoris, and it could hardly be expected that lessons which had not been learnt in the “sixties,” after several Native wars had taken place, were known by intuition before the first British-Maori engagement.

The following day the vessels had to run for shelter, and they made for a little bay on the South Island, near Point Jackson, where they found excellent shelter, good anchoring ground, and plenty of wood and fresh water. Before leaving this spot the name of Gore Harbour was given to it, after the commander of the naval station belonging to these waters. Old native huts were there, but no inhabitants were seen.

On the sixteenth, Lambert sailed for the North Island again, and, on the afternoon of the next day, took on board the two interpreters at Te Namu. The two men appear to have had a terrible time of it. They fled in fear from Te Namu Pa and made for Waimate, but were prevented from entering that place by the stories of Maoris they met on the road, that the inhabitants would eat them. Not knowing where to go, they sought refuge in the bush, but a night or two of that was enough, and they returned to the Te Namu Pa. What they represented to the Natives is referred to only in Marshall's account, but there is no reason to doubt his story that they admitted having led the Maoris to believe that they would be well rewarded on returning the captives. This certainly complicated the position very much, and the subsequent regrettable incidents probably owed something to the cowardice shown by these two men.

Once more Lambert was driven for shelter to the South Island. On the eighteenth, a storm drove him for refuge to a beautiful harbour on D'Urville Island, to which the name of Port Hardy was given. Here the troops were landed and exercised in target practice. Already a fairly large ransom had been frittered away, and not one soul rescued.

On Sunday the twentieth, Lambert weighed anchor and reached Moturoa, where the Native fortifications on Mikotahi and Paritutu evoked the wonder and admiration of the sailors. Speaking of the latter, Marshall says:

“The most prominent feature of this picture is a round and lofty promontory, rising by an almost perpendicular ascent from the mainland to the height of several hundred feet, and forming the site of another Pa, the stockading of which seemed like reeds when seen from the ship, and the inhabitants proportionately diminutive. It occasioned an almost universal exclamation of surprise from those on board, how any human being could have dreamed of building on such a spot; and captious indeed must he be who could withhold his admiration from the courage, perseverance, and laborious industry of the men who have here fixed ‘their highland home.’”

On the afternoon of 21st September a whaleboat and gig were lowered, the four New Zealander chiefs who had been across to Sydney (Quinacke, Hawaree, Ontere, and Hakawaw) were landed, and eight of the shipwrecked men from the Harriett were liberated by the Maoris immediately they were demanded. The names of these men were Wm. Christopher, Jas. Johnstone, John Francis, John McDonald, Danl. Harris, Edward Chester, and Charles Guard. One John Oliver, described by Guard as the only European resident of the place, came on board H.M.S. Alligator with the Harriett's crew. He was one of a flax party that had long been located in Taranaki and whose companions had moved south. The men had now been four months in the hands of the Maoris, and were looking very haggard and poverty stricken. They had been poorly clad and still more poorly fed, but the treatment otherwise was nothing to complain of. Some little doubt prevails regarding the name of the eighth Harriett sailor. Probably it was Horseback who was received on board the Alligator On 23rd September, and was discharged to the Isabella, on the same day as all the others, but C. Guard, who that day came on board the Alligator, presumably from the Isabella. They appear to have taken away a New Zealander, “Bobby,” with them when they sailed.

Marshall describes the Harriett men in very unfavourable terms, and states that, although they were rescued and had clothes bought for them out of the pockets of their deliverers, they refused to help to work the ship on which they were, unless they were paid for it. In justice to the men it should be stated that they alleged themselves physically unfit after their long privations to do the work asked of them. Two had escaped from the Maoris—one was drowned crossing a river, and the other reached the Mission Station at Kawhia. This would make sixteen in the party that escaped when Mrs. Guard was captured.

Bad weather prevented a landing for several days, but during that time—on the twenty-fifth—Battesbey got ashore at Te Namu and found that Mrs. Guard and one of her children were there. Marshall says they were in readiness to be delivered up on payment of a ransom, but Lambert simply reports that the Natives refused to give them up. There appeared so little hostility on the part of the Natives, that one of them actually came aboard. The soldiers were now on the schooner, and with them were Guard's men, and Marshall alleges that the influence of the latter caused a general impatience among the former to get ashore and meet the Maoris.

On the morning of Sunday, 28th September, finding that a landing could be made, orders were given to Captain Johnston to proceed with 30 soldiers and marines, and the boat's crew of the Alligator, and attack the pa.

As the party landed the Natives came along the sands to meet them. One was a chief, Oaoiti, who claimed to be the proprietor of Mrs. Guard, and who promised to give her up if he received the payment which it was alleged the terrified interpreters had represented would be paid for her. His only reply was to be seized and sent to the Alligator in a boat manned by Guard's sailors. On the passage to the ship he was treated with every possible indignity, until he finally jumped overboard, when he was fired at and wounded in the leg, before being recaptured and brought on board the Alligator, when he fainted from loss of blood as he reached the deck. Twelve bayonet and bullet wounds were found on him by the surgeon. Though it was unfortunate that Guard's men were employed on any service at all in this connection, it is satisfactory to know that it was not a party of British soldiers who meted out this treatment to the Chief. Captain Lambert records the arrival of the Chief on board, in the following matter of fact entry:—

“11 Whale Boat returned on board with a New Zealand Chief (wounded).”

Captain Johnston lost no time in carrying out his instructions and led his men against Te Namu. It was a stronghold which, like many other Maori fortifications, had been chosen with consummate skill. It occupied a triangular arch of land, bounded towards the sea by a precipice, and cut off from the mainland, on a second face, by a stream of running water. A narrow isthmus of land connected the third face with the mainland. There were two entrances, and a few men might have held them against a whole company of soldiers. This easily defended citadel the Maoris abandoned without firing a shot, and only a solitary pig grunted at the troopers as they rushed within its invincible ramparts.

As the natives fled, they took with them Mrs. Guard and her child. The storming party was accordingly divided into two forces, the first of which sought to rescue the white woman; Mr. McMurdo, the senior mate of the Alligator, led the other party; both of them failed in their pursuit. In the meantime a party of natives came down and plundered the boats, taking away three oars and a boat rudder. They vanished as quickly as they had come, but had they known that all the ship's boats but one were lying on the beach in front of them, they could have made things very awkward for the rescuers of Mrs. Guard. That afternoon and evening, which were wet, were spent by the men in the pa, divided up amongst the Maori dwelling places, and fires were lit to cook the potatoes which were found in great quantities in the pits, which are still visible, scattered about all over the place. At daybreak, on Monday 29th September, Guard reported that there were several huts not far off and a party was sent to reconnoitre, but without result. Later on a report was brought in that Natives were visible, and Captain Johnston set out to get in touch with them. He succeeded, and Battersbey and Marshall ascertained that Mrs. Guard had been removed to Waimate, which was considered impregnable. Several of those present at the interview wore clothing stolen from the ship's boat. On his return, Johnston burnt Te Namu and re-embarked his forces. Shortly afterwards the Alligator almost drifted ashore, but by dropping the anchor her progress shore-wards was arrested, and after some hours in a dangerous situation, she was got out to sea.

At half-past one on the thirtieth, when opposite Waimate, the boats were sent in to negotiate with the Natives for the release of Mrs. Guard. The Natives saw them coming and were apparently ready to have their revenge. They had Mrs. Guard and her child down on the beach to invite the soldiers ashore, but the good lady took the opportunity of warning them of the danger. The Natives themselves sang “Haere-mai, haere-mai.” This and other attractions were continued until the boats were near the shore, when a war dance was commenced, but Captain Lambert wisely declined their invitation, and the boats returned to the ships, after having landed a Native who had volunteered to come on board at the last stopping place. By this means, word was conveyed to the Natives that their chief, Oaoiti, was alive. Towards evening another attempt to establish communication with the shore was, owing to the weather, unsuccessful, but the natives could be seen, gathered in circles listening to their orators, and every now and again giving vent to their opinions with loud demonstrations, finally ending with three cheers. At this korero they decided to give up Mrs. Guard.

At ten'o clock two boats made for the shore. One of them contained Oaoiti, whose wounds, which would have killed a European, had been dressed for the last time by Marshall, and who had been promised that on the delivery of Mrs. Guard and her children, he would be liberated. Arrived outside the surf, the Maori chief harangued his countrymen, who, delighted at seeing him once more alive, brought down Mrs. Guard and her child, placed them in a canoe, and launched them. It was not long before they were on board the Alligator, and Oaoiti among his countrymen. The parting present of the Maoris to Mrs. Guard was a Native dress, consisting of two superb mats, while that of the Europeans to Oaoiti consisted of a blanket, a shirt. a jacket—which the chief wore, buttoned behind—and a Scotch cap.

There still remained the boy to be recovered. Captain Lambert had surrendered the chief for Mrs. Guard and her daughter, realising that, as the boy was under the control of another tribe, it would not be reasonable to expect both children to be given up without special negotiations with the other tribe. A message was therefore sent to the second tribe demanding the return of the lad, and the vessel waited off the pa for a reply. Everything appeared to be going to end well, though costly, and Natives came out through the surf and carried on a traffic in curios and potatoes with the sailors and soldiers. It was at this stage that the serious mistake of the expedition appears to have been made. First of all by orders, fearing treachery, the boats returned to the ships, and all communication with the shore ceased for some time. In the afternoon, Lieutenant Thomas again approached the shore, only to return in an hour with the report that he had been fired on from the pa. In his Journal, Lambert says:—

“2. The Boat returned having been fired on from the Pah. 3. Beat to quarters and commenced firing on the canoes.”

In his report to Governor Bourke, Lambert says. “A reef of rocks, which extend some distance from the shore. I regret prevented my getting as near them as I could have wished.” He, however, brought the two vessels in until they touched bottom, and then, out of range of the harmless firearms of the Natives, the two vessels bombarded their pa and fired at their boats for three hours. At one stage the Natives held up the little boy Guard, and hoisted a white flag. The white flag is said to have been hoisted more than once. It was no use the demonstration of force went on to a finish.

To meet the natural fear of the reader that the incident is wildly exaggerated, the author gives the following copy of a certificate, found by him amongst the papers of H.M.S. Alligator:—

H.M.S. Alligator, October 1st, Cook Straits. Extended firing on the Pahs of Wyomatte and Ultramooce in consequence of the Natives on shore firing on our Boats.

Article No. Catrs Filld with 2 lb. 10 oz. of Powder 250 Cartrs filld with 1 lb. 8 oz. of Powder 30 Cartrs filld with 3 lbs. 11 oz. of Powder 14 Powder for priming F. Gm 20 lbs: Tubes Fynmore 160 Shot Round 32 Pns 250 Shot Round 18 Pns 30 Shot Round 9 Pns 14 Grape Shot 32 Pns 6 Case Shot 32 Pns 6

D. McKenzie, Gunner.

During the three hours bombardment 306 shots were fired from the big guns. It is not to be wondered at that collectors of curios have not yet exhausted the supply of round shot from the battlefield of Betty Guard Island.

How did the Maoris behave when under the fire of the British troops for the first time? They sent away their women and children, and, in regard to the remainder, betrayed not the slightest sign of fear; they even watched the flight of the shot, and, when they located where one fell, rushed forward eagerly to secure it. They tried the white flag, but gave it up when they found it produced no result. Now and again they fired off their own little guns, but for the most part did nothing but look on at their homes and their canoes being reduced to matchwood, with 306 discharges of round, grape, and case shot.

A westerly gale on 2nd of October, drove the fleet across to Port Hardy, where they spent until the fifth, and Lieutenant Woore completed a survey of the harbour.

Lambert was determined to rescue the boy, and he returned to Waimate on the sixth. This time, on the first request for the child, the Natives invited the boats to land, but steadily refused to give him up. Next morning those Maoris who had possession of the boy, offered to bring the lad on board if an officer went ashore as a hostage. One man was willing to go, but the captain would not hear of it, and it seemed as if the expedition was going to fail in the accomplishment of its object.

On the eighth, 6 officers and 112 men, including Guard and his men were landed about three miles to the south of the pa, with four days provisions and 70 rounds per man. There was landed with them a small six pound carronade under McMurdo, and Marshall states that the first gig Jay off the pa carrying a flag of truce. Lieutenant Clarke found a spot above the cliff, where the Natives had improvised means of ascent, by ropes suspended from strong stakes driven into crevices in the rock. Up this the men climbed, and the gun and ammunition was hoisted by means of ropes landed from the ship. At this stage Natives approached and intimated their desire to have the matter settled peacefully. The soldiers were at once halted, and more Natives coming up intimated that the child would be produced as soon as it could be made presentable.

At last the lad arrived, seated astride of a chief's back, with Oaoiti in European dress bringing up the rear. Lieutenant McMurdo and a party of five seamen, with the two interpreters, were told off to take possession of the child, but the chief who carried him “expressed a wish.” so says the despatch, “to go on board the ships for the purpose of receiving the ransom which he supposed would be given for the child.” He was told that none would be given, and, absolutely fearless in the midst of so many armed Europeans, he turned to run away with his precious burden. One of the sailors seized hold of the child, and, finding that the lad was tied to the chief's back, he cut him adrift, and the boy fell on the beach. Another seaman, seeing the chief escaping, levelled his firelock and stretched the brave old fellow lifeless on the sand.

Frightful as was this, it was nothing to what followed. In the twinkling of an eye, firing commenced and spread along the whole line, first along the beach, then along the cliff, volley after volley being poured on the poor natives, whose only safety was in flight, or crouching behind the boulders strewn along the beach. Captain Johnston and Ensign Wright rushed among the men crying out to stop firing, but it was some time before they could get their orders obeyed, so utterly beyond control had the warlike spirit of the soldiers got. At last this unforgivable incident ended by the cessation of firing, and preparations were made to fall back to the landing place.

Having got his men under control and obtained possession of the child, Captain Johnston decided to reembark, and signalled to the vessel. But bad luck was following his footsteps, the weather came up thick, the wind shifted, and the vessels stood out to sea. Just as Johnston found himself adrift from his vessels, some Natives, concealed in high flax, opened fire on the soldiers and the “Advance” was sounded. The Maoris were easily cleared out, and the whole party advanced towards the pa. On the road a second engagement of a minor nature took place. When within a mile of the pas, there was encountered a deep ravine with a swollen stream running at its foot. At first it was thought impossible to get the guns across, but Lieutenant McMurdo overcame all difficulties and the troops were before the Waimate and Orangi-tuapeka Pas at half-past four.

McMurdo's artillery was too much for the brave Maoris, and they fled after a few shots had been fired. But the honours of the engagement are given to a chief, who left his pa slowly and deliberately, firing at his assailants as often as he could reload, while he was, himself, the mark of 100 guns. He never went out of a walk, never spared a shot, never avoided a bullet, and he left the field dignified and uninjured. The deserted pa was at once occupied by the soldiers.

That evening the troops were visited by Lieutenant Thomas and Midshipman Dayman, who had been sent by Captain Lambert with a fresh stock of ammunition, but on landing, their boat was stove and they and the crew had to remain ashore. The fire lit in the pa to cook food for the men got beyond control, and quite a number of whares were burnt, and a considerable quantity of powder exploded. Until the fires were extinguished, the soldiers, ran considerable danger of being hemmed in by the conflagration, in which case few indeed would have escaped from the trap.

The sea during the morning of the ninth was too rough to embark the soldiers, and the day had to be spent ashore. As the men searched about for anything which inquisitivness prompted them to unearth, they discovered the preserved head of a European, which Guard's men identified as Clarke, late of the barque Harriett. It was not until the eleventh that the state of the surf permited embarkation, and, on a signal of two guns from the pa, Captain Lambert sent his boats off and the men were taken aboard.

The object of the expedition having been attained, Captain Lambert sailed on the eleventh for Kapiti, which he reached the following morning and found that the information had already preceded him and caused considerable alarm. There, on a low tongue of land which runs out like a natural pier, was the native village with numerous canoes drawn up on the beach. The opposite shore was covered with huts and canoes. Several natives came off to the vesels, and among others Te Rauparaha, who expressed himself well pleased when he heard what had been done, but regretted that so few had been killed. The old cannibal asked why none of the bodies had been brought for him to eat and stated that he would go and fight them himself. According to Marshall, his appearance, conduct, and character, were those of a complete savage, but he had the reputation of treating Europeans well, and encouraging shipping to come to Kapiti. The same authority states that an Englishman had resided there for several years as the agent of a mercantile house in Sydney and his report of Te Rauparaha's treatment of him was satisfactory. His besetting sin was covetousness and he indulged in it to the utmost. If spoken to he asked for muskets, blankets, pipes, or tobacco. While here some of the natives were seen wearing convict's clothes.

The Alligator and the Isabella stopped only a few hours at Kapiti and then sailed through Cook Strait en route for the Bay of Islands. Before he sailed, however, Captain Lambert issued a notice to the most powerful chiefs on the Island. The document reads as follows:—

His Britannic Majesty's Ship Alligator,

Entree Island

, 11 October, 1834. George Robert Lambert, Captain.

