Niuē-fekai (or Savage) Island and its People

Part I

BY way of preface, I may say that I resided on Niuē Island in 1901 for nearly four months, having gone there at the request of His Excellency the Earl of Ranfurly, Governor of New Zealand, to introduce a form of government somewhat more consonant with British ideas than the existing one, a proceeding which was rendered necessary by the annexation of this and many other islands to New Zealand under a Proclamation made by H.R.H. the Duke of Cornwall and York at Auckland on the 11th June, 1901. The position I occupied during my visit, as Government Resident, put me in a favourable position to obtain information from the natives, but although possessing a fair knowledge of several of the dialects of the great Polynesian language, that of Niuē is so divergent from the others that it took me some time to acquire a sufficient knowledge of it to enter freely into communication with the natives. Hence the sketchy nature of many of the notes I have preserved. I am very greatly indebted to my friend the Rev. F. E. Lawes for a large amount of matter contained in the notes to follow; but for his knowledge of the language and the people, I should have acquired but little matter relating to their customs. So soon as I could speak freely to the chiefs in their own language and they found that I was interested in their history, &c., I began to find that there was a great deal of interesting information to be obtained, but my early departure prevented my availing myself fully of this. It is to be hoped that my successor as Resident, on acquiring the language, will make use of his exceptional opportunities of recording as much as possible of the history and beliefs of this people before the day is nast for so doing

Niue-Fekai From the Admirally chart

On the whole, the history of the people obtained is unsatisfactory, for the Niuē people differ very much from most branches of the race, in that they have few historical traditions, and, what is really very strange in a branch of the Polynesian race, no genealogies of consequence, and hence there is lacking the means of fixing chronologically the events which will be described. I have entered at some length into the description of the fauna and flora of the Island, having taken special care to obtain the correct native names. Failing traditions, I look on these names, when compared with those in other islands, as affording the surest way to discover the origin of the people. And, moreover, though many of the notes herein printed may not have much interest at the present day, the time will come when the descendants of the present inhabitants of Niuē will be glad to have even the little that I have gathered about their forefathers.

The Island: Geographical and Physical

Niuē is the common name by which the Island is known to the people themselves and to those of the adjacent groups, but its proper modern name is Niuē-fekai, used on formal occasions, in songs, &c. The origin of this name will be given later on. In the meantime it may be mentioned that it has a probable connection with those of other islands in the Western Pacific, such as Niuā in the New Hebrides, Niua-fou north of the Tongan Group, and Niuā-taputapu, Keppel Island.

The letters a and e are constantly interchangable in the Polynesian language. It was stated to me that fekai should really be faikai, food-possessing, but this requires confirmation. The word fekai is lost in the Niuē dialect, but in Tonga and Samoa—which are the dialects most akin to that of Niuē—it means “fierce.”

It is somewhat remarkable how difficult to English tongues is the pronunciation of this name, and how often it is misspelt. It is pronounced in English letters “neeooway,” with a strong accent on the “way.” But this was not the original name of the island. Apparently its earliest name was Nuku-tu-taha, which was given by Huanaki, one of its earliest discoverers, from the fact of its being a solitary island, not one of a group, nuku being a very common Polynesian name for an island, or land, whilst tu is to stand, taha (Maori tahi) singly; one, &c. If, as is probable, the original discoverers came from the groups to the west, this would be an appropriate name to apply, as distinguishing it from the many-isled groups to which they were accustomed. Another old name of the island is Motu-te-fua, to which the natives now attach the meaning of sterile (tufua), but as there is a fairly strong accent on the te, this is probably the old Polynesian negative not now used by the Niuē people, and might perhaps be translated by “the island without fruit, or offspring.” A fourth name of the island is Fakahoa-motu, which again the natives do not appear to be able to explain, beyond saying that it means that one of the original discoverers helped the other, any more than they can that of Nuku-tuluea, its fifth name. All these old names have gone out of use, except in song and on very formal occasions, being replaced by Niuē. It is perhaps needless to add that the most modern name is Savage Island, given to it by Captain Cook when he discovered

That is—discovered it, so far as Europeans are concerned. Of course, the Polynesians had discovered and occupied it ages before Captain Cook.

it in 1774–a name the natives do not like, for they feel it to be not appropriate in their present condition, and say that Captain Cook by applying this name gave them an unnecessarily bad reputation, for they never injured any of his crew, but merely made a demonstration to prevent his landing, fearing he would introduce disease amongst them.

The north end of the island has a general name, Mata-fonua (the front of the land), as has the south end, Mui-fonua (Muri-whenua in Maori, Muli-fanua in Samoa—meaning the “land's end”—in both of which countries the names are found—in New Zealand at the North Cape, in Samoa at the western end of Upolu Island. If my recollection serves me right, the east end of Rarotonga is also called Murienua). In addition to the above names, the north end of the island is called Ulu-lauta and the south end Hiku-lauta.

The sketch map accompanying this paper is taken from the Admiralty chart, to which I have added the names, villages, tracks, &c. The notice of the Hydrographer Royal should be drawn to the shape of the south-east end of the island, which is apparently a good deal out of position, and requires rectification.

The south point of Niuē is situated in south latitude 19° 10′, west longitude 169° 17′. The nearest land is Vavau, of the Tonga group, distant nearly west 240 miles. Tongatapu Island is distant S.S.W. about 300 miles, and Tutuila, of the Samoa group, N. by W. 270 miles. To the east Palmerston Island is the nearest land, about 360 miles E. by N., all directions given being true.

The island is about 40 miles in circumference, the extremes of length and breadth being about 17 and 11 statute miles respectively, whilst its average height above sea level is about 220 feet. It belongs to that class termed a “raised coral island,” and has a fringing reef (uluulu) quite close to the shore, the width of which is about 60 to 80 yards. Intersecting this reef in numerous places are narrow—and often deep—chasms (ara) which, under ordinary circumstances, afford good landing places, at any rate on the leeward side, which is towards the west. On the east side, where the prevailing E.S.E. trade winds blow home for eight months out of the twelve, landing is extremely difficult, if not impossible.

1. NIUE.—COASTLINE WESTWARDS FROM ALOFI BAY, THE CAPITAL

2. NIUE.— MATAPA CHASM

The island has been raised by several efforts of the subterranean forces, as is plainly visible in the terraces which surround its shores. These elevations have been unequal in character and extent, and practically may be reduced to two.

The terraced formation may be seen, though not distinctly, in Plate No. 1.

The earliest caused the central part of the island to rise about 130 feet, and thus it remained for ages, the wide terrace on which most of the villages now stand, being at that time the encircling or fringing reef. The other great elevation raised the island a further height of about 80 to 90 feet, since which time little change appears to have taken place beyond the eating of the surf into the cliffs of coral. There are indications here and there that the island was once an atoll, with probably a very shallow lagoon, now shown by the brown reddish earth of the centre of the island, which is formed of very much decomposed coral rock. This reddish earth is a feature of other raised coral islands, as noticed by both Darwin and Dana. Where not occupied by this reddish earth, the surface of the island is extremely rocky, the grey weathered surface of the coral showing in fantastic rugged masses, that makes travelling off the paths very difficult indeed. The island may be likened to an inverted soup-plate, in which the rounded edge represents the lower terrace, the rim the old margin of the lagoon, and the bottom the level or undulating surface of the old lagoon. Coral (feo) is the only rock to be found on the island—there is no sign of any volcanic rock whatever. It decomposes into a fertile soil in the hollows of the rocks, more so than the reddish earth, which is not so rich but yet often supports a dense vegetation.

The second elevation of the island appears to have been of a more sudden character than the first, for it was probably during that period that the series of longitudinal chasms were formed that so frequently are found at the foot of the higher terrace—the old shore line, in fact, before the second elevation. Some of these chasms are very picturesque, overhung as they are by the rich vegetation of the tropics, and frequently containing pools of water in the bottoms, which serve as the water supply of the people. A particularly picturesque spot is Matapa, where the chasm that runs along a considerable length of the east side of the island (here and there) runs out to sea.