“Two ships of war, belonging to His Majesty King William the Fourth, having arrived on this coast in consequence of the horrid murder of part of the crew of the Harriet, the remaining part having been made slaves by the people of Mataroa, Nummo, Taranachee, and Wyamati, and to require the said people to be given up which has been effected after a most severe punishment inflicted on the said tribes, by burning their pahs, their property, and killing and wounding many of them; and at the same time to point out to the other tribes that, however much the King of England wishes to cultivate friendship with the New Zealanders, the indignation he will feel at a repetition of such cruelty to his subjects, and how severely he will punish the offenders.

Geo. Robt. Lambert, Captain of H.M.S. Alligator.”

The ship's acounts show that the marines and the seamen of the Alligator, while on shore on the occasion of the second fight, expended 1140 musket and 140 pistol ball cartridges, while the soldiers of the 50th regiment used 750 musket ball cartridges and 50 musket flints. In connection with the carronade, 36 Fynmore tubes were used and 1 barrel of powder expended. There was also a long list of muskets, swords, scabbards, belts, boxes, frogs, rammers, and bayonets, lost by the fire in the pa. To make the list of lost articles complete there must be added a ship's anchor, and some material belonging to the carronade, lost on board the colonial schooner.

At the Bay of Islands all the survivors of the Harriett, except the carpenter, shipped on board the Elizabeth, bound for London.

The publication of the result of this expedition caused a storm of criticism to be levelled against the Administration in London, and in 1837, a Committee was appointed in the House of Commons to consider what measures should be adopted to secure the protection of the Native inhabitants of British Settlements. Before that Committee were put the papers relating to this incident, and evidence was called, with the result that the Committee reported in very strong terms its disapproval of what had been done.

The essence of that report, so far as it relates to this incident, is contained in the following extract:—

“When the chief went down to the crew of the boat, unarmed and unattended; when he exchanged with Guard the usual token of peace, and when they saw him, instead of receiving the promised ransom, seized, dragged to the boat, exposed to violence and a species of torture, and finally shot at and wounded,—it was natural for them to suppose that they had been treacherously dealt with, and this was their construction. This impression may have been confirmed by the burning of their fortification. Again, on the afternoon of the same day on which Mrs. Guard and her children had been restored, their town was cannonaded, and their canoes destroyed by the fire of the vessel. Again, some days after, they see a large body of soldiers landed on their beach: the natives, it appears, declared at once that they did not wish to fight, and that the child would be forthcoming. Soon after the child appeared on the shoulders of a chief, who had, as it seems from Mrs. Guard's declaration, been her protector; they see the child snatched from him, the chief slain, his body mutilated, and a destructive fire poured upon them from musketry and cannon; and finally, after three days had passed, when the conflict had not been renewed, and when every prisoner had been restored uninjured, they saw two of their villages committed to the flames.

“The impression left with that tribe of savages must have been one of extreme dread of our power, accompanied with one of deep indignation. The Committee cannot refrain from expressing their regret at the transaction, because it may be fatal to many innocent persons; and because it seems. calculated to obstruct those measures of benevolence which the legislature designs to native and barbarous tribes.

“It appears to your Committee that those evils might have been avoided if further efforts for negotiation had been made in the first instance.”

Thus ended a most regrettable incident.

While the author was engaged in getting together the threads of the story, nothing occupied his attention more closely than the task of locating the responsibility for the death of the chief upon the proper shoulders. It seemed inconceivable that the shooting could have commenced under any form of military discipline, and the known fact that Guard and his rescued men took part in the engagement suggested that they had allowed their pent up fury to get the better of their judgment and had seized the opportunity, when the last child had been rescued, to wipe off old scores. The author was at last fortunate enough to find material which put the matter beyond doubt. On the return of the expedition to Sydney the inevitable interviews with the members of the ships' companies took place, and these interviews were published in all the five newspapers which circulated in Sydney. The only account published, given by one of the rescued men, thus describes the crisis:—

“The crew of the Harriett, finding the child safe, now determined on having ample revenge on the murderers of their shipmates, and there being about 103 natives assembled on the beach, we fired upon them; the soldiers on the hill, supposing that orders had been given for firing, commenced a discharge of musketry upon them; numbers of their dead strewed the beach, the others fled for shelter to their par and to the woods.”

The butchery therefore took place through the Harriett's men being allowed to have arms in their hands while taking part in the expedition, and, when they saw that the child was secure, taking advantage of that fact to have their revenge. The soldiers were innocent. With the treatment of the Chief in the boat due to the Harriett crew, and the butchery of the natives due to the above cause, it is marvellous that it was not brought out in evidence before the Committee of the House of Commons. The subject seems never to have been dealt with before.

In Appendix C will be found:

(1)

Mrs. Guard's description of her captivity, given to a Sydney reporter.

(2)

The full text of the Harriett sailors' interview.

(3)

The carpenter's protest against their treatment on board the Isabella.

(4)

The terms of an Appeal to the Public for funds to help Mrs. Guard and her children, and the names of some of the contributors.

It only remains to add, as a matter of the greatest interest, that the lad who played such an important part in connection with the first Anglo-Maori war, is. after the lapse of 79 years, still hale and hearty, living at Kekapo, Port Underwood, a spot occupied by the Guard family for nearly 80 years, and not many miles from Te Awaiti. where he was born in 1831. The author will never forget the pleasure he enjoyed of spending a night at Oyster Cove listening to the story of incidents in the life of the veteran himself, and of his father before him, long prior to the veteran's own recollection. Armed, as the author was, with details of these same incidents, got from contemporary Sydney newspapers, he was astonished at the accuracy with which he heard them fall from the lips of one to whom many of them had been passed on by another, and dulled by the passage of 80 long years. It gave an inkling of what could be so passed on when men were specially trained for the purpose.

Regarding the four chiefs mentioned on p. 119, Mr. W. H. Skinner sent the following note when the chapter was in type:—Quinacke was Koinati, a chief of the Puketapu hapu, closely related to the Nga-motu people at the Sugar Loaves. He died in Queen Charlotte Sound. Hawaree was probably Hawhere, and Hakawaw, Ha Kawau. Ontere cannot be traced. Natives long ago told me that a chief, Poharama, came back in the Alligator. The last might represent him.

Chapter VIII.Cook Strait, 1835 and 1836.

The Cornwallis, which had been at Cloudy Bay during the 1834 season, reached Sydney on 9th February. All the other Sydney vessels that had been with her had returned by this time, and the Caroline had sailed again for the sperm fishery.

The brig Children, which had been chartered to load for Otago and get a return flax cargo in other parts, called at Mana Island, and brought away “a small piece of wool,” the first “clip” of Mr. Bell from the little flock he had taken down in the Martha the previous year. It was claimed at the time—30th June—that this was the first wool imported into Sydney from New Zealand, but that was afterwards proved to be wrong as Captain Clendon had brought up some in the Fortitude from the Bay of islands several months before. It is even open to doubt whether Captain Clendon's cargo was the first. In addition to the Children, the Isabella visited Cook Strait, and the Jane and Henry called at Kapiti, and while there learned that there were 10 vessels lying at Cloudy Bay.

The first of the ten to come away from the Bay was the New Zealander. She sailed from Cloudy Bay on 10th June and landed her cargo, which consisted of oil from the Cornwallis and Denmark Hill, in Sydney, on 7th July. Captain Brown of the Proteus, who had resigned his command to the chief mate, came up in her as a passenger.

In Cloudy Bay Captain Cole reported:—

The Caroline, Cherry, with 80 tuns of oil.

The Denmark Hill, Findlay, with 60 tuns of oil.

The Socrates of Hobart Town, about 60 tuns of oil.

The Cornwallis, with 50 tuns of oil.

The Proteus, with 25 tuns of oil.

The Louisa, Hayward, with 50 tuns of oil.

The Charles, Hawkins, of London.

The Warren, of America.

The Halcyon, Thomson, of America.

The crews of the Charles and the Halcyon were in a disorderly state. The Socrates had lost her second mate and five of her hands in a dreadful south-east gale. One of the Proteus' boats was nearly lost in the same gale and passed the boat's crew of the Socrates holding on to the bottom of the capsized boat. No help could be afforded them, however, and when the men of the Proteus looked again they were gone.

On 17th September the Louisa, with 140 tons, and her leaky consort, the Denmark Hill, left Cloudy Bay for Sydney, where they both arrived on 8th October. John Bell and Dr. Rankin came up as passengers in the Louisa.

Between the sailing of the New Zealander on 10th June, and the Louisa and Denmark Hill on the 17th September, the Socrates had left the Bay, and the Bee had arrived. All the vessels had made substantial progress with their cargoes. During these three months the Caroline had added 120, the Proteus 175, and the Cornwallis 70, tuns of oil. The Charles was now 26 months out and had 1600 barrels; the Warren, 23 months, 300 tuns; and the Halcyon, 27 months. 240 tuns.

The Bee came up on 22nd October with 108 tuns of oil and 6 tons whalebone consigned to Wright and Long. Captain Robertson reported that on 8th October when he sailed from Cloudy Bay the barque Lochiel, bound from Launceston to Leith, put in there for water, all well. The American ship Halcyon had been unsuccessful and was on the eve of sailing for Sydney with 84 tuns of oil from the Proteus. The Hind was loading with the Caroline's oil, and that vessel and the Proteus were fitting out for the sperm fishery. The Cornwallis was full and was to leave on 15th October. The Warren was bound for the sperm whaling. The Charles, was on the eve of sailing for London after a voyage of 3½ years. The natives still expected compensation for the loss of their countrymen in the Shamrock, and fears were entertained of a disturbance between a hostile tribe and the Europeans. Te Rauparaha had expressed himself anxious to see a British settlement formed there, and was very desirous that a missionary should be sent. Under date 9th October the gangs of R. Jones & Co. at Queen Charlotte Sound were reported to be very successful.

On 26th October the Halcyon reached Sydney. There she appears to have excelled herself in supplying “copy” to the press reporters. The captain stated that information had been obtained at Cloudy Bay that the whole of the southern natives had armed themselves and were on the march to the north to seek revenge upon the English and the northern natives in Cloudy Bay and elsewhere, for the depredations which had been committed in 1830 by the brig Elizabeth, under Captain Stewart, as well as to obtain satisfaction for the Maoris drowned in the Shamrock in Queen Charlotte Sound. The natives were said to be determined to take and destroy everything which came their way. As a result the Europeans were obliged to remove from Cloudy Bay. The whole of the shipping had left but the Caroline, Proteus and Hind, which remained in company for mutual protection, the captains meantime completing their cargoes before they would leave Cloudy Bay deserted by Europeans. The Proteus had 270 tuns, the Caroline was full, and the Hind had a cargo waiting for her. The Cornwallis had left the Bay to fish on the coast before returning to Sydney.

The cargo which had been transferred from the Proteus to the Halcyon to be taken to Sydney caused the latter vessel some trouble. It had arrived in an American bottom and would be subject to the duty of foreign oil when imported into England. There was nothing for it therefore but for the Halcyon either to take it back to New Zealand or tranship to another American vessel which would. This latter course was adopted, and the oil put on board the American ship Chalcedony to be returned to New Zealand, as the Halcyon, though returning to the United States viâ New Zealand, was not proceeding to the whaling grounds.

The Hind, Wyatt, sailed from Cloudy Bay on 27th October with Captain Collins. James Campbell and Mr. and Mrs. Thoms on board as passengers. She reached Sydney on 12th November and brought up word that the story of the Halcyon was greatly exaggerated. What had happened was that a small party of natives, residing at a distance of several miles from Cloudy Bay, had threatened an attack. It ended, however, in a mere demonstration. The Europeans had not deserted the Bay nor had shipping been prematurely hastened away. The Proteus was about to sail on the twenty-seventh when the Hind left and the Nimrod from Sydney had called in for cargo. The last named, Hepburn, master, reached port on 25th November from Poverty Bay. with 13 casks of oil for Robert Campbell and Co. Mr. Harris came over as a passenger.

On 28th November the brig Bee sailed from Sydney for the sperm fishery. Hempleman in command this time. This was the voyage on which Hempleman established a whaling station at Port Cooper and commenced his celebrated “log.”

On 5th December the schooner Success, Captain Richard Buckle, reached Sydney with 208 casks black oil, 630 packages whalebone. 1 bundle seal skins and 2 spars, consigned to the House of R. Jones & Co. Captain Buckle reported that while at New Zealand he met the schooner New Zealander, Cole, filling up at Queen Charlotte Sound on 8th November, the Jolly Rambler in Cook Strait on the tenth, and the Proteus at Entry Island on the eleventh with 200 tuns of oil. He also reported that an American whaler had put in at Kapiti. and that the Lord Rodney had visited the Sound.

The New Zealander reached port on 7th December, with 20 tuns oil for R. Jones & Co., 1 bundle of whalebone for Captain Ashmore, and 1 cask seal oil. 2 tasks seal skins and 30 bundles whalebone for J. H. Grose & Co. Her passengers were Mrs. Cole and Mr. Williams.

Te Rauparaha's name and fame was the cause of many movements in the native population in the vicinity of his home, but the Port Nicholson migration of 1835, and the attempted one of 1836, are the only ones where European assistance was called to their aid. Not long after their punishment for murdering and holding in captivity some of the Harriett's crew, the Taranaki natives, forced by pressure from the invader, left their homes at the foot of Mt. Egmont and migrated to the shores of Port Nicholson.

They had no sooner settled here than they found themselves threatened by an even worse enemy in the person of Te Rauparaha at Kapiti Island, and once more they looked around for a place where they would be free from the presence, not of war, but of warriors stronger than themselves. In looking around their eyes fell upon the Chatham Islands. Its position and capabilities were known to all seamen and many Maoris had formed members of the crews of the vessels which visited it sealing, or in pursuit of the right whale. The next thing to do was to get hold of some vessel, and, as they had had an experience in Taranaki of what happened when the sailors were killed they determined to pay for the services of the vessel they might employ, with what powder, muskets, and potatoes they could spare.

The vessel fortunate enough to be selected for this mission was the brig Lord Rodney, which had sailed from Sydney on 1st October, bound for Cook Strait, with stores for several of the stations. Captain Harewood thus describes the experiences of the vessel:—