See Plate No. 2.

It appears as if the lower terrace had fractured, with a tendency to split off, leaving these chasms to mark the points of weakness. It is along this lower terrace—which may average about one-third of a mile in width—that six out of the eleven villages are situated, all shaded by coco-nut groves, and presenting a very pretty appearance with the gleaming white coral houses of the natives showing amongst the dark green foliage.

The island is so rocky that cultivation, in the ordinary sense of the word, is extremely difficult; and yet the natives, by hard labour, produce from the soil abundance of food, of which the talo is the most plentiful, and is most excellent of its kind. It is extraordinary to see how well this plant, together with bananas (futi) and other food-plants, flourish amongst the rocks in places where it would generally be deemed impossible to grow anything. In the interior parts where the reddish earth prevails, certain kinds of food are also grown, such as sugar-cane, talo, &c., but the soil is generally not nearly so productive here. All over the interior the coral rock crops up here and there, even amidst the reddish soil, and often the finest trees on the island grows where there is most coral rock. It is difficult to get a view of any extent in the interior owing to the vegetation, and it was not until after much searching we found a place from which to take a photograph. Here an extent of about five miles was seen, and as in all other parts, there was no elevation visible above the general surface of more than 25 feet. The whole interior plateau is, in fact, a very gently undulating plain, from which the edges slope off somewhat steeply on all sides to the lower terrace. The edge of this plateau, or upper terrace, is about three-quarters of a mile distant from the sea.

It may be said that the whole island is covered by forest, although there are places here and there where the vegetation degenerates into serub. But these places have apparently been burnt and cultivated in former times, and the forests destroyed. The general name for the inland parts is tafagafaga

It is as well to explain here that the Niuē “g” has always an “n” before it. Thus tafagafaga is pronounced tafangafanga (cf. Maori tawhangawhanga and whanga, a district, place, space, also the big ocean rollers.

or rao, whilst the second growth of forest is called koukou-motua, and the wild native forest rao-motua.

From what has been stated above as to the source of the water supply, it will be understood that fresh water is scarce. The sole reliance of the islanders in this respect is upon the pools of water in the caverns (ana, or aloalo), for there is no such thing as a running stream in the island. The water is often deep below the surface and has to be hauled up by lines, but usually the supply is to be obtained not much below the level of the land. Many of the caverns contain brackish (māē) water (rai)

Vai or wai is the common word for water wherever the Polynesian language is spoken, but the Maoris distinguish fresh water as wai-maori, or common water. The Niuē people have no such word as maori (native, common, in the ordinary manner) in their dialect, though it is found in several others.

which rises to a level of 60 to 70 feet above the sea level, and is affected by the tides at that height—such water is used for washing, bathing, and sometimes (in dry seasons) for drinking. It follows from this scarcity of water that the variety of talo grown in the island is of the kind that requires little moisture, unlike the taro of Eastern Polynesia, which requires periodical floodings with water. The Niuē talo is the best, to my mind, grown in the Pacific. The people depend largely on the milk of the cocoanut for drinking.

Villages, Population, &c.

It has already been stated that six of the villages are situated on the lower terrace of the island. There are eleven villages in all, as will be seen from the following table. The numbers of the population are as supplied by the Rev. F. E. Lawes, from data obtained in 1899:

Population Alofi, on the west side of the island 719 Alofi (students) 49 Tamakautoga 275 Avatele 401 Fatiau, on the south-west side of the island 104 Hakupu, on the south-east 456 Liku, on the west 383 Lakepa (or Tamalagau), on the west side of the island 234 Mutalau, on the north-west 524 Hikutavake. (and Tamahatokula) on the north-west side of the island 248 Tuapa (or Uhomotu), on the west side of the island 426 Makefu 196 Absent at the guano and other islands 561 Total 4576

To these may be added—at the time of my visit—nineteeen Europeans.

Of these villages, Alofi is the capital, in the seuse that the Government Resident has his office here, and it is also the residence of the Missionary and site of the higher school in which the students are trained for the mission service in New Guinea and other islands. From its position, on the leeward side of the island, and being about mid-distant between the N.W. and S.W. points, Alofi is also the surest anchorage. Avatele is the next best anchorage and landing. Vessels sometimes anchor off Tuapa, which is the residence of the Patu-iki or so-called King. Whenever it may be necessary to ship cargo from the other villages, vessels lie off and on.

The Niuē villages (māga), like all those in the islands of Eastern Polynesia which are under the spiritual care of the London Mission Society, are substantially built and very picturesque. The houses (fale) are formed of lath and plaster, for which purpose the coral makes excellent lime (puga), with roofs thatched with pandanus leaf (lau fa) or sugar cane (lau to). They are oblong in shape, and present a very pretty appearance amongst the deep green vegetation, and are over- shadowedovershadowed by tall coco-nut trees.

Plate 3 gives a good idea of what all the villages are like.

These houses are, of course, modern in design; the old native house of coco-nut (niu) leaves, oblong in shape, with projections at each end under the gable, are still to be seen occasionally, and especially away from the villages where the houses of the people now are. A Niuē village occupies a considerable space, for the houses are usually separated one from the other by intervals. Many have neat enclosures (kaina) with a few favourite sweet-scented or flowering plants growing about, amongst which the gardenia (tiale) and the Frangipani are frequent, whilst the scarlet hibiscus (kaute, the single or male flower; kaute-fifine, the double or female flower) is often seen, but perhaps more often near the graves. The village of Alofi is about one-and-a-half miles long, the houses scattered along the main road. In each village there is a substantial lath and plaster or solid stone chapel, a school-house, and the teachers residence—always the most important house in the place. Near the chapel is usually to be found the malē, an open grassy space where the people assemble and young Niuē plays cricket. The native grass (motietie; matietie in other islands) a species of twitch, forms a smooth sward—it is common to all the islands of Polynesia proper I have visited. It will be noticed here that the malē, or plaza, is similar to the Maori marae and Samoan and Tongan malae, but quite different to the Tahitian marae, which was a pyramidical structure of stone used for religious purposes.

The cultivations (māla) of the people are generally situated away from the villages, often considerable distances. They are usually in newly-cleared land, and it is through this process of clearing that a good deal of the island is now in scrub, or a second growth of wood. The people pass most of their time away in the rao, or wilds, getting food, so that during the day few people are seen about the villages. They may be met each evening returning to their homes with all kinds of food carried on a pole over the shoulder (hahamo), just like the Chinese method—this is the Eastern Polynesian custom also, but not that of the Maori.

It is apparent from a document written for me by Mohelagi, a chief of Alofi, and which will be found in Part III. hereof, that each village has a “saying” with reference to it—such as we apply to some of our towns, for example, “the Imperial City,” “the Eternal City,” and “the Empire City,” &c., &c. This is a Samoan custom and is, if I remember, called Fale-upōlu, at any rate so far as the island of Upōlu s concerned.

Roads, Tracks, &c.

Considering the very rocky nature of the island, the people are deserving of praise for the main road round the island, which passes through eight of the eleven villages. Its length is between 35 and 38 miles, and is suitable for wheeled traffic except in two places where it ascends from the lower terrace to the plateau. The greater part of its length is under the shade of the forest, either of coco-nut or the rao-motua, and is therefore pleasant to travel in hot weather. Occasionally it is very pretty. As a rule this main road (hala-tu) runs very direct from point to point, a remark which equally applies to the minor tracks (hala, or puhala). These latter are all available for horse traffic, but are frequently exceeding rocky. There are horse tracks of this nature leading into Alofi from Hakupu, Liku, and Lakepa. It is said they follow the old war trails used by the kau-tau, or war parties, of former days. The track from Alofi to Liku has been converted into a carriage-way for three-fourths of its length by the energy of the Liku people. It passes the old settlement (māga) of Palūki, which appears at one time to have been the residence of the kings, and is often mentioned in the songs. There are but two vehicles (a buggy and a cart) on the island, but horses are numerous—very sorry steeds generally speaking, which have mostly been introduced from Tonga. Roads are made by the combined efforts of the different villages, but in modern times offenders against the law are required to work out their sentences on the roads.