“We arrived at Entry Island, Cook's Straits, New Zealand, on the 16th of October, after a passage of seventeen days from Sydney; sailed from Entry Island on the 19th, and reached Cloudy Bay on the 21st; started from the latter place on the 25th, and arrived at Port Nicholson on the 26th at noon. The Caroline, Charry, of Sydney, was the only vessel in the port. When the Rodney brought up, the Natives appeared to be remarkably friendly, and anxious to barter for potatoes, hogs, etc. I purchased what I wanted from them, and hearing there was a quantity of whalebone to be purchased about 25 miles from Port Nicholson, on the 30th, sailed for that place. Mr. Dawson. my trading master, having advised me, I took the Head Chief of Port Nicholson, and four other Natives to facilitate the purchase of the whalebone. On reaching the destination, the Natives would not part with the bone, unless I would consent to take them to Chatham Island; there appeared to be a muster of about 300 Natives at this place. Having been unsuccessful in my trip. I ran back to Port Nicholson, the Chief on board (“A-Murry”), saying he would compensate me for the loss of time, by a present of some hogs, etc. The next day after reaching Port Nicholson, “A-Murry” the Chief, sent a number of canoes away, and they shortly returned filled with hogs, &c., also two spars, as a present; there was also a quantity of hogs and potatoes on shore, which the Chief requested me to look at; for this purpose, I left the brig, taking with me a good boat's crew. A short time after landing, I discovered that some of the Natives had taken the boat from my men; I immediately called out for the boat to be brought back, but they refused; one of the Chiefs also told me that the ship was taken, and I should very soon know it. At 11 a.m., Mr. Davis, one of my passengers, was sent on shore by the Natives, to inform me that the ship was in the possession of the New Zealanders, and that there were about 300 of them on board. Mr. Davis also informed me, that they had rushed upon the crew, and tied their hands behind them, saying, they did not want to hurt any one on board, or plunder the ship, but would have the vessel to convey them to Chatham Island, as a tribe of Natives had declared war against those of Port Nicholson, and would massacre the whole of them if they remained. I at once saw that any opposition on my part would perhaps be the means of losing the vessel entirely, or that the affair would end in bloodshed. I therefore resolved to accede to their demands, and wait an opportunity of recapturing the brig. The Natives were unwilling that I should go off to the vessel at once; I therefore sent a verbal message to the Chief Officer, to run the vessel under the lee side of the Island; this order, however, was not attended to. Shortly afterwards, “A-Murry” came ashore with one of my crew, and requested me to go off to the ship, which I did, the Natives keeping some of my crew ashore until I brought the brig within gun-shot of the place. At 4 p.m., there were about 400 Natives on board, with about 50 canoes alongside the vessel. At dusk, all the natives, except 20 Chiefs, left for the shore. Amongst those on board I discovered “A-Murry” and another Chief, who appeared extremely suspicious whenever I spoke to the crew. On the morning of the 6th November, they brought about 70 tons of seed potatoes on board of their own, making me a present of about 20 hogs; they said they would give me all their powder, muskets, potatoes, hogs, &c., after I had safely landed them on Chatham Island. On the 7th, they employed themselves watering the ship. I remarked that my bowsprit was too bad to proceed to sea with; about 40 of them immediately went in search of a new one, which was brought to the ship next day. The crew, during this time, was employed killing and salting pork the Natives had brought on board. They frequently asked me if the Governor of Port Jackson would be offended at what they had done, not having taken any lives or plundered the vessel; that they were not like the Taranaki tribe, who killed the people belonging to the Harriet, Captain Hall. They seemed to be much afraid of a man-of-war coming after them. The wind being contrary, nothing particular occurred up to the 14th, when we had a fair wind for Chatham Island, for which placed we weighed anchor at 10 minutes past 5 a.m., with about 300 on board; at 30 minutes past 5, about 600 mustered on the vessel, with about 40 canoes alongside. The whole of them appeared anxious to go (although the crew could not move about, the vessel to work the ship, the Natives were so thick) I ran as far as the Heads and brought up again. About one hundred of them left the ship in the canoes, taking with them as a hostage my second officer, who they promised to retain until I returned for the remainder of them. The wind being favourable, I weighed anchor and proceeded with about five hundred New Zealanders, principally women and children, with only about three tons of water on board. I had previously told them they must do without water for three days, after putting to sea. which they consented to. or any other privation, if they could but get away from Port Nicholson. On the 15th and 16th most of the Natives were sea-sick, and on the 17th the women that had young children were calling out violently for water, when I ordered them to be supplied; the strongest of the men, however, only got water, leaving the women and children without. At 1.30 p.m. saw Chatham Island, when the Natives gave a terrible shout, and the women cried for joy. as is the custom in New Zealand. At 6.30, brought the brig up in the best place I could find, not having any chart of the Island. The Natives immediately commenced landing, and about two hundred of them went ashore. Some Europeans came alongside in a whaleboat, and informed me that the best harbour was about two miles higher up. to which place we made all sail, and at sunset all the Natives, except eight, went on shore. I consulted about making an attempt to get away, and it was agreed to, and at 7.30 p.m. made sail and proceeded to sea; Mr. Ferguson and Mr. Davis being engaged loading muskets the Natives on board overheard them, and made a great noise so that those on shore could hear them; I told them the wind was driving into the harbour, and that I should return to Chatham Island in the morning; they appeared dissatisfied with this statement, and I allowed them to go on shore. The wind blowing fresh from the southward. I had my doubts whether I could work out of the Bay, having to beat to windward against a short cross-head sea for about fifteen miles. After the Natives had left the brig about five minutes, Murry the Chief and a crew came alongside in the European's boat, and observing they were not armed I allowed the Chief to come on board. I told him I should return in the morning, but he would not believe me. He gave orders for the other Natives to go ashore, and he remained in the vessel. The weather was very squally during the night, and the Chief seemed to be nearly heartbroken. The vessel tacked about the Bay (which is fifteen miles wide) every two hours, until we carried away the square mainsail, main trysail and the jib-boom. With every prospect of the continuance of bad weather, having progressed but six miles during the night, I resolved to run back immediately, and at 7 a.m. brought up again in the harbour. Some of the Natives said they though I had run away with all their seed potatoes, &c., they said they had been crying during the whole of the night, doubting my return to the Island. They immediately commenced taking out their potatoes which they completed about 4 p.m. Several of the New Zealanders expressed themselves much dissatisfied with my going away in the night, and Murry the Chief said that if I had not split my sails, &c. I should not have returned. The 21st and 22nd, it still continued to blow fresh from the southward. On the 23rd the wind blew from the N.W. weighed anchor, when several of the Chiefs came on board, and wished to proceed back to Port Nicholson. When outside I asked Mr. Dawson, my trading master, whether he thought any thing would happen to the mate at Port Nicholson, if we ran direct for Port Jackson. Mr. Dawson having had sixteen years in the New Zealand trade said, that he would certainly be killed if we did not return. I made sail for Port Nicholson, and reached that place on the 20th (?) at 10 p.m. On the next day my second officer came on board, and informed me that the Jolly Rambler had been in the harbour during my absence, which the Natives would have taken but she was too small for their purpose. The New Zealanders had also killed several dogs, and hung them up in different directions, for the purpose as they said of driving the ship back to them. The savages also killed a young girl of about twelve years of age, cut her to pieces, and hung her flesh up to posts in the same manner as the dogs, saying that she was the cause of our detention. It took the Natives all the 27th to talk over what they had seen at Chatham Island, after which they gave me in payment 2½ tons of pork, 41 old muskets, about 3601bs. of powder, one cannonade, a nine-pounder, two fowling-pieces, and about 7 tons of potatoes. On the 30th of November, took in 7 canoes from 35 to 60 feet in length, about four hundred Natives, and proceeded on my second trip to Chatham Island. Having a fair wind all the way, I arrived at 30 minutes past 7. a.m., in the harbour. The Natives immediately disembarked, and took all they had from the brig. I was doubtful whether the New Zealanders would not, as a wind up of the proceedings, plunder the ship, but in this I was agreeably disappointed; although they had certainly made free with many things in the vessel, which I atttributed to the negligence of the seamen. On the 5th of December, having completed my forced expedition, I made sail, being accompanied to the Heads with ‘the two Chiefs,’ who craved tobacco of me; having given them about 20lbs. of the same, they left the brig, since which I have not heard anything of them or their tribe.”

The correct name of the chief, described as Murry and A-Murry in the narrative, was Pomare.

The excitement occasioned by the capture of the Lord Rodney had hardly died away before the natives in the vicinity of Port Nicholson tried to capture another vessel—the schooner Active, under the command of Henry Wishart.

The captain's own account, under date Port Jackson. April 2. 1836. was as follows:—

“The Active was becalmed off Waiderippa Bay, afternoon on Monday the 11th of January, 1836. A large canoe filled with natives came off to her, and the principal man (named Warepowre and I mutually recognised each other as acquaintances formerly of Tarenackie. He wished me to run into the bay and bring up off his pah, as he had a quantity of whalebone to sell; but upon my refusing to go into such an unsafe place he asked me to shew the trade I had on board, and expressed himself so much pleased with it that he proposed sending his canoe ashore to tell his people to bring the bone to the schooner next morning, and remain on board himself, if the vessel would stand to and fro during the night, which was agreed to. Next morning early I stood into the bay, expecting to meet the canoes, and thereby save time; but the wind dying away and none appearing, I let go an anchor about 9 o'clock a.m. Some time after, a number of canoes came in sight from the mouth of a river that runs into the bay, and having come alongside, the vessel was soon crowded with natives—men, women and children. They had no whale-bone with them, having come from their provision grounds, and the bone being at the pah where they wished me to go and look at it, and approve of it before they had the trouble of bringing it off. I however, sent the mate, who soon returned, and reported having seen a considerable quantity of very good bone. I then desired the natives to bring it off and I would buy it; but, after much talk together, they said they did not want trade at present—they wanted a vessel to carry them to Stewart's Island, or elsewhere if that did not please them—that the Active would do and that the bone would be given in payment. Some of them then began fathoming the vessel with outstretched arms, and concluded she would carry about two hundred; while others poured water into the guns on deck, and spiked them with wood. In the mean time, Warepowre tried to get my empty water casks, in order to fill them; and several people in canoes kept bringing firewood on board, saying they did not want payment for it, nor would they desist until I ordered it all to be thrown overboard, so that the sea was covered with driftwood. When I saw the vessel was completely in the power of the natives, and that resistance at the time would be folly. I endeavoured to dissuade them with their project—and apparently with success, one native with them (who had once accompanied me all round New Zealand) saying I spoke the truth when I told them any place they could go to was already occupied by strong tribes, who would kill them all. Much conversation then took place amongst themselves, many arguing against going, until an impudent, ill-looking fellow named Waiderippa got up, and with violent actions said, the captain speaks very well, but as we have taken the vessel we will go somewhere, and if we are not strong we may as well be killed where we go as remain and be killed by the Rowpera. Every one then agreeing with the last speaker. I appeared to be satisfied—told them if they would go after what I had said, that I was ready to take them, for the whalebone; and that as soon as a breeze got up I would go to Port Nicholson, close by, where the vessel could lie in safety, and wait until their provisions were got ready. Warepowre said I had nothing to fear from the weather at that time of the year, and must remain where I was, as everything would be ready next day. He then demanded a white man to be left at Waiderippa until the vessel's return, as a hostage for the safe performance of my word. I refused—and he insisted upon having one; and matters continued in this way until near eight in the evening, when a breeze began to spring up. The women in the interval kept paddling the canoes from the shore to the vessel, bringing long-handled tomahawks and cooked potatoes and fish for the suppers of the men. who meant to lie on board all night. As the breeze freshened I gave orders aloud to man the windlass, to ascertain what lengths the natives would go to detain me; but the crew had only hove a few squares when the women and. children were huddled overboard into the canoes—the alarm was given to the people on shore by whistling shrilly on the fingers—and Warepowre, leaping upon the boat, which was carried on deck, gave the war-cry, and in an instant from eighty to a hundred natives, stripped to the skin, each armed with a tomahawk, commenced the war-dance on deck, yelling hideously, and making the vessel quiver with their violent jumping. The crew upon this pulled up the muskets which they had been provided with when we came upon the coast, from the forecastle, which Warepowre perceiving, called out to me aft, where I remained alone, to stop the men from firing or every one on board would be killed—and some of the natives having begun to cut away the rigging, I went forward and told the crew to put away the muskets. Peace being restored, the natives crowded into the forecastle, so that the crew could not move without being observed, and overpowered if resistance was attempted—taking care also to shake the priming from the muskets. About midnight I began to get sails loosed, and (under various pretences and against great opposition) succeeded in getting most of them set. The vessel soon began to drive outwards, but the natives observing it gave her more cable, and threatened to cut away the other anchor—and some of the most unruly, cut up a ball of spunyarn to tie all hands. Early on Wednesday morning, canoes came alongside with the whalebone, and put it on board. I told Warepowre it was very good, and to send his people ashore to get their potatoes and pork at once, while there was a fair wind that would rattle them where they wished to go in a couple of days. He highly approved of what was said, and sent all ashore but twenty men and women, including himself. I now had more muskets and some cutlasses quietly passed forward through the hold, which was cleared of natives, and when I saw the canoes all beached began to get up the anchor; for, although the chain had been unshackled the day before, so as to slip it if a chance of escape offered, I felt unwilling to incur such a loss without an effort to save it. Warepowre upon this laid aside his marie (hatchet of green stone) and went forward to see how matters stood, and to keep him quiet as long as possible, I told him I meant to tack about in the bay until his people were ready. He seemed satisfied, and assisted to heave square or two of the windlass, but then went aft again, resumed his marie, and conferred with the others, the result of which seemed to be that resistance was useless. The anchor soon coming up—the sails being already set—the vessel got under weigh with a fine breeze, without our being constrained to use arms against the natives on board. As soon as she was observed by those on shore to be under weigh, two canoes put off after her; but when within musket-shot, finding no signal made by their friends to approach, put back again. When nearly clear of the bay, I demanded the tomahawks from the natives, who quietly surrendered them; and laying the vessel to. had the long boat hoisted out, as I judged the most prudent way to dispose of the captives would be to give them the boat and two oars to go where they chose. I then told them my intentions, and ordered them into her, much to their surprise and satisfaction, especially when I returned their tomahawks, and remunerated them for the bone they had put on board. Just as the boat was cast off from the vessel, Warepowre sprung into the main chains, saying he knew I meant to fire upon the boat, and clung to the chains, until I allowed him to come on board. Perhaps the unmerited clemency he experienced induced him to suppose that he might still persuade me to put into Port Nicholson; but in the evening, when past that place, he was in great dread, lest he should be taken to Port Jackson. Next day, at his earnest entreaty, and being anxious to get rid of him rather than take him to the different places I had to call at, and where the natives, enemies of his, would be glad to get hold of him, and take him from me by force, I landed him at Queen Charlotte's Sound, amongst his own friends. I may add that Waederippa is an open bay, unapproachable in the winter season, when the southerly winds prevail, and situated between Cape Pattison and Port Nicholson, where the brig Lord Rodney was taken possession of by the New Zealanders; that Warepowre and. his tribe belonged originally to Tarinackie, on the west coast, which place they deserted after the chastisement the natives there received from the Alligator sloop of war, and removing to Waederippa settled there, where they dreaded being destroyed by the Entry Island natives, a numerous people under the Rowpera, and alleged that as the reason of their wishing to remove—a wish which the success the Port Nicholson natives met with in removing to the Chatham Islands no doubt encouraged. I fell in with the Lord Rodney at the East Cape, and heard from Captain Harwood an account of her seizure, and he also told me the first vessel that went there was sure to be taken; but I looked upon what he said as one of the stories New Zealand traders indulge in, to prevent others from opposing them; I was even illiberal enough to suppose the seizure of the Lord Rodney was fictitious, and under that impression had no hesitation in going amongst the natives there who completely undeceived me on that point. I feel confident that if I had made one trip with natives, a second, probably a third, would have been required of me before all were transported, and that they would have stripped the vessel when they had no further need for her, as they were greatly in want of such things as I had on board.”

Chapter IX.Cook Strait, 1836 and 1837.

1836.

By 24th January the news of the capture of the Lord Rodney, and of the two compulsory expeditions to Chatham Island were brought to Sydney by the Lord Rodney herself.

On 16th February the Harlequin and the Success were at Cook Strait, and on that date the latter sailed for Sydney, leaving the former to sail for the Bay of Islands. It was then stated that the Halcyon was engaged conveying natives from Port Nicholson to Chatham Island, which would indicate that after the Active had failed them the American captain had put his vessel at the disposal of the emigrants.

Mr. and Mrs. Guard were in Sydney at that time and took advantage of the schooner Industry sailing for Cook Strait, on 20th February, to return home with their three children. Amongst the other passengers was Thomas Evans. On 12th April, the Industry sailed from Cloudy Bay for Hokianga.

Just at this time Queen Charlotte Sound and Cloudy were visited by a missionary. The Rev. Mr. White and his wife were proceeding to New Zealand to take up mission work in the North Island, and sailed in the Martha from Sydney on 24th March. The Martha's route was to call at Queen Charlotte Sound and Cloudy Bay before sailing up the West Coast of the North Island to Kawhia, Manukau, Kaipara, and Hokianga. This is probably the first missionary visit to Cook Strait and the missionary work which was reported later as visible in Queen Charlotte Sound may have owed something to this visit.

April saw the Sydney merchants making extensive preparations for the bay whaling trade on the New Zealand coast. Wright and Long purchased the Governor Bourke to fit out for sperm and black whaling, and also equipped the Roslyn Castle for bay whaling. The Caroline was also reported to be getting ready. On 8th April the Mediterranean Packet had come up from Otago and was at Cloudy Bay, where she found the Hobart Town whaler, Marianne, with 1400 barrels. Captain Sinclair was determined to be early at his post, as whales could hardly be expected for some time yet. At Cloudy Bay most of the Mediterranean Packet sailors deserted, after they had plundered the vessel, and concealed themselves until the brig had sailed. It was generally believed that the men had been decoyed ashore by some of the whaling gangs, and as the season wore on this decoying away of the men became a very serious matter.

From 8th April onwards the whalers began to arrive at Cloudy Bay, until Captain Shaw, who had taken down the Lynx for a cargo from R. Jones and Co's, stations, found, on 15th June, no less than 18 whaling vessels at anchor in Port Underwood. Of these, 13 were American, while 2 were Tasmanian, 2 English, and 1 French. It was significant that the 3 Sydney boats—the Elizabeth, the Roslyn Castle, and the Governor Bourke—which might have been expected to have the best information about the prospects for the season, had left the Bay, the first going to Port Cooper, and the other two to Chatham Island. Captain Shaw took count of how many whales had been captured, and he gave 20½ to the 13 American whalers, 6 to the 2 Tasmanian, 1½ to the 2 English, none to the French vessel, and 1 each to the Sydney whalers which had sailed away. For what might be regarded as the first six weeks of the season there were, therefore, 31 whales to be divided among 21 whalers.

On 9th August, Wright and Long's brig, the Bee, which had sailed from Sydney on 21st November, 1835, to cruise for whales and to establish a whaling station at Port Cooper, returned under Captain Parkinson with 66 tuns of black oil, 9 tuns of sperm, and 3½ tons of whalebone. She reported the following vessels and cargoes at Port Cooper:—

The Sisters, Sparling, 52 tuns and 1 whale alongside. The Harriett, Howe, 35 tuns. The Australian, Rhodes, 4 tuns and 1 whale alongside. The Caroline, Cherry, 50 tuns. The Elizabeth, Fowler, 90 tuns. The Nile (American), 80 tuns. The Friendship (American). 80 tuns.