3. NIUE—ALOFI VILLAGE. SOUTH

4. NIUE—IN THE VAS MOTUA; KAFIKA AND MAOTA TREES

Vegetation (Trees = akau, Shrubs = lakau)

Situated as the island is, within the Tropics, it is natural to find many tropical plants growing there. The characteristic of the vegetation is the large size of the leaves and the fruits or seeds. It has already been stated that the island is practically wooded from end to end, and in some parts of the rao-motua, or original forest, the trees grow to a large size and have a very majestic appearance. These original forests are not too dense to allow of easy travelling in them—that is, where the rocks do not prevent it—for the undergrowth is not thick as compared with a New Zealand forest. There are many handsome ferns growing beneath the shade of the trees, amongst which the Kapihi is conspicuous by its beauty and frequency. Its leaves turn a bright yellow when dry, and are therefore much used by the natives for ornamental purposes in their dress on gala occasions. The Luku is also a very handsome plant (? fern), the bright shiny leaves of which grow sometimes to a length of 6 feet, with a width of 6 inches. There are two species known to the natives—Luku-fua, the leaves of which are eaten, it has the midrib green; and the Luku-la-ua, of which both roots and leaves are eaten, it has the midrib black. Many creepers are seen climbing up the trees, of which the Fua-kanai, with handsome purple-black berries as large as a walnut is very ornamental. There is a kind of cane, or liana, that sometimes reaches the very tops of trees 120 feet high called Va. Of the forest trees the Banyan (Orara) is the largest, but it is not common; the largest seen was about 130 feet high, with a circumference, outside its many stems, of about 60 feet. The Kafika is the finest timber tree, and it is very common, growing to a height of 150 feet or more, with a diameter up to 4 or 5 feet. It is a very useful timber tree with tall straight stems, the wood of a light brown colour. The Moota or Maota is also a fine tree used in canoe building, with very handsome foliage like the shumach—it appears to me to be identical with the Samoan Maota.

See plate 4, which however is from a bad photograph.

The Tarahi is also common, with handsome foliage somewhat like the Maota, and also like the locust or thorny acacia of Africa. It will be remembered that one species of the New Zealand Tawai, or Towai, has the young foliage like the locust, and probably herein is to be found the identity of name, Tarahi = Tawai—the Niuē people often insert an “h” in Maori words. (See this Journal, vol. x., p. 180.)

To mention all the names of trees and other vegetation, specimens of which I obtained, would be tedious, for there are over 150 of them; and, as with the Maori of old, these are known to everybody, even to the little urchins of 10 and 12 years of age. Every plant, however minute, seems to have a proper name, some of which are worth mentioning. Although the sandalwood tree does not now grow in Niuē (if ever it did), the people have retained its name—ahi—in place-names, as Fale-ahi, &c. It is known by that name in several islands—i.e., Tonga, Samoa, Fiji, and Futuna, asi; Tahiti and Hawaii, ahi; Marquesas, pu-ahi. The Fou, or yellow Hibiscus, is as luxurious, and its flowers as handsome in Niuē as in all other islands of Central Polynesia; its bark is used for string, for titi or kilts, and other purposes. The Ifi or Tahitian chestnut grows there, but is not at all plentiful; it is the same as the mape of Rarotonga. The Tuitui, or candlenut, is fairly common, and has the same name all over Central Polynesia; the seeds are used for lights by threading them on a stick, and the soot from them in marking the hiapo or tapa. The Tamanu tree has also the name of Fetau, as in Tonga, Samoa, &c., but it is not known in Eastern Polynesia by that name. The sweet-scented Tiale (gardenia) is known by that name in all Central Polynesia (in Maori—obsolete—the word means scent), and a variety—the Tiale-tafa—has a handsome tubular white scentless flower. The Oluolu is a tree with hard, white, close grained wood, much used in making the katoua or clubs, the wood becoming dark by age. The Brazilian plum Vi has the same name as in Tahiti, Samoa (Spondias dulcis), Tonga, Futuna, &c. It is a handsome tree, but rare in Niuē. The Pandanus or screwpine (Fa) is common; it is known by some variant of that name— fala, fara, haro, ara—in most of the islands. The leaves are used in thatching, for the making of baskets, hats (potiki), mats, &c., and sections of the large seeds are strung on string as an adornment to the person on gala occasions, its strong scent being pleasant to the natives. The coral tree (Gate)

The Niuē “g” has always an “n” before it, thus gate is pronounced ngate.

is somewhat rare, and the fine spike of scarlet flower seen in other islands is much smaller in size in Ninē. The name is much the same in other islands—i.e., Ngatae, Gatae, ‘Atae, &c.

The Le is a tree with broad handsome leaves, the wood being of service in canoe building. The Mati is a small tree, bearing on its stem rows of reddish fruit very like one of the species of mandarin orange, the fruit of which is little larger than a pea. The name Mati has been used in the Niuē scriptures as the equivalent of fig. The Futu is the Hutu or Utu of other islands, it has fine broad handsome leaves. There is a Puka and a Pukatea, both trees of some size, the latter not unlike the Pukatea of New Zealand. The Tohi-hune, or Tai-hune, or Tavāhi-kaku, is a mimosa-like tree, probably identical with the Toromiro of Rarotonga. The Toi is useful for its wood of a mahogany colour; it is not at all like the Toi of New Zealand, the foliage being not unlike the New Zealand Pomadarris Tainui, and the fruit half an inch in diameter, purple in colour. The Pua and the Pao are trees of considerable size growing near the coast, the latter of which bears a large oval seed 4 inches by 2½ inches in size, eaten in time of scarcity. The Kalāka is so like the New Zealand Karaka in its habit that the one might be taken for the other at a short distance, but they are different species. The Kānomea is a handsome tree with large seeds like plums, but not eatable. The Kieto is apparently a species of ebony, for the wood is very like it. The natives use it for barbs to their spears, and for other purposes. If it grew larger in size it would be worth exporting as ebony. The Fekakai, or Fikakai, is a medium sized tree bearing pretty crimson flowers, like the New Zealand Rata, and a very agreeable fruit coloured pink and yellow, in shape like an elongated apple. The Fua-ai bears a nut which, in my opinion, is equally as good as a walnut.

Of the shrubs (Lakau) may be mentioned, the Kava-vao, a species of Piper, as is the Kava-atua.

There is some confusion in my notes here, I am not now sure if the species of Kava used for making the drink of that name is called Kava-atua, as it is in Rarotonga.

The Niuē people, however, did not make or use the well-known Kava drink, though the latter shrub appears to me to be the same species as that from which it is made in other islands. The only use to which it was apparently put, was to fasten little pieces of the root on to their spears, which caused much irritation in the wounds made therewith. The Fou-mamāla is a handsome shrub, from the bark of which their fishing nets (kupega) are made. The Cape gooseberry has been introduced, but there is a smaller species called Fua-manini, which is said to be native to the island. The Nonu, or Morinda citrifolia, is a very common shrub, it bears the same name in Tonga, Samoa, Rarotonga; Tahiti (Nono); Futuna and Marquesas (Noni). There are four species of Polo, a solanum:—Polo-kai, Polo-miti, Polo-magaiho, and Polo-iti, the first and the last are, if not quite identical, very like the Poporo and Poro-iti of New Zealand. The name Poro-iti contains an interesting survival of a word; iti, for small, is no longer used in the Niuē dialect, tote (probably the Moriori word toke) having taken its place. Iti, however, is the common Polynesian word for small. The Niuē people use ikiiki for very small, showing the same change from “t” to “k” that has taken place in Hawaii and Samoa.