The Caroline had left for Port Nicholson prior to the sailing of the Bee, and Captain Parkinson stated that the coast of New Zealand was covered with American whalers several of which were at Otago Harbour.

Outside of the above press record of the movements of the Bee we are indebted to “The Piraki Log” for the following:—The Bee same to an anchor at Banks Peninsula on 18th February, and as she was in a very leaky state a great deal of attention had to be paid to her to fit her for further voyaging. On 27th March two boats were sent to Akaroa, and they returned on 1st April. The same port was again visited on 7th and 8th April. Potatoes for the gang were purchased from the natives who resided in the upper part of the Harbour. Spars for the shore house were procured from Pigeon Bay on 15th April. The Friendship and the Nile arrived on 27th April. On the second of the following month the first whale was captured. The Caroline arrived on 20th May, and the Australian on 15th July. On the 23rd July the shore party left the brig with their try pots. The Bee sailed on the twenty-fourth and came to an anchor in Darling Harbour on 9th August.

Though no mention is made of the cove in which the Bee anchored, the reader of “The Piraki Log” should note that it was in Port Cooper, and not in Piraki. that the events recorded in the year 1836 took place.

On 23rd August the Dublin Packet, under the command of Captain F. Leathart, came up from Cloudy Bay with 75 tuns of black oil, 5 tuns of sperm, and 4 tons of whalebone. When she sailed from Cloudy Bay on 8th August, there were there 11 American vessels, and the Cheviot (English) with 100 barrels, the Roslyn Castle, which had returned to the Bay on 13th July, with 100, and the Mississippi (French) with 150. The cargo of the Dublin Packet was from Captain Duke's Establishment.

On 12th September the Roslyn Castle and the Cheviot sailed for Kapiti. Six days later the Australian reached Cloudy Bay from Port Cooper. She had lost 15 of her crew by desertion and was on the look-out for more men. Later on she sailed for the Bay of Islands.

On 19th August the Bee sailed from Sydney back to her gang at Port Cooper. Her log states that she anchored at Kapiti on the twenty-sixth, sailed over to Cloudy Bay on the twenty-eighth, left that port on the thirty-first, and anchored at Port Cooper on 2nd September.

Amongst the manuscripts in the possession of the author is one in the form of an advance note given by the Captain on the wages of one of the seamen. The interesting little document reads as follows:—

£0.10.0 Stg.

Sydney

, 15th Aug. 1836

Three days after the sailing of the Brig Bee and providing that Billy Williams be reported to be on board Pay to his order the sum of Ten Shillings, being an advance, and in part of his wages as ordinary seaman on board the said Vessel.

Payable at Mr. Long's Office, George St.

(Written across the face.) Accepted, Jas. Wright.

By the Bee, Long sent the following letter to Hempleman:—

Sydney

17 August………. Mr. Geo. Hempleman Sir

We have again dis……..the Brig Bee with extra hands & good ……of Stores and necessaries for your whaling……..

I trust that the promptitude which you cannot fail of observing we have display'd in sending you our vessel in so short a space of time will have the effect of causing you to use your utmost in returning her to us as soon as possible & with a good cargo.

In future we do not allow the Bee to sail away from you with so few hands, in case of a Loss—our policy of insurance would be useless—Eight men. or 7 men & 1 Boy are as small a number of hands you can well furnish her with. We wish you to procure for us to as great an extent as your means will enable you—as many Flags & Spars as possible,—Let these also come up next p. trip of the Bee.

We are Sir Your Obedt Servant Wm. Long……..

The flags were evidently flagstones. They would be utilised for floors and pathways, and would command a figure for similar uses in Sydney.

The Bee was back at Cloudy Bay on 6th November and reached Sydney on 23rd December, with 20 tuns of black oil and 1 ton of whalebone.

Under date 13th September a letter written from Port Cooper, from an agent to a London House concerned in the whole fishery, and sent to New Bedford by the Nile, says:—

“The ships at Port Cooper have not done much, but better than the Cloudy Bay ships. The Elizabeth has taken 150 tuns, and she was late on the ground. There are three other Sydney ships here, one deserted by her crew, and the others with about 115 tuns each. The season is nearly over in the bays, and I consider the whale and shore parties to have taken this season about twenty thousand barrels (American, French and English ships), in all forty ships and six shore parties. N.B.—A great quantity of the above oil will not be on the market this eighteen months, as most of the ships will have to remain for the next season.”

The writer was evidently connected with the Elizabeth. His information about the three Sydney vessels is very interesting, as we know that they were the Harriett, Howe, the Australian, Rhodes, and the Caroline, Cherry, and the vessel deserted by her crew was the Australian, which must have sailed for Cloudy Bay within a few days of the letter being written.

From 16th to 25th November, 4 Sydney vessels came up from Cook Strait, loaded with whale oil and bone—the Governor Bourke, the Lynx, the Hind, and the Dublin Packet. The total of the oil cargoes amounted to 350 tuns. The Lynx called at Mana Island and found the Louisa there. This vessel had suffered a serious reverse. It appears that there had been a merrymaking on board another Colonial whaler and all hands had imbibed too much, with the result that, on returning to the Louisa, the boat was upset and the chief officer and the whole of the crew drowned. All the returning vessels complained of the severity of the weather on the New Zealand coast.

The old trouble of stealiong away men had come up again. Captain Bateman, of the English whaler. Cheviot, bitterly complained of the conduct of some Sydney men at Cloudy Bay. Many of his seamen had been enticed away from his vessel and conveyed to another part of the Island to strengthen the shore gangs of the unscrupulous offenders. After Captain Bateman had satisfied himself of the facts he took counsel with the other captains in the Bay as to what method of retaliation he should adopt, and, finding that the offence was fairly common, he decided on summary vengeance, and took possession of the boats of the offending parties. Captain Hayward, of the Louisa, Captain Robertson, of the Caroline, and Captain Neil, of the American whaler, Navy, supported Captain Baseman in the steps he took, and all three gave him documentary evidence of their moral support. From what is recorded in connection with American whaling, it will be seen that Captain Richards, working for Wright and Long of Sydney, was the offending party. That was also the reason, probably why no Sydney captain put his name to paper.

Large as was the quantity of oil brought up from New Zealand, there was still great disappointment felt by those who had been whaling at Cloudy Bay. The preceding years had been so successful at that port that it had been made the general gathering ground of all the whalers who looked to New Zealand for cargoes. There was no doubt that too many vessels went there, but apart from that there were local causes for the comparatively small amount of oil which was obtained. These causes were carefully investigated by Captain Greene, of the Mediterranean Packet, and the result of his observations was embodied in a report, of which the following is a copy:—

“1. Prevalence of South-east Winds, which in a greater or less degree, prevailed at and contiguous thereto, from May to the latter end of September, and during which Cloudy Bay is a lee shore; therefore shunned, the whales preferring cawing and rearing their young in the more still waters under the lee of the weather shore.

“2. Scarcity of Whale Food.—It appears from the report of the oldest resident whalers, that for many seasons the water in the bay has not been so divested of that food which the bountiful hand of Providence was wont to distribute for them in its waters, as during the season alluded to.

“3. The great number of Shipping that resorted thereto.—Nine-tenths of those constituting the number were American, some of whom (as they stated to me) prior to leaving America, were under the impression that having once moored at Cloudy Bay, they would have no further labour devolving on them than to fasten to whales alongside, cut in, try out, and stow away without intermission, until their cargoes would be completed. How different to their former conception it came to pass! After having had recourse to the same manners as our Colonial and other English whalers thereat, for the lapse of four months and upwards, we departed thence, some having secured but two whales.

“When the spout of a whale would casually come within the scope of vision from the “look out point,” no less than seventy to eighty boats would put off in pursuit. One out of six (on an average) of those seen and pursued in the offing, was fastened to, the monsters generally on the approach of such a multitude of boats, became terrified and effected their escape, by wading their way with all the fleetness they are capable of, beyond the bounds of vision.

“Those ships which visited in the early part of the season the very excellent harbours, situated in Banks' Peninsula, speedily obtained full cargoes, and those at Otago were pretty successful.

“Commotions among the Natives.—At and sometime prior to sailing from Entry Island, the Natriaora tribe were disposed to exercise hostilities towards the shipping at Flat (Mana) Island, also the European residents adjacent thereto.

“The cause of that massacre seems to have originated in the following circumstances:—A Native Chief brought supplies of potatoes, etc., to a barque from the port of Hobart Town (the Caroline); the payment offered did not satisfy him; observing a small tomahawk in one of the boats, he took possession of it, judging it and the payment already made, adequate in value to the property delivered.

“On being requested to restore the tomahawk, he declined; a scuffle ensued between the Chief and the first officer of the barque; meanwhile one of the boat's crew deliberately took a lance, and thrust it through the Chief's body, immediately under the right breast, of which he shortly died. Intervening this affair and the date of my sailing thence (October 13th), whalers, while cruising in their boats, were repeatedly fired at by the natives, among whom was Captain Cherry; of the barque Caroline, of this port. Fortunately they escaped unhurt.

“Late state of the weather on the Coast of New Zealand.—The unprecedented state of westerly weather that prevailed on that coast from the close of September to the 15th of the current month, was truly terrific. Not within the memory of the oldest European residents, has the wind continued so boisterous from the same quarter, for so long a period. without intermission. On our passage from Entry Island towards the Bay of Islands, we had, during its prevalence, the misfortune to carry away our maintop-mast, and split the main-top-sail.”

Shortly after the death of the chief, the Mediterranean Packet was at Queen Charlotte Sound and the natives there concocted a scheme for seizing Captain Greene and taking his life as satisfaction for that of the dead chief; the vessel and cargo they were to appropriate to themselves. The scheme was frustrated by a native of another tribe communicating to Captain Greene what the intention was. By daylight next morning—13th October—a few hours before the plot was to be carried out, the anchor was up and the brig away for the Bay of Islands. The cargo which the Mediterranean Packet brought up was a mixed one from the stations of W. Long. McGaa & Co., and R. Jones & Co.

The attention of the reader has already been called to the information gathered by the Collector of Customs at Sydney regarding whaling on the New Zealand coast. The portion relating to Cook Strait is now supplied.

Robert Duke, of Maequarie Place, Sydney, informed the Collector that this year—1836—was his first in the black whale fishery. He had 8 boats, 60 Europeans, and 1000 tons of British shipping employed. His total outfit cost him £5000.

R. Campbell, Junr., & Co. reported that they had had no shore whaling establishments for two years past, and they could not give the exact quantity of oil they had brought up from them, but it amounted, during the preceding four years, to about 600 tuns. In addition to that there was about 1200 tuns caught at Cloudy Bay by their ships and brought up in them. The boats, men, and transport, were all British, Colonial, or Maori. The firm had three vessels engaged in the trade.

Dealing with the black whaling trade as a whole there were reported to be five establishments at New Zealand, and the number of the vessels, and the cargoes of the preceding four years, were as follows:—

Date. No. Tonnage. Tuns brought up. 1832 4 336 232 1833 8 854 409 1834 11 1319 849 1835 14 2159 1231

The five establishments were probably those of J. Jones (Preservation), G. Weller (Otago), Wright and Long (Kapiti and Port Cooper), R. Jones & Co., and R. Duke.

1837.

The first arrival at the Port of Sydney from Cloudy Bay was the Martha with J. W. Harris and T. Ralph as passengers, on 23rd January, and two days afterwards the Sir David Ogilvy sailed with a shore whaling party for Queen Charlotte Sound.

The following month—on the 5th—Hempleman sailed in the Dublin Packet to establish a whaling station at Piraki in Banks Peninsula. There went with him Mrs. Hempleman, Captain Clayton, Mr. Ward and two whaling gangs. The party reached Piraki on 20th March, and the Dublin Packet sailed again on the twenty-seventh. Amongst the manuscripts of the late Mr. Hempleman which the author has been privileged to peruse, is a portion of the Agreement entered into between George Hempleman and the men constituting the gangs. They were “to catch or take the right whale or other marine substances the oil and bone of which or skins of seals to be considered the property of G. T. Clayton.” Desertion or neglect of duty rendered the men liable to a penalty of fifty pounds. The season was to last until 1st November, and a passage was to be found for the men back to Sydney, at Clayton's expense, in October. Amongst the names signing the Agreement are Simon Crawley, Wm. Biers, and others mentioned in Hempleman's log. Captain Leathart, on his road to Sydney, called in at Cloudy Bay on 2nd April, and reached Port Jackson on the twenty-third, with Captain Clayton and Mr. Maughan as passengers.

The length of time taken for the voyage from Sydney to Piraki would indicate that some other place was visited. Time may have been spent in selecting the new station, or in effecting the removal from Port Cooper of the station occupied there the previous year.

The same day that Hempleman sailed for Piraki, a gang sailed in the Marion Watson for Kapiti. When they arrived there Captain McPherson found that the Natives of that place, and of the Sound, were proving very troublesome, and had gone so far as to set fire to the dwellings of the shore parties, in retaliation for the death of the chief who had been killed the previous year. During this trip a seaman named Samuel White was drowned by a boat, overloaded with ballast, sinking in seventeen fathoms of water.

Seven days after the Piraki and Kapiti gangs sailed, Blinkinsopp and a gang went down in the brig Hind to Cloudy Bay to prepare for the season there.

Mention of Blinkinsopp brings up an interesting decision of the Supreme Court, Sydney, of 1st March, regarding employment in whaling vessels.

“Mr. Barnard signed articles with Captain Brown of the whaler Proteus, to go a voyage with him as second mate, for which he was to receive a forty-eight share or lay of the oil procured. When the vessel was going out, Captain Brown informed the ship's crew that it was his intention to promote the chief officer, Mr. Blenkinsop, to the command of the vessel and leave her himself, which on arrival at New Zealand he did, and from that time to the end of the voyage, Mr. Barnard acted and was always treated as chief officer by Mr. Blenkinsop. On the return of the ship Mr. Barnard claimed the thirtieth lay which is considered the chief mate's share, but Captain Brown would only pay him the forty-eighty lay according to his articles, upon which Barnard commenced the present action to recover the sum of forty-eight pounds, being the difference between the amount paid by Brown and the amount claimed by Barnard. The Acting Chief Justice ruled that the plaintiff must be nonsuited, as he was strictly held by the articles he had signed.”

On 19th March Wright and Long sent their brig Bee on a round trip from Sydney through Foveaux Strait, calling at Otago (20th April), Port Cooper (3rd May), Cloudy Bay (20th May), and Kapiti (22nd May). She reached Sydney on 30th June with Captain Richards as a passenger, and with a cargo of 10 tuns of black oil, 7cwt. of bone, 15 tons of potatoes, and 100 logs of firewood. Captain Gluvias reported the Alexander Henry and the Henry Freeling, at Otago; the Samuel Cunard at Port Cooper; and the Caroline, Marianne, Tuscaloosa, Erie, Virginia, and Thule, at Cloudy Bay; and the Louisa at Entry Island.

The Alexander Henry sailed shortly after the Bee called in at Otago, and she is reported as at Akaroa on 16th June and Piraki on 16th May. The Henry Freeling, which had also been at Otago with the Alexander Henry, reached Akaroa on 10th June and found there the Roslyn Castle, the Alexander Henry, the Mechanic, the Cheviot, the Orozimbo, the Fame, and the Pantheon, At Port Cooper at the same time, were the Samuel Cunard, the Sisters, and the Bowditch.

On 16th June Captain Hobson visited Cloudy Bay in H.M.S. Rattlesnake, for wood and water. His stay was a limited one, as he sailed the next day. The ship's log ignores the existence of other vessels lying at anchor, but we know, from the log of the Tuscaloosa, that that vessel and the Erie were whaling there at the time. Captain Hobson had intended calling at Kapiti and Mana Islands, but was prevented by the boisterous nature of the weather from landing at these places. In his report to Governor Bourke at Sydney he mentions Bell's settlement at Mana Island. As a pasenger on board the Rattlesnake, the venerable Rev. Samuel Marsden returned to Sydney, from his last visit to New Zealand. It is the only occasion on which he visited the South Island, and the author has not, so far, been able to get details of the visit.

In June there were at Cloudy Bay and Kapiti the following vessels:—

The Fame, the Denmark Hill, the Marianne, the Louisa, the Tusculoosa, the Erie, the Virginia of Bremen, and the Thule. The Dublin Packet had been at Kapiti and had sailed, on the twentieth, for the south.

The brig Martha, belonging to McGaa, Breed & Co., left the Bay on 1st August. She had come down from Sydney in nine days, but had met such heavy weather, when returning, that she was driven 1000 miles out of her course and did not reach Sydney until 1st September.

On 15th July, Wright and Long sent down the Bee for another cargo of oil. When she called in at Kapiti she found the Louisa, Hayward, belonging to Jones & Co., the Roslyn Castle, Richards, belonging to Richards & Co., and the Caroline, Cherry, belonging to Campbell & Co. The shore whaling establishment of Richards & Co. had done well. having procured about 150 tuns of oil, 100 of which the Bee brought up to Sydney on 21st September. The Louisa had lost her boats, but had procured others from Captain Hopton, of the Persian, a trading vessel which had sailed from Sydney for Valparaiso viâ the Bay of Islands, but had been compelled to come to an anchorage at Kapiti, where she remained from 25th August to 7th September, on which date she sailed for her destination viâ the Bay of Islands.

J. P. Johnson, who was on board the Persian, and who published an account of his travels, states that the natives sold to the whalers, potatoes, turnips, pigs, firewood, mats, models of canoes, and baked heads, for muskets, powder, flints, blankets, shirts, prints, tobacco, pipes, spirits, beads, and axes, at a tariff of one pig, or a basket of potatoes or turnips, or two-thirds of a ton of firewood, for one pound of tobacco. The human heads were the most valuable, and brought at least one blanket. Te Hiko, the Maori chief, used to parade his slaves before the purchaser and sell the head alive, killing the slave and preparing the head in the oven after the bargain for the purchase was completed. Every adult, and every boy of fourteen years and upwards, had a gun of his own. The preference was for flint locks rather than percussion. The natives had a great name for their capacity to dispose of food. They enjoyed the flesh of the calf of the whale, but their principal dish was pork and potatoes, except when a ceremonial visit was made by a neighbouring chief, when the body of a female slave girl was the principal dish.

Mrs. Johnston accompanied her husband, and was a continual source of wonder to the great crowd of Maori women, whose presence on board the ships lying at anchor in the roadstead was sanctioned by the usage and custom of Kapiti, however much it might be condemned by the moral code of civilization.

The Persian took from Kapiti large quantities of oil, brought there at £22 and £18 per tun. Although the payment of the sailor was by lay, he was compelled by the terms of his contract to sell the oil at a fixed price, too often little more than half what he could get for it in Sydney.

Continuing the narrative of the Kapiti whaling vessels, we find that the Dublin Packet which sailed on the twentieth for Cloudy Bay, had, on her passage to Kapiti, been struck by lightning. On 3rd October, the Isabella arrived and after taking in oil, also sailed south to complete her cargo. she too, had been struck by lightning and one of her men had been killed. The lightning struck the main top-gallant masthead, ran down the topmast to the chain peak tye and struck the steward. The poor fellow's clothes were burnt to a cinder, and his body, from neck to heel, on the left side, quite roasted. He hung on for a few days in intense agony, and died at Kapiti before the vessel sailed.

A table of ships' movements at Kapiti will indicate the activity which prevailed there in the oil trade at this date:—

Arrival. Ship. Master. Departure. 25th. Aug. Persian Hopton 7th Sept. 19th Sept: Dublin Packet Clayton 20th Sept. Roslyn Castle Richards 4th Oct. Marianne Mansford 4th Oct. Isabella Manughan 6th Oct. Caroline Cherry 8th Oct. Sea Witch Newson 12th Oct. Louisa Hayward 12th Oct. Samuel Cunard 14th Oct. 12th Oct. Bee Gluvias

When the Dublin Packet sailed from Kapiti for Cloudy Bay on 20th September, she was evidently bound for Piraki, as Hempleman's log gives us 23rd October as the date when “the schooner” sailed away. Though “The Piraki Log” states that Captain Hempleman, his wife and eight Europeans, were left behind, they were not brought there by the schooner on this visit. Captain and Mrs. Hempleman had sailed from Sydney in the Dublin Packet on 5th February, and it is probable that on 23rd October, the schooner was taking away the produce of the station, leaving the captain and his wife there for the off season. as from this time onwards they were to be residents at the Bay.

We have already seen that Captain Clayton was bound by agreement to take the gang back to Sydney in October.

Hempleman tells us that Taiaroa called in at the station on 24th October, and left again for Port Cooper on the thirty-first. On this date, also, came a summons to the natives to proceed to Cloudy Bay to fight Te Rauparaha. Taiaroa was again a visitor on his return journey, on 18th November. On the fourteenth Hempleman's station was visited by a boat belonging to Queen Charlotte Sound, owned by Jones, and containing a party of Europeans. After staying two days, and after plundering Hempleman of what they could lay their hands on, the boat's crew returned to the Sound.

On 13th October the brig Martha sailed from Cloudy Bay with 100 tuns of oil and 12 tons of bone. Captain and Mrs. Guard and the family went up in her to Sydney, and they were accompanied by Mr. Flegg. Captain Maughan left the three American whalers, Mechanic, Chariot, and Orozimbo, and the Fame, and Caroline, in Port Underwood. On board the last two were cargoes of 50 and 160 tuns respectively. Messrs. McGaa and Co.'s gangs had procured 100 tuns, and Ferguson's 60 tuns, during the season.

This same month H.M.S. Conway paid a visit to Kapiti and Cloudy Bay. The author has already had occasion to call attention to the peculiar manner in which the officers of H.M. ships of those days recorded their movements. C. R. Drinkwater Bethune, the commander of the Conway, was not so bad as some. He did give some information. He tells us that on 19th October, he observed a brig under Entry Island—the naval men never called it Kapiti—that a boat came from the brig, and that an officer of the brig piloted the Conway to an anchorage. Our curiosity to know the name of the pilot, or of the brig, is not satisfied. On the twenty-first the Conway left the anchorage, and next morning worked into Cloudy Bay, where the Caroline and Denmark Hill were anchored. Wood and water were taken on board on the twenty-fourth, and the same day the Bee arrived. H.M.S. Conway sailed next morning.

The vessels which were anchored in Port Underwood when H.M.S. Conway was there did not remain long after she sailed. The Caroline sailed for the sperm fishery on 1st November, but, when off Lookers On, on the third, shipped a heavy sea which stove her bulwarks, broke the staunchions, split the covering boards, and stove all her boats. Badly damaged, she made for Port Levy for repairs. There the Bee met her on the seventh, and the same day the Denmark Hill was compelled to creep into the same refuge for repairs.

On 7th November the Roslyn Castle reached Sydney after an absence of 19 months with what was believed to be the largest cargo of oil which had ever been brought into port—3000 barrels of black oil, 500 of sperm, and 15 tons of whalebone. Large and all as the cargo was it did not prevent the owners, Richards & Co., getting into financial difficulties. William Long, James Wright, and Wm. Richards, Senr., were all associated in the whaling trade on the New Zealand coast under the style of Wright and Long, and Richards & Co., and, under one or other of these designations, owned the Proteus, the Roslyn Castle, and the Bee, and two shore whaling stations at New Zealand.

About a fortnight after the arrival of the Roslyn Castle Long and Wright called a meeting of their creditors, and followed it up by assigning the estate to trustees to realise. The proposal was that if 15s. in the £1 were paid inside of two years a general release should be given; dividends were to be paid when 5s. in the £1 was available, and when another 2s. 6d. was to hand. Valuations showed a surplus of about £10,000. The estate of Wm. Richards, Senr., and of Richards & Co. were also brought under trustees.

The first difficulty which arose in the administration was that the sailors had to come in as ordinary creditors, and did not enjoy any prior right of payment of their wages such as sailors in the British merchant service enjoyed. Although it was suggested in the press at the time that the sailors should be paid at once and in full nothing appears to have been done and the omission was responsible for a tragedy.

What is very probably the first paper money made for circulation in the South Island of New Zealand was a £1 note made by Captain Clayton for circulation at his whaling establishment at Queen Charlotte Sound. So far the author has not had an opportunity of seeing one of these interesting pieces of money, but he has the authority of the editorial “we” of the “Sydney Gazette” of 9th September, 1837, that the note was “a neat specimen of workmanship and reflects credit on Mr. R. Clint of George Street who executed it.”

As the only advertised sale of a shore whaling station and plant at New Zealand, the advertisement of the Trustees of Wright and Long of the two stations at Kapiti is given.

Wright and Long's Extensive and very

prosperous Whaling Establishments,

at Wycatti and Capertee,

New Zealand.

By Order of the Trustees.

Isaac Simmonds & Co.

Have been instructed by the Trustees of the Estate of Messrs. Wright and Long, to sell by Public Auction, on Tuesday next, the 28th of November, at 10 o'clock precisely, on the premises of Mr. W. Long, George Street,

The whole of the said Whaling Establishments at New Zealand.

At Capertee

One hundred and fifty tuns of casks, more or less.

Five boats, ditto, ditto.

Three coolers, ditto, ditto.

At Wycatti or Entry Island.

Sixty tuns casks, more or less.

Seven Boats, ditto, ditto.

Whaling Gear, &c.

Terms made known at time of sale.

When the Bee reached Sydney on 11th December, she had 40 tuns of oil and 2 tons of bone on board. There also came up as passengers a whaling gang of 17 men.

“On Tuesday, Captain Gluvias waited on the owners on shore and was made acquainted with the state of Messrs. Wright and Long's affairs, and the asignment of all their effects to trustees for the benefit of their creditors. It appears, that during the conversation, Captain Gluvias was informed that the Trusteees showed every disposition to satisfy all just claims, as the cases of the Proteus and the Roslyn Castle instanced. The result was, that as the Captain was going away, he expressed his determination to haul the vessel alongside the wharf of Messrs. Walker the next day (Mr. Thomas Walker being one of the trustees) and discharge her cargo. The cargo, as before stated, consisted of oil and bone. Oil for Mr. Jones; oil and bone for Messrs. Wright and Long, and oil for Mr. M'Gaa. The circumstances that afterwards occurred will be best explained, from stating the case as it appeared before the police. On Thursday, two persons named Abraham Sharing and—Woodhall were placed at the bar of the Police-office, on the charge of constable Edward Sweenie, who stated that about half-past two on Wednesday morning, while on duty at the King's Wharf, he observed a boat approaching, which he hailed; there were two persons in the boat, but they returned no answer; the constable saw the boat pulling towards Captain Carter's Wharf he then went round and observing that the boat contained a quantity of whale bone, and a few other articles, he accosted the two persons to know whence they had obtained it at so late an hour; they answered that they received the property from the Captain of the Bee; Sweenie not thinking this account satisfactory, took the persons to the watch-house. The next day they were brought before the Magistrates, and the account they then gave of themselves, was such as to induce the bench to discharge them, and grant a warrant for the apprehension of Captain Gluvias of the Bee. On Friday, Thomas Gluvias, the master, was placed at the bar on a charge of robbing the estate of Messrs. Wright and Long. Mr. E. D. O'Reilly, the solicitor for the trustees, and Mr. A' Beckett appeared to prosecute. The evidence which was very lengthy, amounted to the following:—On Tuesday afternoon Captain Gluvias called upon Mr. Woodhall where he met Sharing, formerly storekeeper to Marsden and Flower, and had some conversation with them respecting the situation in which he was placed; after speaking of the precarious state of the affairs of Messrs. Wright and Long, he said the trustees had guaranteed to pay all just debts, but that assertion would not protect him, it only extended to the sailors whose wages would be paid, but he (the Captain) would have to come in as a creditor; he also said he had property on board, which it would be a pity for him to lose, for the trustees would come on board the next day and seize all, which would be sold; he then requested them to come on board with him and assist in removing his property. Woodhall, in his evidence, stated that in the conversation just alluded to the Captain wished him to assist him in removing some whalebone from the Bee to remunerate him for his wages, this, he said, he should acquaint the owners with, and would either give it up or account to them for it, when paid. The three proceeded on board the vessel where they saw the chief officer, James George Bailey, a New Zealander, who requested leave of the Captain to go ashore; Captain Gluvias asked him how long he should be away? The mate said half-an-hour; the Captain replied, it is of no use saying half-an-hour, if you mean to stay two or three hours; Bailey then said, he would stay two hours; Captain Gluvias then remarked, you had better take some of the crew with you to take care of the boat and bring her off. Bailey said there was only a man and a boy on board who would be required for the watch; but being told by the Captain to take the man, he went forward to him, but returned without him and went ashore by himself. The party then consisting of the Captain, Woodhall and Sharing, went down to the cabin, and had some refreshment, and returned on deck, and the Captain and Woodhall went down the after hatchway with a light to select the whale-bone, leaving Sharing on deck. This transaction took place about half-past eight o'clock; the night was very dark. The Captain commenced selecting the bone, but observing a light forward, he then blew out the candle and went on in the dark. and handed up some of the bone. Sharing seeing a boat approaching the vessel, told the Captain, who jumped on deck and threw down the property into the hatchway. After the boat had passed. the Captain again handed up the bone, with which they loaded the boat and the three pulled to Captain Carter's stores, where the property was deposited. They then returned to the vessel to leave the Captain; when there, Gluvias observed I have got some more whalebone, and you may as well not go back empty-handed, he then handed up some more bone, which, with that previously sent ashore, amounted to about half a ton. While the bone was being handed into the boat, Woodhall said, by G—–I'll not take more, he has already got as much as will amount to his wages. Sharing stated that the Captain had previously observed, he would take nothing but what belonged to him. As they were about to leave the vessel, the Captain threw a piece of sailcloth over the whalebone, and asked Sharing if he would like to have a piece of pork, to which he assented and received a few pieces. Before leaving the vessel, Sharing looked at the muskets in the cabin, and observed to the Captain, you may as well let me have this one, Gluvias said, very well, it will do to shoot pigeons. Sharing and Woodhall then left the Captain aboard and pulled ashore, where they were apprehended as before described. Bailey the mate states, that the bone was shipped at New Zealand by the Captain; some also was shipped at other places; and some of it belonged to the Captain. The Captain urges as his reason for acting with secrecy, that, had the affair got wind with the trustees, his property would have been detained and sold with the rest, and he would, after all his services, have to come in as a creditor, with little benefit to himself. Captain Gluvias declined calling any witnesses, and the case was remanded to Saturday.

On Saturday Captain Gluvias was again brought up. Captain Maughan of the Isabella, proved the value of the bone to be about twenty pounds. Mr. O'Reilly stated that he had been to the Custom House, and inspected the entry of the Bee's manifest, which stated the cargo to consist of oil and bone part the property of Messrs. Jones, M'Gaa, and Long and Wright; respectively, the whalebone, stated, two tons, was entered as the property of Messrs. Long and Wright. In answer to this the defendant observed, that the quantity of the oil and bone could only be ascertained when the one came to be gauged and the other weighed; he had not entered any of the bone as his own property, as, when he entered this port he expected to have disposed of his portion to his employers. He was then asked if he had anything to say why he should not be committed, on which he requested the case might be postponed till Monday, in order to allow him to consult his counsel, in whose attendance he had been disappointed on the previous day. The case was accordingly postponed. He had already applied to be admitted to bail, which request the Bench could not comply with, until the examination was concluded.

“After he was remanded, he was removed to one of the cells of the receiving watch-house, where he remained until the female prisoners were brought there, when he was removed to the common strong room. About three o'clock on Saturday afternoon, Mr. Gluvias first appeared unwell, and soon exhibited symptoms of a fit of apoplexy; he was then brought out of the cell and laid down on blankets on the floor of the passage, a constable was dispatched to the nearest medical man (Mr. Campbell residing opposite the Police Office) with a request that he would come and bleed him. The constable (Carroll) saw Mr. C., who said, that he was too much occupied to come over. A gentleman connected with the Police Office also endeavoured to induce him to come over, but without effect. Messages were sent to other medical men residing in the neighbourhood, but none could be met with at home. Information was then sent to the General Hospital, whence a cart was despatched to convey him to that place, and Dr. Robertson remained in attendance to receive him. About half-past seven the cart arrived at the Hospital with Captain Gluvias, who was speechless; every effort was made by copious bleeding, in the arms and temples, to relieve him, but all without effect; he expired about twelve o'clock. His head was subsequently opened by the surgeon and it was found that a rupture of some of the vessels had taken place, producing apoplexy, and causing death. From the appearance of the body and head there was a manifest predisposition to apoplexy, but it appears that it was hastened in the present instance by mental despondency. Since his confinement in the watch house, no one had visited him, and it appears that he was without the means of obtaining the assistance of counsel; the gentleman to whom he had applied having refused to interfere unless his fee was first sent; Captain Gluvias was at this time without the necessary funds, but attempted to procure a loan of money on his watch, in this he was also disappointed, and his watch detained in the custody of the Police. He never spoke a word after he was remanded on Saturday, until he was seized with apoplexy. An inquest would have been held on the body yesterday, but for the indisposition of Mr. Ryan Brenan, the Coroner, which rendered it necessary to procure the attendance of Mr. Hayward, the Coroner of Paramatta, on whose arrival the Inquest will be held.”

The Bee, when sold in the bankrupt estate, realised £920.

Chapter X.Otago Trade, 1836 and 1837.

With the end of the year 1835 Jones began to extend his stations and trade operations to other parts of the Otago coastline than Preservation Inlet and the Southern Islands. This obliterates the line of demarcation between the trade of the rival whaling stations of Jones and Weller and suggests a combination of the Otago trade in any continuation of the narrative. The old arrangement of separating Preservation Inlet and Otago Harbour trade will, therefore, be now discontinued.