Amongst the shrubs may be included the Talotalo, a very handsome lily-like plant, with leaves 3 feet long by 4 or 5 inches wide, and with a sweet scented head of white flowers. There are innumerable creepers, several species of convolvulus, a prickly creeper called Talamoa, very like the New Zealand Tataramoa, and one—the Pomea, or Malakamea—with very pretty red and black seeds, used for necklaces. The Maile also is a pretty creeper, but not scented like the Hawaiian Maile.

Ferns are fairly numerous; some I have already mentioned. In the open parts of the island a fern like the New Zealand Piupiu (Lomaria procura) covers the ground, and is called Mohuku (the Maori Mouku, or Mauku, also the name of a fern, but a different species). The Palatao is very like the New Zealand Paretao, and is probably a variety of the same species. There are several orchids called Pupu-kalei: the only one I saw in flower was a very pretty one, purple and white.

It is said there are four palms indigenous to Niuē (including the coco-nut), of which the Logologo is the most conspicuous from its large fruit, which grows in the centre of the stem from where the leaves sprout; it is like a gigantic pineapple in appearance. The leaves are not unlike the date palm. The Piu is the fan palm, a very handsome tree indeed. Another tall palm, growing to a height of 50 or 60 feet, I unfortunately have mislaid the name of, but it is not unlike the fan palm in appearance.

I believe there are five species of Dracoena, but I only know the name of one, Ti-mata-alea, about which there is a tradition that will be referred to later on. Ti is the general name in Niuē, as it is everywhere the Polynesian Race is found, but Niuē people pronounce the word tsi. The Ti above mentioned has a pretty spray of purple flowers, but its root, unlike the others, is not eaten.

Food Plants

The coco-nut will be referred to later on, but next to it in importance is the Talo (Arum esculentum), of which there are many varieties, some of which are:—

Talo-matāgi

Talo-pulekau

Talo-pogi

Talo-toga

Talo-maga

Talo-pako

Talo-mātau

Talo-matāga

Talo-fati

Talo-kula.

Of these all are said to be Talo-tuai (from of old), except the Talo-futi and Talo-kula, which, together with the Talo-kiamo introduced from Aneityum, have been taken to the island in modern times. Kiamo is the name the Niuē people give to Aneityum Island of the New Hebrides; why, it is difficult to say, for it does not appear to be a corruption of the name of the island. This species of the Talo is yellow inside and particularly good eating. The Talo enters as an ingredient into many of their made dishes to be referred to later on. It is usually baked in the native oven (umu), but sometimes boiled. The Talo had a god (tupua) of its own named Mana-tafu-e-ika.

From Fata-a-iki's paper, which was written by the King of that name (1888-1896), which I shall often have to refer to later on.

The giant Talo (Kape)

The Samoan name is ‘ape, which is also the name for a blunderbuss. How is it the Maoris use the same word (kope) for a horse-pistol? for kape and kope are identical.

also grows at Niuē; it is the Colocasia of the Botanists. There are three varieties known to the natives, viz.:—

Kape-matamata, a tall one

Kape-lau-maō

Kape-tu-uli.

These are all eaten, but only in time of scarcity. The flower is like the arum, but smaller and yellow. It is a handsome plant, but not nearly so luxurious in growth at Niuē as at Tahiti. Pulaka is its name in the northern islands.

The yam (Ufi) is common in Niuē, but I saw none of the immense size grown in Samoa, Tonga, &c. There are nine varieties known to the natives, as follows:—

Ufi-lei

Ufi-kavekave

Ufi-kokau (wild yam)

Ufi-toga

Ufi-fetēka

Ufi-pia

Ufi-filita,

Ufi-tuā

Ufi-kamo

Ufi-pāka

of which Uti-pia and Ufi-paka are introduced kinds. It may be men- tionedmentioned here that the Maoris had a species of Kumara (Batatas), which they named Uwhi-rei, identical with the first name above, which no doubt is a recollection of the times when their ancestors knew the yam of the islands—indeed their traditions say that their forefathers brought the yam with them to New Zealand, but that it did not flourish, and so died out many generations ago.

Of the wild yams (Hoi, species of Dioscorea) there are four varieties, all more or less bitter, though the natives say of the first three mentioned below that they are magalo, sweet. They are:—

Hoi-tua

Hoi-vakili

Hoi-tea

Hoi-kona (or bitter)

This species of yam is prepared (tuhoi) by scraping, washing in salt water, and then in fresh before cooking. Their handsome convolvulous-like foliage is to be seen constantly creeping over the shrubs in the forest.

The sweet potato, know more generally as the Kumara (Batatas) is grown in Niuē, but they call it Timala or Fua-timala (pronounced Tsimala).

To save repetition, it may be explained that in the Niuē dialect, wherever the “t” is followed by “i” or “e” an “s” is introduced. The Rev. Geo. Pratt in his Samoan Dictionary says this change only occurred some 15 years before 1876.

There are several varieties, but my informant failed to supply me with the names before I left, so I only know two, viz: Mala-kula and Mala-tea. The particular kind that I saw tasted much like the old Maori Tukau variety of Kumara.

The sugar-cane is common and seems to do well in the more open parts of the island; it is of course a cultivated plant. Its native name is To, as it is in most other islands inhabited by the Polynesians; the people chew the stem, and use the leaves for thatching. The following varieties are known to the natives:—

To-gatatea

To-hega

To-hiata

To-maka

To-kula

To-fua

The Pia or native arrowroot is very common everywhere. It springs up abundantly wherever the wood has been burnt. There is a variety named Tere, with which I am not acquainted, but it is said to be acrid in taste. The Pia enters largely into the foods of the natives. It is very good, but, prepared in their way has not the bright white appearance of the arrowroot of commerce; it is light purple in color.

The banana (Futi) is almost as important a food-plant as the Talo. It grows everywhere, i.e., by planting, even in the most rocky part it seems to flourish as well as elsewhere. Some varieties have been introduced, but others are native and wild. There are quite a number of kinds I believe, but the only names I have noted are:

Futi-maholi

Futi-tea

Futi-hulahula

Futi-hai

Futi-pili-kolo

Futi-tolo

Futi-kula

Futi-uli

Futi-moamoafua

Futi-ume

Futi-mamei

Futi-toga

Futi-pāpā

Futi-hehefaga

of which the first is very large, and the mamei particularly good eating.

The Futi is largely used in the made dishes of the people. The name given by the Niuē people to the banana, differs from that of Eastern Polynesian a good deal; the names in various islands are: Tonga, Fuji

In the Tonga dialect, the letter “t” is frequently replaced by “j.” This approximates to the Niuē “ts.”

(which is the same as Futi); Samoa, Fa'i and Mo'ē; Futuna Futi, Rarotonga, Meika; Tahiti, Fe'i—the wild mountain variety=Samoan Fa'i, and Mei'a, the cultivated variety; Marquesas Fahoka; Hawaii Mai'a, Fiji, Vudi, which is the word Futi no doubt.

The bread fruit, Mei, so largely used in Tonga, Samoa, Tahiti, Rarotonga, &c., is not nearly so common in Niuē, and the trees have the appearance of being comparatively young; it seems probable therefore that it is an introduction of modern times. The name is identical with that used in Tonga, Futuna, and Marquesas, but in Somoa, Rarotonga, Tahiti and Hawaii it is Kuru, Uru, or ‘ulu; in Fiji it is Uto.

The pandanus (Fa) has already been mentioned; its drupes are only eaten in time of scarcity. The pine-apple has been introduced; but is not so plentiful as in many of the other islands; the natives give it the same name as the pandanus (Fa) from the similarity of leaves and fruit in appearance.

The papaw or mammy apple (Carica Papaya) called in Niuē Loku, flourishes well, and is to be seen everywhere. The Samoan name is Esi, Tonga, Oleji, Tahiti, Rarotonga, Mangarewa and Paumotu, Ninita, Hawaii, hei. From the diversity of names, this tree is evidently of modern introduction in the islands,

Rev. Wyatt Gill says it was introduced from Rio.

and, so far as Niuē is concerned it was first brought there from Raiatea in 1831-2.

Pilita is a creeper having a tuberous root, which is eaten in time of scarcity. It is probably the same or allied to the Pilita of Samoa (Dioscoria pentaphylla). The same name is given to the root of the Ieie (Maori Kieloie) in Tahiti, and from the tuberous root and climbing habit of the New Zealand supplejack it probably received the name of Pirita in remembrance of the above or a similar plant in the “fatherland.”

The orange (Mŏlĭ) grows well and bears fine sweet fruit, but the natives have not planted it to any extent. It bears the same name in Fiji, Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Rarotonga, and Tahiti. The lemon, lime, citron, and shaddock also flourish very well in Niuē, particularly the lemon (Tipolu). The tamarind, mango, cotton (Vavae, which is its name in Samoa, Tonga, Rarotonga, and Tahiti), the kapoc tree (also called Vavae), the date palm—its fruit does not ripen properly—and numbers of other useful and edible plants have been introduced, and all seem to do well. The grenadilla (Niuē name vine, which is probably the English word vine), grows well; its handsome foliage and flowers are seen climbing over the shrubs, together with its large vegetable-marrow-like fruit, very delicious to eat. In the more open parts of the island the yellow guava (Kau-toga) is spreading fast, and already covers many hundreds of acres, as it has done in Rarotonga, Tahiti, Hawaii, and Samoa, but to a much larger extent, especially in Hawaii.

The Coco-Nut (Niu)

But of all the trees that grow at Niuē the coco-nut is by far the most important, as it is in all the islands inhabited by the Polynesians. There are four species known to the natives—Niu-tea, with light-coloured fruit and stem; Niu-kula, the fruit of which is dark brown; Niu-hiata, with yellowish fruit, not so dark and smaller than Niu-kula; and Niu-toga, a variety introduced in modern times.

The coco-nut is to be found all over the island, but very sparsely in the interior; it grows to perfection on the lower terrace, and here it forms a dense forest nearly all round the island, overshadowing the roads and villages, and tempering the heat to the inhabitants, whilst at the same time serving as food, drink, and for innumerable other purposes. Every tree on the island has an owner, and they have a considerable value, not only for the purposes named but as forming the principal export of the island in the form of copra, of which about 600 to 800 tons are exported annually, most of it going to Tonga, where it is transhipped to Hamburg, the rest to Sydney, where it is used in the manufacture of Sunlight soap, &c. I need not speak of the beauty of the coco-nut palm, its praises have been sung by far abler pens than mine. It is seen to perfection in the bright moonlight, and especially in Samoa, where it seems to grow with more luxuriousness than elsewhere. For the benefit of our New Zealand members it may be added that the leaf of the coco-nut is so like our New Zealand palm—the Nikau—that at a little distance the two could not be distinguished the one from the other. But the fruit is utterly different. Clustering under where the leaves branch from the stem, the great nuts—brown, yellow, or green—are seen, often over one hundred in number, and in all stages of growth, from the tiny nut no bigger than a walnut to that of the largest size, and they are very large indeed in Niuē—larger, it is said, than anywhere else in the Pacific. In a 35-mile drive in Tonga, I saw nothing to equal the Niuē nut, either in size or prolificness. A large Niuē nut will contain as much as two to three pints of its deliciously cool milk (so called).

It is amusing to see with what ease the little boys of from eight upwards will walk up a coco-nut tree to break off the fruit from the loholoho, or stem, on which it grows. The nut is thrown down, and then with a stick sharpened at the upper end (often pointed with the teeth) and the lower stuck in the ground, a few blows of the nut on the point serves to detach (hē, to husk) the thick outer husk (pulu), and a few taps on the end of the nut breaks off (fela, to open) a small portion of the shell sufficient to allow one to drink the delicious contents. The white flesh (kakano) of the nut is largely used by the natives in their made dishes, of which they have several, referred to later on.

For certain purposes the coco-nut trees are often preserved for a time. This is shown by a part of the leaf tied round the stem of the tree. Such a proceeding is termed fono, and is equivalent to the rahui of the Maori and eastern Polynesian. At all feasts and presentations of food the coco-nut is an important adjunct, but in the speech presenting the food it is not referred to by its ordinary name of Niu, nor indeed under similar circumstances are any of the foods alluded to by their common names. This custom is somewhat akin—but not identical—to that of the Samoans, who give honorific names to the individuals forming the kara ring which are not used at any other time. These names in Niuē are:—

The Coco-nut, ordinary name Fua-niu; feast name, Ulu-ola

In a document written by Fata-a-iki, already referred to, Ulu-lo-tuna is given as another name for the coco-nut. This name is very interesting, as it probably contains a reference to the East Polynesian story of the origin of the coco-nut, which sprung from the brain of the eel (tuna). Lo in the name here given is probably an abreviation of lolo (or roro), the brain. For the full story see Myths and Songs from the South Pacific,” p. 77, by Dr. Wyatt Gill, B.A

The Talo ordinary name Talo feast name, Tafuna-fonna

The Talo is also referred to as Efu-tu and Efu-mau.

The Banana ordinary name Futi feast name, Lau-malika

The Sugar-cane ordinary name To feast name, Lau-lelēra.

We may probably trace in this observance the old Polynesian idea that everything has a spirit form of its own, and in feasts, &c., the occasion being great, the spirit or honorific names are used.

It is a Niuē custom that on the first visit of a stranger of any note to their villages to present them with a few living coco-nuts, the idea being apparently to give the visitor the “freedom” of the village. Thus on my first visit to Liku an old Patu, or chief, presented me with five young coco-nut trees, which were afterwards duly planted, and the fruit of which could be used by me on subsequent visits.

It may be of use to state, for comparison, the various names of the parts of the coco-nut. The fibrous husk of the nut is called pulu, and it serves a good many purposes, the most important of which is in rope or sinnet (tona) and string (aho) making. It is of course the “coir” of commerce, a name which is probably derived from the Polynesian name for a rope (kaha). On the occasion of one of the students leaving Niuē in October, 1901, to join the New Guinea band of Missionaries his friends gave him 1,400 fathoms of braided sinnet to take with him for purposes of exchange. The sinnet is very strong and durable. From the shell, after being scraped and sometimes polished, the ordinary drinking vessels (kapiniu) are made, and the whole shell is used as a water-bottle.

The Niuē people do not possess the gourd (hue of the Maoris) as some other branches of the race do.

Soon after the nut begins to grow the interior is filled with a spongy mass called uho-niu, which is sweet and pleasant to eat. A young coco-nut with but little pulp in it is named kola and pona-niu. The nuts grow on a stem called a loholoho, whilst the flower stem is termed tomē, and the young shoot muka, which is the Maori name for the white scraped fibre of the flax plant. The main midrib of the leaf is palelafe, and the rib of each separate branch leaf is kaniu. The leaf itself is used in thatching, to make baskets (kato), mats (potu), and in various other ways. The kaniu is used in several ways, such as for making brooms, combs, &c. The coco-nut wood is hard and heavy, and when polished makes handsome sticks, &c. From the white pulp of the nut, oil (puke-lolo) is made by scraping and pressing, which is used for anointing themselves with, and it is ofted scented (manogi). Land covered with coco-nuts is said to be niuniu. The tree grows to about 60 or 70 feet high in Niuē, and is very healthy as a rule, though it is occasionally attacked by a disease called pao, but does not appear to be affected by the blight common in Eastern Polynesia, which turns the leaves yellow and prevents the trees bearing. The ground underneath the coco-nut trees is kept clear of scrub, &c., in order to see the nuts when they fall, and the natives usually light fires every year under the trees, which, they say, causes increased productiveness. Probably the same reason induces them to hack the trees about with an axe, causing their otherwise handsome stems to appear unsightly.