The close of the year 1835 saw the Sydney Packet away at the Preservation Bay station and the Persian at the Otago. The latter took away from Otago, on 9th January, a cargo of 130 tuns of oil, and on her arrival at Sydney commenced preparations for her London voyage. Mean-time the Joseph Weller had been sent down to Otago on 6th January, and took away from there, on 20th April, a cargo of oil and bone. She was now under the command of Captain Gaunson, but this was her last voyage to Otago, for about the middle of March she was sold to Mr. Peacock for the coastal trade of Australia.

The Sydney Packet appears to have sailed northward after leaving Jones' station. She secured a return cargo for R. Jones and Co., and brought to Sydney the first intimation of the seizure of the Active by the Port Nicholson natives. Captain Bruce issued a warning to shipmasters to be careful in associating with the natives as they were on the move southward.

With the Persian loading for England, and the Joseph Weller sold, Weller had to make other arrangements for supplying his Otago station. He sent down a cargo of stores in the Mediterranean Packet on 2nd March, and, about a fortnight later purchased a brig of 302 tons— the Harriett—for £1500. This vessel had just arrived from China with a cargo of tea. Shortly afterwards the Sydney Packet sailed for Preservation Bay, and in April the Denmark Hill and the Harriett sailed.

Captain Greene of the Mediterranean Packet was delighted with the Otago Harbour, both as a resort for whale fishers and a place where good anchorage and plenty of whales could be got. After leaving it he sailed for Cloudy Bay.

On 17th June Captain Bruce returned from his tour of the Otago whaling stations in the Sydney Packet. He had met the Martha, of Newport, at Preservation, the Gratitude, of New Bedford, at Chalky, and on 8th May, the Ionic, of Boston, in Foveaux St. Twelve days afterwards he met the Harriett at Port William with 30 barrels of sperm oil, and bound for Otago. At the Bluff he met the Denmark Hill, with 30 tuns of oil. The Louisa had sailed from the Neck. Stewart Island, on 19th January, bound for Chatham Island.

This was the first mention of American vessels at any of the Otago ports. The Martha and the Gratitude were whalers, and the Ionic, a sealer. The Denmark Hill and the Louisa were Sydney whalers, working quite independent of the shore stations.

On 1st September Captain Bruce returned from the Preservation whaling station in the third trip of the schooner Sydney Packet. In addition to his oil cargo he had the following passengers:—Peter Williams Mrs. Williams, John Ives, Peter Thomson and Garrett Donald. He had found the Denmark Hill with 100 tuns, and the Gratitude with 150 tuns, at the Bluff on 30th July. At Otago were the Martha, the Columbus, and one English and one Colonial whaler. The Otago gangs comprised twelve boats' crews, and had secured 100 tuns of oil since the commencement of the season. At the same place a man named George McGuinness, better known as George Macquarie, from having spent a number of years at Macquarie Island, had been drowned while attempting to secure a boat which had got adrift.

Captain Bruce also reported that when at New Zealand he had observed a great number of cedar logs strewn along the beach, also a 200 gallon water cask, nearly new, and marked “Gordon.” At Passage Island the Europeans reported that they had seen a mass of wreckage floating out at sea, and, thinking it was the hull of a vessel, they went out in their boats and brought it in. It turned out to be the poop and bends of a ship about 300 tons nearly new and recently destroyed. A part of the wreck was sent over to the master of the Gratitude, who was then at the Bluff, and he expressed the opinion that she was American built. The vessel had been fastened with iron bolts, several hundredweight of which had been burnt out by those who had possession of the wreck. At sea Captain Bruce saw a great quantity of cedar, some of which was branded CFX and marked No. 9 in white paint, quite fresh. The bulk of the timber was seen near the Tortoy River, but other pieces were seen at Patterson River and at Dog Island. Captain Bruce brought to Sydney two of the quarter galley deadlights from the wreck, on which was branded, “Wallace, Leith”—supposed to be the maker's name. From the general appearance of the wreckage it was thought that the vessel must have been in the water about two or three months.

The next vessels to be sent down were the Nimrod, by Weller, on 18th September, and the Sydney Packet on her fourth trip for the year. The latter spoke the Denmark Hill between Preservation Bay and Port Finlay. That vessel had avoided Cloudy Bay and opened up new ground in Foveaux Strait. Although she had only left Sydney on 10th April she returned on 2nd November with no less than 160 tuns of black oil and 15 tons of whalebone. In addition to speaking the Sydney Packet, the Denmark Hill spoke the Marion Watson trading along the coast in August, and the Gratitude repairing in Port Finlay.

On 18th November Captain Bruce brought up the sehooner Sydney Packet with another cargo of black oil and whalebone from Johnny Jones' whaling stations. His passengers were Edward Palmer, James Spencer, and David Burman in the cabin, and James and Peter Davis in the steerage. The distinction of passengers into cabin and steerage was an indication that civilisation was proving superior to the methods of the good old days. Bruce had been to Ruapuke and reported that the brig Genii, had sailed from there the day before the Sydney Packet, with a cargo of 35 tuns of oil.

The crew of the Sydney Packet had been badly affected by the influenza before reaching New Zealand and the Natives had threatened to kill the steward for introducing this new disease among them. It had for some time been prevalent at Sydney. So disastrous had the malady proved among the New Zealanders that it was said to have arrested the warlike preparations made in connection with an invasion of the southern natives by Te Rauparaha. Great numbers of those affected by the ailment were said to be lying about half dead.

Five days later the Genii brought into port 1000 barrels of black oil, 50 of sperm, and 2 tons of bone, all consigned to R. Duke. She had been at Otago when the Marion Watson called there on 10th September. Catlin, after whom the Catlins district in Southern Otago is named, commanded her.

When the Sydney Packet left Otago the Nimrod was there loading. The American whalers, Martha and Columbus, had done well at and near Otago, securing in all no less than 3300 barrels, and Weller's gangs had obtained 290 tuns of oil, outside of what had been secured by the Harriett. The last named vessel sailed from Otago on 26th October with 199 tuns, and 7 tons of bone, and the Nimrod, on 2nd November, with 105 tuns of oil, 10½ tons of whalebone, and a whaling gang of 31 men that had been unlucky in their season's whaling.

It only remains to record that the Marion Watson was at the Bluff on 27th August, Otago on 10th September, and Port Cooper seven days later.

It was at this stage that “Johnny” Jones purchased the schooner Mic Mac, and sent her down on 6th December under the command of Captain Bruce. By this time Jones' operations in the whaling line had come very much under the public eye, and one of the Sydney papers, speaking of him, said:—“Mr. Jones has from comparatively small means (having a few years since plied as a waterman on the wharf), realised from persevering industry a very handsome competence, he is, we believe a native of the Colony and as such is a credit to his countrymen.”

1837.

On 14th January, the American barque Mechanic called at Stewart Island, and Captain Doggett landed nine seamen who had been serving on board the brig Cornwallis. The Cornwallis had been sperm whaling, and had, when going out of Bouka Bay, Solomon Islands, on 1st January, gone on a reef and been wrecked. The Mechanic, which was with her at the time, took the shipwrecked men on board and brought them to Sydney, calling en route at Stewart Island to land at their homes nine seamen who were natives of that place.

The brig Mic Mac, commanded by Bruce, and trading to Jones' stations, came up to Sydney on 4th February with 90 tuns of oil and 119 seal skins. Dr. Stewart and Mrs. Byrne also came up in her as passengers. When Captain Bruce was among them, the New Zealand natives were greatly agitated at the prospect of war with Te Rauparaha. That chief had despatched one of his generals and a strong detachment of warriors to fight the Maoris, on the western side of the island, and Bruce reported that the invaded natives had advanced to meet the northern warriors. The Europeans were also in a considerable state of alarm and had packed up their valuables and made preparations to defend themselves.

The Mic Mac was now taken off the stations trade and put on to the black whale fishery. Bears took command, and Bruce went back to his old vessel.

The huge cargoes of oil which had come up from Otago during the 1836 season caused a great deal of interest to be manifested in Otago, and in the “Australian” of 20th January, 1837, a writer, A.B., published the following shipping information relative to the Harbour, “famous in point of obtaining right whales”:—

“Port Oxley, or Otago, on the east side of the Middle Island of New Zealand, is situated at the S.W. angle of a spacious bay of the same name, and seven miles north of Cape Saunders, in lat. 45° 49′ S. and long. 170° 25′ E. The harbour being of no considerable width, and trending north and south between hills of very considerable elevation, renders the distinguishing of the entrance rather difficult to strangers proceeding there from the eastward. The following may therefore prove serviceable to such as may in the course of the whaling season be destined to proceed thereto.

“The entrance to that harbour may be discriminated from the offing by a white sandy beach about a quarter of a mile in length (situated immediately to the north of the headland forming the N.W. side of the entrance), near the middle of which there is a small rock, assuming, at a distance, a conical form, also by a number of oblong cultivated patches at, and adjoining the summit of, the hill forming the S.E. side. Having descried these marks, steer for either, as the then prevailing wind may be, until the interior of the harbour comes to view. Having proceeded thus far, the course should be shaped for the latter mark, and continued until its being approached within a musket shot; then steer along it, maintaining the same distance until brought to bear east by compass; then steer S. ½ E. for three quarters of a mile, and anchor in 2½ fathoms low water, spring tides, rather to the southward of mid-channel. A vessel of large draught of water should anchor near the second projecting headland on the southern side, where there is deep water. It may be judicious to observe, that on the N.W. side of the entrance there is a sand spit, which stretches half way across (on the most elevated part of which there reside a number of natives); therefore, plying inwards with adverse winds, the greatest attention should be paid to the lead, so as to tack on the first indication of the water shoaling.

“The tide at Otago runs with very considerable velocity; therefore vessels remaining thereat, for ever so limited a period, should moor, one anchor to the northward, and another to the S.W. High water, full and change, 3h. 30′—rise and fall (unless greatly influenced by winds) 9 feet.

“It is necessary also to observe, that during the prevalence of strong N.E. or easterly winds, the sea at intervals (during the ebb) breaks across the entrance, which would impress a stranger that to enter under those circumstances, would be incurring a great risk; I would, therefore, notice that sufficient depth of water remains, even at low water spring tides, for a vessel of any draught less than 30 feet.

“The whaling season commences at Otago the latter end of March, during which whales are in abundance throughout the bay, and often caught within the harbour. In the vicinity, the flax plant grows luxuriantly, and the fibre is of good quality. Esculents are also abundant, and obtainable at a very low price. Various species of timber grow at, and in the neighbourhood of Otago, which may be purchased from the natives at an extraordinary low price.”

March saw an agitation on foot for a rise in the wages of the sailors, and as soon as the shipowners recovered from the shock, Jones, Weller, and the Cook Strait merchants met and issued the following manifesto which puts the case with more clearness than sympathy for the lot of man before the mast.

“A meeting of the Merchant Shipowners of the Port of Sydney, having been convened this day, to consider the expediency of complying with the demand made by the seamen and labourers usually employed in the outfits of vessels (whalers especially) of four shillings per diem, have on mature consideration of the several reports and statements made, drawn conclusions:—That the demand for increase of wages does not arise from scarcity of seamen or labourers, nor from inadequacy of wages hitherto paid to such men while fitting for the fishery, but from combination on the part of the men which they believe they can carry into effect at this important and busy season of the year.

“That this meeting has great reason to apprehend serious detention to ships of all descriptions in the Port of Sydney outward bound should any advance be acceded on the usual port wages to seamen and lumpers, as the increased wages in port, would increase the already too frequent desertion of seamen, especially those from Europe.

“That this meeting view the conduct of the seamen and labourers in the Port of Sydney, as the acts of a systematic organised body whose intentions are not yet fully developed, but whose object, if accomplished, would materially retard the progressive Advancement of our Colonial marine. Therefore they, the Colonial Shipowners, resolve to adhere to the rate of wages hitherto paid by them, in their outfits or harbour pay, viz.:—three shillings per diem, with full and ample allowance of provisions: and they trust that by all the shipowners unanimously agreeing to carry this resolution into effect, they will effectually counteract any unjust attempt that may be made to injure the shipping interest of the Port of Sydney. Agreed to by us this 14th day of March, 1837.”

William Richards John Jones Richard Jones Robert Duke R. Campbell. Junr., & Co. Thomas Collins P. D. Mestre W. Walker & Co. George Weller Archibald Mossman A. McGaa. Breed & Co. G. H. Grose Campbell & Co. &c. &c. &c.

On 19th March, the Bee sailed with stores for the various whaling stations and went viâ Foyeaux Strait and up the east coast to Cook Strait. She called in at Otago on 20th April and there found the Alexander Henry, clean, and the Henry Freeling, which had recently been purchased by Mr. Weller, loading up oil at his station for Sydney, from which place she had not long arrived with a whaling gang and a supply of stores.

Captain Bruce made his next trip in the Sydney Packet and brought back in her to Sydney, on 25th May, a cargo of 18 tuns of oil, 30cwt. of whalebone, and 1 pack of seal skins. He had sailed from Preservation on 5th May, and on his round trip had found the following whalers:

At Paterson's River, Stewart Island—

The Gratitude, New Bedford, a full ship, bound home. The Margaret Rait, St. John's, out 8 months, 800 bar., bound for Bluff. The Courier, Captain Worth, 900 bar., trying out.

At Preservation—

The Bombay, London, out 13 months, 250 bar.

The success of the Denmark Hill on the Foveaux Strait grounds the previous year had directed the attention of whaling masters to that locality, and after the Cloudy Bay season was over, and the takings found to be poor compared with those of the southern bays, some of the American vessels made their way south and into Foveaux Strait.

Bruce reported that matters had developed in connection with the Maori disturbance. The Cloudy Bay war party had come overland and fought an engagement near the Bluff, when Te Puoho, their leader, was killed, and a large number were taken prisoners. This is evidently a reference to the fight at Tuturau, on the banks of the Mataura, and gives us material to fix the date of that event with a fair amount of accuracy. It was earlier than 5th May, the date of Bruce's sailing from Preservation, and the author is inclined to think that the mention made by Bruce, on his former visit, that the Natives had advanced to meet the invaders, referred to an expedition from Ruapuke, which ended the invasion at Tuturau. If so, the date of the Tuturau fight can be put down as January, 1837; if not, February or March of that year. The particulars of the expedition do not come within the province of this work, which excludes Maori intertribal contests where no Europeans took part.

On 7th May, or only two days after Bruce had sailed from Preservation, the London whaler Bombay had a remarkable escape from destruction. Captain Lawson's log gives us the minutest detail of the accident.

“Fresh winds and clear weather; people employed in bending sails, and making ship snug for whaling. By 9 p.m. the breeze increased; by midnight it blew a hurricane of wind, when the ship drove so as to bring the whole scope of cables ahead. At 1 a.m. the ship's keel struck the rocks, and there remained striking throughout the remaining part of the night, expecting every surge she would bilge herself. At midnight the same weather. Noon, the wind blew with the same violence, there being no possible means of saving the ship until the gale abated. 8 The gale still continued to blow with increased violence. At 3 p.m. the gale moderated, when two boats from Mr. Palmer's establishment, with that gentleman himself in one of them, came to our assistance at the extreme hazard of their lives, the sea being at the time feather white, in consequence of our signals of distress. With their exertions we succeeded in laying a stream anchor to heave the ship off by. At 4.30 p.m. she came off, but was obliged to slip both cables to save the ship from destruction. Hove the ship up to the stream anchor, cut the stream hawser, and made sail on the ship; beat her up and down the bay during the night, and at 10 a.m. got the ship moored by hawsers to trees on shore, and let go a kedge, with a gun to back it, fast to the remainder of the cable. Sent four boats away to get the anchors, but found it utterly impossible to get near them.”

The Bombay had sailed from London on 24th January, 1836, and, when the accident happened, had 300 bar. of sperm, 100 of black oil, and 2 tons of whalebone on board. She lost 70 fathoms of chain and 20 of stream cable, 2 bower, and 1 stream anchors.

Not very long after the Bee had called in at Otago, the vessels she reported there began to move. The Alexander Henry sailed along the coast and was at Akaroa on 10th May, and Piraki six days later. Weller's boat, the Henry Freeling, sailed on 31st May, with 30 tuns of oil and some potatoes. The Establishment had secured 100 tuns of oil in all, and the 70 tuns left over were for a vessel to come down from Sydney for. The homeward trip of the Henry Freeling was an eventful one of no less than 11 weeks. She made Akaroa on 10th June and appears to have gone on to Port Cooper. Before she reached Sydney she was almost entirely out of provisions and was assisted by the Earl Stanhope with meat and biscuit. She made port little better than a wreck, having lost her bowsprit, bulwarks, boats, &c.

The next trip of the Sydney Packet was her last. Johnny Jones had commenced a new whaling station at Moeraki, and Captain Bruce was anchored there on 17th July, when a gale set in so strong that although three anchors were down the vessel broke from them, went ashore, and became a total wreck. She had on board 50 tuns of oil and 7 tons of whalebone, which was all saved but about 30 casks of oil. The insurances totalled £900.

Moeraki is next reported to have been visited on 10th August by the Lunar, commanded by Captain Kaley and owned by Mr. Grose, of Sydney.

The Henry Freeling reached Sydney on 20th August, and Mr. Weller at once chartered the Dart to run down and bring up the balance of the oil at Otago.

It was not until the 17th September that the news of the wreck of the Sydney Packet was brought to Sydney and with it came news of misfortune to two of Wright and Long's vessels. The Proteus grounded at Moeraki, but was got off without damage; the Governor Bourke also went ashore and injured her rudder but was relaunched and sent to Otago for repairs. Tempestuous weather had been experienced all along the coast, but the shore stations had been very successful. “Johnny” Jones had secured 400 tuns of oil, and Mr. Weller, 120.

Five days before the Bombay arrived Jones had sent down the Magnet to visit his different stations, under the command of Captain Winkworth. The loss of the Sydney Packet made Jones short handed for vessels, so he immediately chartered the Lynx and sent her down to bring up Captain Bruce and the crew and cargo of the Sydney Packet, the immediate requirements of which would be attended to by the Magnet. Among the passengers who went down in the Lynx were some of Jones' leading men—Jas. Spencer, Wm. Carter, John Wilson, and two New Zealanders. The Lynx took 16 days to go down, and on the day of her arrival—22nd October—the Magnet sailed for Sydney with Captain Bruce, J. Hughes, Sherat, and McKenzie as passengers, and 100 tuns of oil and 22 tons of whalebone.

Captain Winkworth brought up a great budget of Otago news. The sea had washed over one of Weller's whaling stations, but fortunately the oil had been secured by being carried to higher ground and thus saved. The season on the whole had been very successful. The Dart had sailed on 15th October, with 112 barrels of oil and 287 bundles of whalebone, and with Mr. Harding and 19 men of a whaling gang as passengers. The Lucy Ann had discharged a full cargo of oil and was fitting for sperm fishery when the Magnet left. The Proteus, none the worse for her stranding, had 1100 barrels on board, and was coming on to Sydney with her own cargo and 60 tuns of freight. The Governor Bourke and the Isabella were loading oil for Sydney, for which port the latter sailed on 26th October. When in Foveaux Strait the Magnet spoke the Lynx, bound for the New River, and the Lunar, bound for the sperm fishery. The season's take of oil had been 200 tuns by Weller's gangs.

In October Jones still further increased his fleet by the purchase of the Genii for £2000 from Captain Duke, and Weller chartered the City of Edinburgh to proceed to New Zealand and load up with oil before sailing for London. The latter sailed for Otago on 21st October, and the former for Preservation Bay on 2nd November.

The bad luck which “Johnny” Jones had experienced in the loss of the Sydney Packet still followed him. He lost the Lynx, which he had sent to bring up oil from the different gangs along the coast. “The Sydney Monitor” of 23rd December thus describes the disaster:—

“The Lynx, Captain J. Gaunson, left Sydney about three months since for New River, New Zealand, to take in a cargo of oil from the whaling establishment of Messrs. Williams and Co. Having taken in 100 tuns of black oil, she commenced her passage down the river for Sydney on 18th November; they got the vessel under weigh about five o'clock in the afternoon, with a light breeze from the North-east. The wind dying away, they were obliged to tow her down with the boat, and succeeded in towing her about three miles when she took the ground. She got the stream anchor out and hove her off, and came to anchor in mid-channel with the best bower. At four o'clock the wind shifted round to the South-west, and came on to blow very hard, with a heavy sea setting in, which obliged them to get under weigh to run up the river again, so as to get into smooth water. In endeavouring to trip the anchor, it parted, and before they could get any canvass on the vessel, she was on shore, they tried to back her off but without success. Having but one whale boat left, they could not possibly convey an anchor out, the sea being very high; they clued up all the sails, and made all as snug as possible. By this time the sea was making a breach over her, the vessel had shipped a large quantity of water in her hold, and the cargo began to float about. Some of the crew took to the quarter, and some to the rigging. They then cut away the mainmast which fell to leeward, but hung by the lee lanyards, and after two or three bumps gainst the side started some of the planks, owing to which, she began to fill very fast; this was at day break. At six o'clock Mr. William's (Williams') boat came off to their assistance, although the sea was tremendously high, and succeeded in getting the crew into the boat, and after a great struggle they reached the shore. There are only a few huts at this place, and no provisions to spare. They only saved from the wreck, 1 cask of bread and part of a cask of cook's fat, upon which they subsisted for 8 days, when they started with the whale boat for Stewart Island, where they remained all night, and caught some fish, of which they made a hearty meal. The next morning they started for a place called the Neck, an establishment of Captain Joyce, who received them very kindly and supplied them with every necessary as far as the place would allow, until the Governor Bourke was reported off the Bluff by Mr. Palmer, a gentleman, at the time residing on that part of the island. Captain Cotherall agreed to take the Captain and chief officer, Mr. Moss, on board, but said he could not take all the crew, being very short of pro-

visions. The Governor Bourke got under way for Sydney the same day, and had a foul wind for two days, in the Straits; during this time they discovered a cask of flour and salt provisions more than they expected. Captain Cotherall again put into the Neck, and took all hands on board, consisting of the Cook and nine seamen. They had again to put into Port William to water the ship, whence they started for Sydney, on the 9th inst., and arrived safe in port on Saturday morning.”

In describing the scene of the wreck one Sydney account locates it as “near Mount Missey,” which is probably the then name for the hill to the south of the entrance.

On 12th December the schooner Henry Freeling arrived from Otago with 30 tuns of oil, 2 tons of bone, 600 baskets of potatoes, and 60 rough spars. Three men belonging to a whaling gang came up as passengers. When she left Otago the City of Edinburgh, which had arrived there on 4th November, was the only vessel in port, and she was booked to sail for Sydney on the nineteenth. The Governor Bourke had sailed for Sydney viâ Foveaux St., and the Lucy Ann and the Alexander Henry for the sperm fishery. The City of Edinburgh got away to sea on the twenty-first with E. Weller, W. Geddis, R. Driscoll and T. Elliot as passengers, and reached her destination on Christmas Day. The Henry Freeling was probably the “schooner, Bound to Otago,” which the natives, on 9th November, reported at Piraki as being then at Port Cooper.

The last voyage of the Magnet for this year was made on 9th December, when there sailed to New Zealand in her, amongst others, Thomas Jones, Mr. Hughes, T. Chaseland and wife, J. Loance and wife, and J. Hoare and wife. The Genii brought up 125 tuns of oil for “Johnny” Jones on 21st December. On her return she came viâ Cloudy Bay.

Chapter XI. The American Whalers, 1834 to 1837.

1834.

The presence of the Erie, the first American vessel to take up bay whaling in the South Island, has already been recorded. She belonged to Newport, Rhode Island, U.S.A., and sailed on her South Pacific whaling voyage in April, 1832. F. Spooner was her commander, but he left the ship at the Society Islands, and the command then devolved upon A. W. Dennis. She is first mentioned as being at Cloudy Bay on 3rd June, 1834, and information regarding her movements from Australian sources is confined to that statement. From Salem, Mass., U.S.A., however, we learn that she was at Cloudy Bay on 20th August with a full cargo of sperm and black oil, and intended to proceed to America, having purchased provisions from the Bardastre of Liverpool. On her road home she reached the Bay of Islands on 29th October, and took her departure from there on 27th November. She reached Newport with 200 barrels of sperm and 1800 of black oil, on 11th June, 1835.

1835.

The following year Cloudy Bay was visited by two of the American whaling fleet—the Warren, of Warren, Mayhew, commander, and the Halcyon. The former had commenced her voyage on 28th September, 1834, and was nine months out when she was first reported at Cloudy Bay. The latter sailed for Sydney at the close of the whaling season, and there spread wild reports of native disturbances at Cloudy Bay. Information regarding her is very difficult to procure, but Starbuck reports a New London whaler of that name, commanded by Thompson, which sailed for the Indian Ocean in November, 1837.

The arrival of the Erie at Newport in June gave the New England whalers full information of the capabilities of Cloudy Bay for bay whaling, and several of the vessels, then on the eve of departing for the South Pacific, were booked for the South Island of New Zealand. Some idea of the magnitude of the New Zealand trade in the ports of the New England States may be gathered from the fact that at this early date mails were there advertised for New Zealand. It is not suggested that these mails were advertised for the South Island, they were undoubtedly for the Bay of Islands, the general calling place of the American vessels, but all the vessels by which mails were advertised to go were bound for the black whaling bays of the South Island.

An advertisement, which the author believes to be the earliest known American mail notice for New Zealand, was found by him in the New-Bedford “Mercury” of 20th July, 1835, and reads thus:—

Letter Bags.

Ship Samuel Robertson, McKenzie, for South Atlantic Ocean and New Zealand, Aug. 5

This notice dates anterior to anything recorded in the interesting little publication on the history of the New Zealand Post Office, prepared by Mr. Robertson, I.S.O.

The information which American whalers gathered in New Zealand waters of the success of bay whaling in Cloudy Bay, and which they gave to the trade on their return to Home ports, produced an invasion of our bays by the American whalers.

1836.

The following will be found to be a fairly accurate description of the distribution of the American whaling fleet over the various whaling grounds of the South Island of New Zealand that year:—

Cloudy Bay. Arrival. Name. Port from. Master. Departure. Samuel Robertson New Bedford M'Kenzie Oct. 3 Favourite Fairhaven Bunting Apr. 22 Mary Mitchell Nantucket Joy Sep. 27 Apr. 24 Jasper Fairhaven Raymond Oct. 3 Apr. 24 Erie Newport Dennis Sep. 27 May 1 Navy Newburyport Neil July 11 May 2 Vermont Poughkeepsie Topham Aug. 22 May 5 James Stewart St. John's N.B. Gardner Oct. 3 May 11 John Adams New Bedford Luce Sep. 21 May 22 Tuscaloosa New Bedford Hussey Sep. 16 May 30 South Boston Fairhaven Butler Sep. 27 June 4 Franklin Nantucket Morton June 7 Benjamin Rush Warren Coffin Sep. 5 Aug. 2 Warren Warren Mayhew Aug. 22

Banks Peninsula. (Port Cooper, and Akaroa.) Nile New Bedford Townend Friendship Fairhaven West Warren Warren Mayhew Sarah Lee Bristol Weeks

Southern Ports. (Preservation Inlet, Chalky Bay, Port Findlay, Bluff, and Otago.) Martha Newport Potter Gratitude New Bedford Fisher Columbus Fairhaven Ellis

In connection with the movements of the Cloudy Bay fleet, it should be added that on her departure the Navy sailed for Mana Island, where there is evidence of her being as late as 7th October. The dates of departure of the Favourite and the Franklin cannot be ascertained, but the former was there on 8th August, and the latter on 6th September. The Warren only called in at Cloudy Bay: she had sailed from Port Cooper a full ship. For the detailed statements of the movements of the Cloudy Bay fleet, the author is indebted to the logs of the Mary Mitchell, the Jasper, and the Tuscaloosa, the first-named of which he discovered in the rooms of the Nantucket Historical Society, Nantucket, the second in those of the Dartmouth Historical Society, New Bedford, and the third in the New Bedford Library. The log of the Mary Mitchell is a perfect encyclopaedia of information regarding Cloudy Bay whaling, and that portion of it which records her doings while at anchor in Cloudy Bay during the bay whaling season has been deemed worthy of being published as Appendix E.

The Nile and the Friendship are reported in Hempleman's log as arriving at Port Cooper on 27th April. No further reference being made to them, it is probable that they remained there to fill up with oil, as the Nile was at that harbour on 16th September.

The only information regarding the Sarah Lee is the report of the Warren, on arrival at her destination in the United States, that she left the former in Akaroa Bay on 1st August.

Of the American vessels in the Southern Ports information is somewhat meagre, and is obtained chiefly from Australian sources, through the captains of the vessels attending on the shore whaling parties. The Martha was at Preservation Bay when Captain Bruce, of the Sydney Packet, arrived there—probably about May. She reported having on board at that time 350 barrels of black oil and 90 of sperm, and she remained at Preservation for three weeks, but not being successful, went on to Otago. In a bay near there she found a very rich spot, where during the season she secured no less than 1700 barrels. The spot selected has not been identified, but American files reported it to be at Hacarurah Bay. This might be taken to indicate Akaroa, but the dates scarcely permit of her being so far from Otago on 25th July. It might be Purakanui. The Columbus procured 1600 barrels at Otago, where she was reported to have been on 10th September.

The third American vessel known to have visited the Southern Ports was the Gratitude. Captain Bruce reported her at Chalky when he visited that port about May. She had then 950 barrels of black oil and some elephant, which she had probably secured at Desolation Island, where she had called. She was bound for Otago. On 30th July she was at the Bluff, and evidently did very well there, as later on she was spoken by the Denmark Hill repairing damage, and had then secured 2000 barrels. The latest date she was reported from the Bluff was 12th September.

The lists given above account for twenty American vessels engaged in bay whaling in and south of Cook Strait. In addition to these another vessel, the Halcyon, had, in the early part of the year, been engaged, so it was reported, conveying Maoris from Port Nicholson to the Chatham Islands.

The proportion of American vessels to the total number of whalers engaged is difficult to ascertain. In a letter from Port Cooper, sent by the Nile to New Bedford, and addressed to the agent of a London House concerned in the whaling trade, the writer puts the number of American, English, and French ships, at forty, which would make the American fleet exactly one-half of the total. The major portion of the English ships were from Sydney. In regard to the size of the vessels, the tonnage of seventeen ranged from 235 to 421 tons, the average being 333, which will give a very fair idea of the size of the vessels sent out on whaling voyages from the eastern ports of the United States. Nearly all the American whaling ports were represented, New Bedford, and Fairhaven, with five each, Nantucket, Newport, and Warren, with two each, Newbury-port, Poughkeepsie, St. Johns, and Bristol, with one each.

All these vessels took with them some sperm oil, but the oil of the right whale formed by far the larger portion of the cargo. A very large number of the whalers sailed straight from the Bay here recorded to their port of destination in the United States, but some waited for a second year to fill up with oil. To give a better idea of the size of the various vessels, the date of their return, their relative cargoes of black and sperm oil, and the weight of whalebone taken away, the information has been compiled and set out by the author in tabular form.

Ship. Tons. Return Cargoes in Barrels and Ibs. 1837 Black. Sperm. Bone. Nile 371 Feb. 4 2400 200 21,300 Warren 382 Feb. 11 3000 800 30,000 Benjamin Rush 374 Feb. 11 120 1820 Favourite 293 Mar. 21 1000 240 Friendship 366 April 15 700 Sarah Lee 235 April 26 1700 600 Columbus 382 April 26 2100 600 Vermont 292 May 12 2500 400 Martha May 31 1700 240 Franklin 246 June 11 750 James Stewart June 24 2740 300 31,000 Jasper 360 June 24 1800 250 Samuel Robertson 421 June 24 3200 200 John Adams 268 July 9 1750 250 Navy 356 July 15 2600 200 45,000 South Boston 339 Aug. 10 2400 300 Gratitude 337 Aug. 19 3100 300 Tuscaloosa 284 Dec. 16 1870 130 1838 Erie Jan. 21 2600 300 17,000 Mary Mitchell 354 May 17 1974 596

Total black oil for 18 vessels, 38,554 barrels or 4819 tuns.

The whole of the black oil, if not obtained in the bays of the South Island, was obtained in New Zealand waters, and at £28 per tun makes £134,932 the value of the cargoes of oil of these eighteen vessels in New Zealand waters.

The same principle of remuneration of the men prevailed in the American as in the Australian ships—they were paid by the lay. The following scale, dated New Bedford, September, 1832, was the one adopted by the Americans, particularly by those sailing out of New Bedford, New London, and Nantucket.

Rank. 500 tons. 350 tons. 300 tons. 150 tons. Captain 1/20 1/15 1/12 ⅛ Chief mate 1/35 1/25 1/20 1/12 Second mate 1/50 1/45 1/30 1/20 Third mate 1/60 1/50 1/25 Fourth mate 1/70 Boat steerers, Carpenters, Coopers, Blacksmiths 1/110 1/100 1/75 1/40 A.B., Cook and Steward 1/175 1/140 1/120 1/50 Ordinary Seamen 1/200 1/175 1/150 1/65 Crew 35 30 22 18

£29 per ton old measure was allowed for oils; £7 10s. allowed for black oil.

In addition to the fleet of whalers, there appeared in Foveaux Strait a schooner—the Ionic—from Boston. Captain Bruce spoke her on 8th May with only 52 skins on board although she had been thirteen months out. Her captain, Clark, transhipped his cargo to the Selma, and sailed about the middle of June from the Bay of Islands for California. On her road she called in at the Sandwich Islands, where she remained from the middle of August to about the end of September.