Origin of the Coco-nut on Niuē

The Niu, or coco-nut, is not indigenous to Niuē—I mean indigenous in the sense one may use it of many other islands, i.e., that it has been growing there a long time; of course it is not truly indigenous in any part of Polynesia, though it has been so long in most of the islands that the natives have no traditions of its being brought to them. De Candole, the great authority on cultivated plants, states (apparently with some doubt) that its native habitat is Central America. What an interesting history lies behind that statement, could it be unravelled! Whatever may be its true origin, however, does not affect the question so far as Niuē is concerned, for the coco-nut has been introduced there within historical (Polynesian) times. There are several accounts of its introduction, and if we may believe the story told to Mr. Lawes, it cannot have been on the island more than 200 years, if we allow that to be a fair estimate of the life of a coco-nut tree. It is said by the natives that the first coco-nut brought there only died since Mr. Lawes has resided on the island, or during the last 30 years. Taken in connection with the tradition to be related directly, I would suggest that the above statement may refer to one species of the coco-nut only, not to the original introduction of the first tree. Taki-ula, a well-informed man of Tuapa, told me that the first coco-nut drifted ashore, and was planted at Mutalau. The Avatele people have a tradition that a coco-nut was found on the shore, having been washed up by the sea. The man who found it, not knowing what it was, took it to his house and placed it in a corner under a floor-mat (potu). He then went away to help in one of the wars at that time constant, and was absent some time. On his return he discovered that the unknown article had put forth leaves and roots. He planted this, and their coco-nuts are derived from that source. Now as to these two stories: It would seem probable from the prevalence of the trade wind, that these nuts must have come from the East—the variable winds would scarce allow of the drift from Tonga or Samoa. If so they must have drifted at least 500 miles, if not more. Dana, in his work on the Coral Islands, makes the statement that the coco-nut will not germinate if it is very long in salt water, though it seems probable nevertheless that some of the smaller atolls have received their coco-nuts in this manner—that is a very popular belief, especially of those who are quite ignorant of, or ignore, the extent of the Pacific covered by the explorations of the old Polynesian voyagers. It is known that they invariably carried coco-nuts in their canoes, and naturally planted them wherever they landed. In this manner I believe many an island now uninhabited has obtained its coco-nuts, rather than by accidental drifting. I hold that there are extremely few islands in the Pacific within the temperate zone that have not been visited by the Polynesians during the high-day of their nautical enterprise, which practically ceased some 500 years ago, through causes which I have detailed in “Hawaiki.”

Journal Polynesian Society, vol. VII.

It is with this strong belief that I think the following tradition assigns the true origin of the coco-nuts on Niuē, the original story in the native language will be found later on. After describing two places in Niuē named after the two heroes to be mentioned, the story says:—

“Vai-matagi and Vai-fualoto dwelt at Kulanahau and Kaupa. Kaupa is near where the first chapel was built by Paulo (in 1849) the teacher from Samoa that came to Mutalau. Now Vai-matagi and Vai-fualoto went on a journey to visit various different islands. Their expedition brought them to an island named Tutuila, the king of which island was named Moa. This chief never lifted up his eyes, for fear if he did so and looked on the trees, they would die. It was the same with all things on the face of the earth, the same with all animals that crawl, the same with all mankind. He ever kept his gaze directed to the earth, never turning from it, lest the land and all things on it he cursed.

“So the expedition of Levei-matangi and Levei-fualolo arrived at this island of Tutuila. (Note the change in the names of the two men). Then the chief of the island asked of them, ‘You two men, whence do you come? Make me acquainted with the name of the island of you two, what it may be, and what have you to eat and to drink there?’ Then they spoke and related their story unto the chief Moa: ‘Our expedition has come from Nuku-tu-taha, from Motu-tēfua, from Fakahoa-motu, from Nuku-tuluea. We drink of the waters which are good, and eat of certain fruits of small trees from the earth. Kuenaia!’ (That is ended.)

“The chief now made a feast unto the expedition, and they tasted of many luscious and sweet things with their lips, and then they praised these things, and felt their lips and their hands for they were greasy with the oil of the coco-nut, and then they said, ‘We do not possess anything like this in our island.’

“After the feast was over they proceeded to gossip, and then after a time the chief gave to them two coco-nuts; the first one was a Niu-kula, which he gave to Levei-matagi, but afterwards gave another to Levei-fualoto, a Niu-hina. And the chief said, ‘Ko e niu ē ma mua,’ ‘these coco-nuts are for you two; take them with you, and dig the ground at your island and plant them; but guard them carefully as they grow—take great heed of them until they fruit. From them will come fruit, first in quality, and very useful to your bodies and those of your relatives. Let there grow from them plenty for all succeeding generations.’

“It was these two men, Levei-matagi and Levei-fualoto—which are the same as Vai-matagi and Vai-fualoto—who called this island Niuē-fekai. Huanaki and Fāo gave the first four names, and these men the present name.”

In this tradition we see the origin of the name Niuē. In the dialect of the island “e” is almost equivalent to nei; hence Niuē may be translated as “this Niu” in the same manner that Hawaii is frequently called Hawaii-nei, “this Hawaii.”

On my asking the natives how the two Niuē men reached Tutuila, seeing that their canoes as at present constructed would be incapable of such a voyage (unless under very exceptional circumstances), they told me that in former times they used much larger canoes, which were double. Vaka-hai-ua is their name for a double canoe. To the Polynesians in the high-day of their powers as navigators such a voyage—270 miles—would present no difficulty whatever. It is unfortunate that no date can be assigned for this voyage through the genealogical descent from either of the voyagers. Nor does the name of the ruling chief of Tutuila (Moa) help us, for that is the family name of the Tui-Manu'a, or king of Manu'a Island, situated some 70 miles east of Tutuila, a family which has held the chief position in rank in Samoa from time immemorial, and whose mana extended over the whole group, though the kingship of Samoa has been held by the Malietoa family since about the year 1200–1250. The statement in the foregoing tradition as to the power of the “evil eye” of the Samoan chief is borne out by Samoan tradition. Tangaloa-a-ui, a semi-divine ancestor of the Manu'a kings, evidently possessed this power, according to the Samoan traditions,

See “Some Folk-songs and Myths from Samoa.” Translated by Rev. G. Pratt, with introduction and notes by John Fraser, LL.D. (Transactions Royal Society, N.S.W., volume for 1891.) I cannot just now lay my hands on another authority, which gives an account very similar to that of the Niuē traditions as to the power of “blasting” by looking at, possessed by the Moa family.

as did his descendants, the Moa family of Manu'a.

Although we cannot assign a date for the expedition of these two men to Samoa, it is clear from other things that it occurred in the “long ago,” and probably not long after Niuē was first settled; but still long enough to have allowed a generation to have grown up that knew not the taste and appearance of the coco-nut, except probably by tradition.

It has already been stated that the coco-nut, in the shape of cobra, is the principal article of export. Another vegetable also forms an export to a small extent; this is the pakapaka-atua (or pakapaka-aitu), or fungus, which goes to the China market, just as the hakekakeka (fungus) of New Zealand does.