From the logs of the Mary Mitchell, and the other American vessels of the Cloudy Bay fleet, a general idea of the 1836 whaling season, from the American side, can be gathered. It is worthy of mention, incidentally, that of the vast fleets of whaling vessels which represented America, Britain, New South Wales, and Van Diemen's Land, the only logs which can now be obtained are those of a small craft called the Bee, sailing out of Sydney, and those of the Americans, which can be obtained in great numbers. The author knows of not one other log of all the vast fleets of British whalers which visited our shores up to 1840.

The American whalers were on an entirely different footing to the Sydney and Hobart Town vessels. The latter were near their own headquarters and could come and go at their own convenience, while the former were compelled to make the bay their headquarters for the whole of the season, and even at the end of it were indebted to the natives for the supply of provisions which were to last them for the years of their voyage. For similar causes the proportion of men who knew and could converse with the Maoris was very much smaller than in the Sydney and Hobart fleets. The Americans had, therefore, to rely to a greater extent on Maori labour, and to be indebted to the services of interpreters. These men were locally called “tonguers.” There were two or three such men at Cloudy Bay—Europeans and mostly runaways from ships. Each tonguer had a boat, and had also a number of natives attached to him. On the arrival of a vessel he went on board and canvassed for employment, which consisted of interpreting and furnishing a boat's crew to help to tow the dead whales, and to cut them up. The remuneration for these services was the carcass and tongue of the whale. This would provide about six or eight barrels of oil per whale. The tongue was always left on the carcass under the Cloudy Bay whaling conditions. In “The Piraki Log” the word “tonguer” is suggested as a corruption of the Maori “tonga.” This is quite wrong. A tonguer was a man who interpreted and assisted in cutting up and who was paid with the tongue of the whale. Wakefield has fully described his duties; so also has Pitt Johnston.

No sooner was the anchor down in Cloudy Bay than provision had to be made for the season's stay. One of the first things was to arrange for the building of a house ashore, in which to do coopering and to mend boats. Arrangements were made with the chiefs who held power locally delegated to them by Te Rauparaha. Sometimes they were difficult to deal with, but as they were jealous of their patrons leaving them for another part of the Bay, where they would be under another chief's jurisdiction, the ordinary commercial instincts of the parties were responsible for a working tariff, generally of some 100 heads of tobacco. These same chiefs exercised control over the coves, and would, for a consideration like two muskets, give a captain the use of a whole cove for wood and water and for landing casks, and would also give him power to exclude others therefrom.

The ships rode at anchor in the many little coves of Port Underwood, and, as they came from the same ports in the United States, and had been long removed from their own country, a custom grew up of parties visiting from the different ships when things were quiet. Some of the captains did not like the riot which this custom brought about, and did their best, by securing isolated anchoring places, to get clear of it altogether.

On board the Navy was a doctor, to whom the many casualties of the fleet were taken for treatment.

If the captain desired to man more boats than the number of his crew would permit, recourse was had to the Maori village for able-bodied men accustomed to handle an oar. They were got at what is now known as Tory Channel, at that time not distinguished from Queen Charlotte Sound, but called simply, the Sound. Sometimes the boats, on returning from the Sound, were found to contain more women (called squahs by the Americans) than men. Numbers of these Maori women associated themselves with the crew during the ship's stay in port, and only left when the ship sailed at the end of the season.

The question of labour to man the boats was complicated by the attractions held out on shore to the sailors to abscond and seek other employment. A rum shop ashore was responsible for enticing the men from their work, with the result that they often came on board mad drunk, and either broke the captain's skull, or had their own broken by him. Employment in a shore gang sometimes proved too attractive for the weaker men, and the log of the Mary Mitchell records the fact that the fourth mate applied for and obtained employment in Guard's whaling party ashore. As he appears to have been a useless man he was got rid of without any regrets.

There were also charges made against one man associated with Sydney whaling—enticing men from their ships. The Sydney records which mention the fact carefully omit the name of the accused, but Captain Joy, in his log, gives his name as Richards, the captain of the Roslyn Castle.

After arranging the crews, the usual course of procedure was to mate with another vessel. Thereafter the two vessels worked in concert, and, according to rules well recognised, shared between them the whales caught by their two boats.

The day's procedure was for the full number of boats the ship could supply to go out early in the forenoon and scour the Bay for whales. At five they returned with what “fish” they had secured. As many as twenty to twenty-five boats were recorded as being out at one time. The captain generally remained with the vessel and attended to the woodcutting or boat repairing on shore, or the cutting, boiling, or stowing away on board. If by reason of the distance it was impossible to tow the dead whales to the vessel they were anchored. In one case recorded a whale was anchored on Sunday, after having been towed for six miles; on Monday it was found seven miles off, but as only one boat was there it had to be left; on Tuesday there was no appearance of it and with it were lost the anchors, two lines, and six irons. It was no uncommon thing for the anchored whale not to be got in until the third day.

These derelict dead whales were sometimes secured by other vessels, or by shore parties; sometimes they drifted ashore and were taken possession of by the Maoris, who took out the bone and sold it to the whalers. Sometimes the harpoon would draw after the whale was fastened, and the latter would thus be lost.

It was but natural that with whales escaping alive, and getting free when dead, disputes sometimes took place regarding the ownership of a dead “fish.” The unwritten law of whaling jurisprudence settled many of the questions, but local conditions sometimes caused even these to be varied. Thus, on one occasion, the captain of the Mary Mitchell formally notified the different masters that where he was obliged to cut from a whale on account of his boat being stove in, he would not agree to give up his claim to the whale. Where a contention took place as to the ownership of the “fish,” the dispute generally went to settlement by arbitration. Thus where one of the whales anchored by the Mary Mitchell boats was claimed by the John Adams, three referees met and awarded the prize to the Mary Mitchell.

A popular custom observed in connection with the towing of whales was to take out a bottle of rum and give it to the boat's crew after a heavy drag.

The stove boat question was found to be a very serious one for the Americans. With the help of Maoris to supplement their crews, a whaler could launch five boats to scour the Bay, but boats were getting stove in so often that it was seldom that one at least was not in the hospital undergoing repairs. Whether it was due to the inexperience of the mass of the men engaged cannot be ascertained in the absence of the like information from British and Sydney whalers.

Independence Day was kept with all the honours by the American fleet, much ammunition being expended in the process.

The two nationalities—British and American—appear to have carried on their work side by side without anything in the nature of a rupture. In the quiet waters of the New Zealand bays the Americans sold to the British quantities of whalebone to enable a British certificate to enter it into the Port of London at a lower duty. The ships also helped one another when short of tackle. Captain Joy records having purchased an anchor from an English vessel for 40lbs. of tobacco and a steering oar. The same American captain had, however, a very poor opinion of the crews of British vessels. He had landed on one occasion with some twenty other boats, five of which were English, and he records “the most blackguard language from 5 English boats there sparing no person at all in short I shall ever keep clear of English ships as they have no authority.”

In spite of Captain Joy's opinion, a friendly relationship between the two nations was the order of the day, and when Captain Bateman, of the English whaler Cheviot, who had a number of his men enticed away, retaliated by seizing some of the boats of the offending party, Captain Neil, of the American whaler Navy, forwarded him the following remarkable justification:—

Ship Navy Oct. 7 1836.

Manna

. Dear Sir,—

I received your letter of the 6th instant, and as you request my opinion in writing, tending the loss you sustained by part of your crew deserting you and joining a shore party employed by of Sydney, I am well aware that your men were taken from Cloudy Bay in the barque and to my certain knowledge distressed your ship much. It is my opinion had not these men been enticed from your vessel you would have had double the quantity of oil you now have, your crew being much reduced; but as Captain ….. told me there was “no law in New Zealand” I commend you for having taken the boat as part payment for the injury sustained.

I remains dear Sir, Yours, Francis Neil.

An important source of revenue to the natives who lived at the Bay was the supply of food to the whaling fleet. They brought on board fish, turnips, and potatoes, which they sold for their dearly beloved pipe and tobacco, a head of the latter, with a pipe, purchasing fish enough to supply the ship's company for a meal. The employment of the natives in small jobs ashore, and in manning the boats, has already been referred to.

The domestic and sanitary conditions prevailing in the native villages evoked expressions of disgust from the American whaling captain.

“This afternoon I saw with disgust the manner these Natives live or rather exist—in an enclosure containing 9 huts each of which had but one side and the two ends thatched the other side entirely open some facing one way some another to screen them from the wind in whatever direction it might blow. In one I observed 4 sows 2 with litters of Pigs 2 boars 5 dogs a bitch with 5 large pups Sucking, a woman asleep on a mat another scraping raw potatoes to boil another suckling a young child 2 other women sitting on a mat deliberately picking the vermin from their shoulder mats and the men nearly all asleep on the damp ground with nothing under them but their mats. Accordingly as might be expected tho inured to it from their infancy they all had a bad cold and accompanied with a cough such a miserable set of Natives I never before witnessed and to these disgraces of humanity we must pay tribute in shape of presents! Shame!”

1837.

After the completion of the bay whaling of the 1836 season, the American fleet of whalers separated, the full vessels making for home, and those not yet ready to leave following the whales off the coast.

Of the homeward bound vessels the Nile sailed direct from Port Cooper to New Bedford, and negotiated the voyage in 137 days. Generally, however, the whalers made for the Bay of Islands, where were to be obtained first-class provisioning and equipping facilities for the long homeward journey. Some made a call at one or other of the Brazilian ports of Bahia, Pernambuco, St. Catharina, or Rio Janeiro. The Warren, the Martha, and the Erie called in at the first-named port; the Columbus, the Favourite, and the Vermont stopped at Pernambuco; the Jasper at St. Catherina; and the Navy, the Mechanic, and the Rosalie at Rio Janeiro.

While on the coast of Brazil, trading was sometimes indulged in. The Warren sold 1400 barrels of her oil at Bahia, and the Rosalie 2000 at Rio and loaded up with coffee for home.

More whalers sailed from the Bay of Islands than direct from the bays where they had taken the whales, and the great bulk of them relieved the tedium of the long homeward journey by a run ashore in Brazil. The length of the home voyage varied from 90 days in the case of the James Stewart, to 137 days in the case of the Nile.

Of the whalers recorded as being on the coast in 1836 there appeared there in 1837, the Gratitude, the Erie, the Tuscaloosa, and the Jasper. On the other hand we have mentioned for the first time, the Mechanic and the Margaret Rait, of St. Johns; the Courier, the Orozimbo, the Virginia and the Julian, of New Bedford; the Thule, of Nantucket; and the Rosalie and the Chariot, of Warren. There were, therefore, thirteen American whalers recorded as being on the coast during 1837.

The following was the distribution of the whaling fleet on the various bay whaling grounds:—

Cloudy bay. Ship. Port. Master. Recorded dates. Tuscaloosa New Bedford Hussey May 6 to July 18 Erie Newport Dennis June 17 to Aug. 1 Thule Nantucket Coleman July 18 to Aug. 1 Virginia New Bedford Krudup July 18 to Aug. 24 Orozimbo New Bedford Sherman Oct. 13 Chariot Warren Champlin Oct. 13 Mechanic St. John's Cudlip Oct. 13 Banks peninsula. Jasper Fairhaven Raymond Feb. 18 to Mar. 1 Mechanic St. John's Cudlip July Orozimbo New Bedford Sherman July 7 Otago. Rosalie Warren Pickens Aug. 17 Stewart island and foveaux strait. Mechanic Newport Doggett Jan. 10 Courier New Bedford Worth May to Oct. 6 Gratitude New Bedford Fisher May Margaret Rait St. John's May to Oct. 6 Julian New Bedford Trapp Aug. to Sept. 18

The above disposition shows that the American whalers had been disappointed with the results at Cloudy Bay the previous season. The Tuscaloosa and the Erie were the only two which returned to the Bay, and they mated from 11th May onwards. The Thule alone put in a first appearance. No other Americans cast anchor at this celebrated station until the Orozimbo, the Chariot, and the Mechanic came up from the Southern bays with good cargoes in their holds towards the end of the season.

The log of the Tuscaloosa shows that she came to anchor in Cloudy Bay on 6th May and had her boats out on the bay on the eighth. On the eleventh she mated with the Erie, and the first whale of the partnership was killed the following day, which was a Friday. On the Saturday the whale was towed in and cut up, on the Sunday boiling down was commenced, and on Tuesday that process was completed and the coopering done. On 20th May three whales were killed, and another on the twenty-sixth, one on 2nd June, two on the fourth, one on the sixth, one on the eleventh, two on the twelfth, one on the fifteenth. These figures will serve to indicate how often whales were captured when two vessels were acting in concert.

Nothing is said in the log of the Tuscaloosa about other ships being in the Bay until 16th June, when it records the arrival of H.M.S. Rattlesnake. That there were other ships in the vicinity is shown by the fact that the journal of Captain Symond's brother records the fact that while the Rattlesnake lay there several whales were killed and that there were no less than 30 boats out manned by Maoris, Englishmen, Americans, and Frenchmen. Beyond the knowledge that the American boats were those of the Tuscaloosa and the Erie we have no further information.

The entries towards the latter part of the season indicate that comparatively few whales were captured, and the Tuscaloosa sailed on 18th July.

Banks Peninsula is only known to have been used by the Mechanic and the Orozimbo. The captain of the former vessel is given as Doggett, when in Foveaux Strait. Cudlip, when at Banks Peninsula and in Cloudy Bay, and Pease, on arrival at St. John's. The Jasper simply called in for refreshments while whaling along the coast in the early part of the year before leaving for home. Her log records the fact that she was at anchor at Akaroa during the period given.

The information regarding the Otago harbours was brought to New Bedford by the Courier, which sailed home from Stewart Island under Captain Worth on 6th October, and reached New Bedford under the command of Captain Crowell on 12th January, 1838, Captain Worth having died when the vessel was eight days out from Stewart Island. In May, the Courier, the Gratitude, and the Margaret Rait were all at the Neck, Stewart Island, but it is probable that they visited the Bluff and other ports during the bay whaling season.

The following are the particulars of the return home of the whalers not already given:—

Ship. Tons. Return. Cargoes, in barrels and lbs. 1838. Black. Sperm. Bone. Courier 381 Jan. 12 2550 26,000 Virginia 346 Mar. 24 2260 240 Julian 350 July 25 3217 Mechanic July 27 2860 260 27,500 Chariot 355 Sept. 20 Orozimbo 588 Oct. 3 3297 305 1839. Rosalie 323 May 2 120 10,000 Thule 285 July 19 2085 68

No particulars are available of the Margaret Rait beyond the fact that she had 2000 barrels on board when at Stewart Island.

The cargoes of the seven vessels ascertained amounted to 18,259 barrels of oil, and from the few cases where the weight of bone has been given it can be seen that 10lbs. of bone went to 1 barrel of black oil.

Of all the American whalers none has a greater interest to New Zealanders than has the Julian, of New Bedford, which “fished” the Foveaux Strait bays during this season. Taking to himself a wife from among the daughters of a Foveaux Strait chief, there was born to Captain Trapp, the commander, a son, who, in the person of the Hon. Tama Parata, M.L.C., represented the South Island in the Parliament of New Zealand for nearly a quarter of a century, and retired to the Legislative Council, from which elevated political station he now sees his former position filled by his son, Charles Parata, M.P. The third generation of this talented and distinguished family is represented by Miss Te Kahureremoa Hinehoukiterangi Parata.

Chapter XII.The Preservation Manslaughter Trial, 1838.

On 18th January, Captain Edward Palmer was charged before Colonel Wilson, at the Police Office, Sydney, with having killed a lad named Charles Denahan, who had run away from the Denmark Hill while she was in Foveaux Strait and had joined the Preservation Inlet whaling station. Palmer was alleged to have beaten the lad with a rope's end because he neglected to look after a boat which had been left in his charge at Look Out Point, with the result that it had drifted among the rocks and got broken to pieces. He was committed for trial. Mr. G. R. Nichols defended Palmer, and bail was allowed, Palmer himself in £500, and two sureties in £250 each.

Before the date fixed for hearing, two of the Crown witnesses—Howard and Perry—left Sydney in the whaling vessel Pilot, and, as they were in the house when Denahan was beaten, and it was suggested that they had been smuggled away by the defendant and his partner, the proper conduct of the case was very materially prejudiced. Informations were, therefore, laid against Palmer and Jones for endeavouring to pervert the ends of Justice by keeping these men out of the way. When the case was called on at the Police Court, on 10th May, an adjournment was granted until the seventeenth.

The Supreme Court trial took place on 16th May, and, owing to the position of the parties, was reported at length in the press, and attracted great attention in Sydney. Advantage is taken of the fact that it was never published in New Zealand, where Jones and Palmer afterwards became so well known, to reproduce the trial in full here.

Supreme criminal court.Wednesday, May 16. Before Mr. Justice Burton and a Civil Jury.

Edward Palmer, late of New Zealand and Sydney, oil merchant, a subject of our Lord the late King