The Fauna of Niue (Animals, manu)

There were no animals (manu, general name for all animals), on Niuē when the first intercourse with white people commenced, except the rat. Unlike most of the other branches of the Polynesian Race, they possessed neither pigs nor dogs, though it is clear they once knew of the former, for the common Polynesian name for pig (puaka) is retained in the names of places. Pigs are numerous enough now, but were introduced in the middle of the nineteenth century. The first dog the Niuē people became acquainted with was one that came ashore from a ship; probably the vessel that was wrecked on the East Coast, which was laden with Oregan pine, of which large quantities are still to be seen, having been used by the natives for doors, windows, furniture, floors, &c. This dog received the name of Taafu; but he did not live long as a settler on Niuē, for he was discovered eating the dead bodies in the burial caves, and consequently came to an untimely end. The natives have plenty of dogs now, and call them kuli, which seems to imply that they were introduced from either Tonga or New Zealand.

The rat, common on almost all Polynesian Islands, has always been an inhabitant of Niuē, and, from descriptian, it is the same species as in other islands. Its name in Niuē is kumā (Samoa, ‘imoa, ‘iole, isumu: Tonga, kuma: Futuna, kimoa: Rarotonga, kiore; Tahiti, ‘iore: Mangareva, kiore; Paumotu, kiore; Marquesas, kio'e; Hawaii; ‘iole; Maori, kiore: Nukuoro, kimoa). It is plentiful still on the island—its great enemy the Norway rat having not yet made its appearance there. As elsewhere, it formed in old times an article of diet, and being a vegetable feeder, it would be as good as rabbit. An amusing story about the rat and the flying fox will be found later on.

Birds (manu-lele)

The most important of the Niuē birds is the common domestic fowl called moa. It has been on the island from ancient times, and was no doubt brought there by the early inhabitants, for it is a very ancient possession of the Polynesians. The fowl bears the same name in Tonga, Samoa, Futuna, Fiji (toa), Uea, Rarotonga, Tahiti, Paumotu, Mangareva, Marquesas, and Hawaii, whilst in New Zealand, where the Maoris had no fowls, the name is applied to the Dinornis. The following are the birds of Niuē:—

Veka.—This bird is extinct; the natives told me it is now impossible to get a specimen. From their description it must have been very like the New Zealand and Samoan bird (weka in New Zealand, re'a in the latter dialect—Rallus pectoralis). It was from six to eight inches high, and mottled brown in color; was a dirty feeder, fond of offal, &c. In Tonga there is a bird named reka: and in Futuna, a reka of grey color, with long tail.

Kalē, or Kulē.—A species of Porphyrio; in plumage and size, apparently exactly like our New Zealand pukeko, or pakura (Porphyrio, melanotus), and very nearly like the Samoan bird (manu-ali'i, and manu-sā, Porphyrio Samoensis). Like its New Zealand cousin, it steals the roots from the cultivations. This bird has many stories connected with it in various islands of the Pacific. In New Zealand it is connected with the Māui myths. Some Samoan stories about it will be found in “O le tala i manu,” by the Rev. Thos. Powell, F.L.S., p. 189. The Niuē people have the following brief story: “The Veka and the Kalē once met and had a conversation, during which the Kalē derided the Veka on account of its filthy living; whilst the Veka accused the other of its predatory habits of stealing from the cultivations. The two birds then went down to the reef, where they found a great clam (Gēegēe)), and the Veka told the Kalē to tickle it near the hinge of its shell, which it did, thus causing the clam to open wide its shell. The Veka now induced the Kalē to put its legs into the open chasm, and as soon as he did so the clam closed its shells and held the Kalē tight. Thus he remained, to the amusement of the Veka, until the tide rose, when the clam opened his mouth and allowed the Kalē to escape; but in his struggles to free himself the Kalē's legs were drawn out quite long and became red, which they remain to this day.”

Lupe.—A large wood pigeon, about the same size as the New Zealand pigeon (kereru, kuku, kukupa, and emblematically rupe, Carpophaga Novae Zealandiae.) It is very like the kereru in coloring also. There is a lupe in Tonga, a pigeon; one (lupe, C. Pacifica), in Samoa; also pigeons having the same native names (lupe) in Rarotonga, Tahiti, Futuna (lupe), Fiji, rupe or rure; whilst in Mangareva the pigeon or ring-dove is kuku, in Hawaii monu, and in Nukuoro manu-nono (a dove). Formerly these birds were caught by decoy birds and nets, and it was an occupation or amusement of the chiefs, as it was in Samoa.

Kulukulu.—The dove, a pretty little bird, whose sweet “coo” is constantly heard in the woods. It is green on the back, greyishgreen on the breast, red on top of the head, and yellow under the tail—from 6 to 8 inches long. There is a dove called kulukulu in Tonga; in Samoa a species of Columba, whether identical or not I cannot say, called fiaui; in Futuna a dove called kulukulu: whilst in Tahiti there is a species of Columba called ‘u'upa = Maori kukupa, the name for the pigeon. The yellow feathers of the kulukulu on Niuē are much prized for purposes of ornamentation.

Henga.—The parroquet, which is a pretty little bird very like the New Zealand species (kakariki) but smaller; it has blue feathers on the top of the head, red on the throat and lower part of the belly, and all the rest dark green. In Tonga the parroquet is called kaka, the Maori word for a parrot. In Samoa the senga is the Coriphilus fringillacous, a parroquet about the same size as its Niuē cousin. In Futuna the senga is a red and green parroquet.

MOHO.—A small land rail, about 5 or 6 inches high, brown on the back and sides, shading off into grey on the sides. It has a loud note, and is not unlike the New Zealand moho, or rail (Rallus-philippensis). There is a Tongan bird named moho, a Samoan bird mosomoso, Futuna moso, a small-back bird, Rarotonga mo‘o, Hawaii moho, but whether of the same species I know not.

PEKA.—The flying fox. which appears to me to be the same species as in Rarotonga with the same name. In Tonga and Fiji the bat is beka, and in Samoa the flying fox is pe'a (Pteropus, three species), and peka in Futuna. In Nukuoro peka is a bat, as it is in New Zealand. A story about the peka will be found later on. The bird (or beast, for of course it is an animal), is common, and large flocks of them are sometimes seen flying overhead. They are too fond of fruit.

PEKAPEKA.—A little swallow-like bird, black and grey in colour, that is constantly seen darting about after flies, &c. It seems to me to be the same bird as that of the same name in Tonga, and the pe‘ape‘a in Samoa (Callocalia spodiopygia) In Tahiti the same bird is called ope‘a.

MITI.—A small speckled brown bird, very common. In Tonga there is a bird named miji; in Samoa, three species of miti, the mitisina (Lalage terat), the miti-uli, and miti-rao (Aplonis brevirostris); Futuna, miti, three species.

Heahea.—A small black and grey bird, about the size of a sparrow, very common—a pretty little bird. The name appears to be local, for I cannot find it in any other dialect.

Lulu.—The owl, a very fine handsome bird, silver-grey mottled plumage, standing about 10 inches high. This bird is semi-sacred, the natives seem rather to fear it and object to catching it, though one was brought to me by a boy. This name for the owl is common in the Pacific. New Zealand, ruru (Spiloglaux Novae Zealandiæ); Samoa, lulu (Strix delicatula); Tonga, lulu, the owl; Futuna, lulu, the screech owl; Fiji, lulu, the owl; Rarotonga, ruru, the white heron, or the albatross; Tahiti, ruru, the albatross, also a land bird; whilst in Hawaii the owl is pu‘e‘o = Maori pukeko, the Porphyrio.

Motuku.—A sea-shore bird, a crane. There is another species, the motuku-tea, or white crane, but I saw neither. The equivalents in other islands are: New Zealand, matuku, the crane; Tonga, motuku, a sea gull; Samoa, matu‘u, the crane (Ardea sacra); Futuna, amatuku; Nukuoro, matuku, blue heron; Tahiti, ‘otu‘u (= Maori kotuku, the white heron); Rarotonga, kotuku, heron; Mangareva, kotuku, white heron.

Tuaki.—A handsome white gull, with two long white tail feathers, a species of man-o'-war, or tropic bird. The tail feathers are prized for ornamental purposes. There is another species, the tuaki-kula, which visits the island occasionally, that has two long red tail feathers, much prized by the natives. It is, I think, identical with the amo-kura of New Zealand, whose red tail feathers are equally highly prized by the Maoris. Sir W. L. Buller's description

“Birds of New Zealand,” vol. II., p. 186.

of the tail feathers of the New Zealand bird fits exactly those from Niuē. He gives the name as Phaeton rubricauda, or red-tailed tropic bird. In Samoa, the same bird is called tara‘e-ula (in Maori tavake, an ancient personal name). In Tonga there is a bird called tu and tariki, but of what species I know not. In Rarotonga the frigate-bird is tarake. In Futuna the tarake is the “paille-en-queue”; in Mangareva it is tavake; whilst in Tahiti the tropic-bird is mauroa.

From the fact of there being a place in Niuē called Hiku-tavake (the tavake's tail) it would seem that the tropic bird, although now called tuaki, was once known as tavake, as in other islands.

Taeetake.—Is a species of seagull, very like the above, beautifully white, but without the long white tail feathers. It is a very pretty little bird, about 8 to 10 inches high, and is often seen flying over the coco-nut trees. The name (though probably not the bird) is local, for I do not know of any bird's name like it in other dialects except New Zealand, where it is also the name of a gull, but I cannot say if the two birds are identical.

Gogo, kalāgi and kalūe are sea birds, which I did not see. A gull in New Zealand is also called ngongo.

Kiu—There are four species of this bird (at least four names)—kiu-ulu-fua, a reef bird, dark grey, about 10 inches high, long-legged; kiu-valuvalu, with long tail; kiu-hakumani, and kiu-uta. They are probably plovers.

Neither of the New Zealand cuckoos visit Niuē, though one—the kohoperoa—goes much farther away, to Tahiti, &e.

Fish (Ika;)

Niuē possesses a great variety of fish, of which some are richly colored, and many good to eat, but dry, as compared with New Zealand fish. I obtained a list of 52 fish that are eaten, but it would be tedious to enumerate them all, though a few may be mentioned. The whale is called tafua; the shark, magō: the turtle, fonu: the sword-fish, haku and haku-piu; the takua is the bonito; the hahare and hipa are flying-fishes; toke is the conger-eel; loli, a sea-slug; feke, the cuttle-fish; whilst tuna is a little fresh-water fish, a name applied to the eel in most parts. Cray-fish are to be found (called uo), but I imagine are not common, for I saw none, though crabs of many kinds are plentiful; and, in addition to the salt-water crab, there is one (the uga) which is a land crab that is often seen about the houses, roads, &e.; it is eaten by the natives. There is also a sea-snake called katuali, but I saw none; it is quite harmless. The Niuē people are great fishermen, and nearly every night when the moon is not too bright their little canoes may be seen passing along the coast with their bright torches, making a very pretty scene. I was told by the master of a vessel who formerly traded to the island that he was never apprehensive of “running the island down,” because he was invariably able to see the coast lighted up by the torches of the fishermen. The canoes will be described later on.

Shell-fish

From the nature of the coast—a coral reef—it may be expected that shell-fish are not abundant, and yet the women are to be seen every day on the reef gathering (fagota) such as may be found. The giant Trydacna (gēegēe) is found, and its solid shell is used, as in other islands, from which to make axes (toki), for which purposes it is suitable, though not so hard as stone; but then the Niuē people have no volcanic stone on their island as other branches of the race have. The cowrie of several varieties is found in Niuē, some of them of great beauty. The general name is pule.

This word as applied to a shell is not known in Maori, but the Moriori of the Chatham Islands have retained it (pure) as the name for the scallop, not having any cowries in their island.

the white cowrie being pule-tea; the brown mottled, and tiger cowrie are called pule-kula. The pule-tea is highly valued for ornamental purposes. This name pule for the cowrie shell appears to be confined to Tonga, Samoa, and Niuē, and in Samoa it is a general name for shells, whereas in Niuē and New Zealand a univalve shell is pu.

There are several species of land shells, of which the natives make great use for adornment, as in necklaces, &c. I am enabled by the kindness of Mr. A. Suter, of the Auckland Museum, to give the scientific names of those land shells I brought from Niuē. They are:—

Trumatella rustica, Mousson. The ihi-maka or uho-maka of the natives.

Helicina brazierii, Pease. The ihivao of the natives.

Melampus fasciatus, Deshayes—fua-rokea of the natives.

Melampus cartaneus, Mühlfeldt—fua-hihi of the natives.

Melampus lutens, Quoy and Gaimard—fua-hihi of the natives.

Lizards (Moko) and Insects

Lizards are very common indeed, and are seen everywhere. A little brown one about 4 to 5 inches long is the most common. The moko-lauulu is larger, about 8 inches long, and somewhat hairy; hence the name lauulu, hair. There are, I believe, several species, such as the mokolā, moko-maga, moko-mogamoga, and moko-taliga, but I did not see them. The Niuē natives do not appear to have the same intense dread of the lizard as the Maoris have.

Of the insects, there are some pretty varieties of butterflies—about four kinds that I noticed—the native name is pepe. The moko-va is a large green mantis about 8 inches in length. The cockroach—said to be introduced—is called mogamoga: it is very common and very objectionable. The mosquito is very rarely seen; its native name is namu. The dragon fly is kitekite-rai, the spider (numerous and some handsomely colored), kufani and kalerelere,

This name probably illustrates a change in syllables (metathesis) well known to philologists. The Maori name for a spider is pu-nga-werewere. If we take the last part of this word and the last in the Niuē word, ka-leveleve, we shall see that in the latter the “l” has changed places with the “v,” or in the Maori word the “w” has changed places with the “r.” Of course, “w” and “v,” “l” and “r” are identical.

the ant atare; the common fly is lago, but Niuē is happily almost free from this, the greatest pest of tropical Polynesia, for they died off a few years since, apparently having been affected with some epidemic. Lago-fufu is the mason wasp, and lago-meli the bee, both the latter introduced. Mokotafatafa is the black beetle, the same as the Maori kekerengu. Kilikili-mutu is a worm, and kutu a flea or louse; whilst tuma is the clothes louse. The grasshopper is he.

Niuē is particularly free from insect pests—more so than any other island I have visited. I am not aware of any poisonous insect on the island, or of one that stings sufficiently to cause pain The rango-patia, or big wasp of Rarotonga, Tahiti, and Hawaii, has not found its way there yet.

Climate

Situated as Niuē is, three degrees of latitude within the tropics, the temperature is naturally warm. Whilst I was there from September to December the thermometer varied from 74° to 94° during the day in the shade. But this heat is a moist heat, which is felt more than a dry heat. So long as the S.S.E. trade winds (maragai) last—i.e., from the end of March to end of November–the sky is very frequently overcast sufficiently to temper the direct rays of the sun. But as soon as variable winds set in from north (tokelau) or west (lalo), or north-west (laki), the heat increases a good deal—such at least is my short experience—and is trying to one accustomed to a temperate climate; not that the heat prevents exertion, for white people in Niuē seem just as active as elsewhere, but it naturally induces a profuse perspiration, which is the disagreeable part of it. There seems to be a very fair rainfall, but it has never been measured that I am aware of. At the same time, it is said the talo crops do suffer from drought occasionally.

Niuē is just on the borders of the hurricane belt, so they are occasionally felt there, but are not frequent. The native name for a hurricane is afā-tokai-maka. Thunder (pakulagi) storms are not infrequent, and sometimes the lightning (uhila) strikes the coco-nut trees. Earthquakes (mafuike) are occasionally felt, but never of any violence. The Niuē name for them is identical with those of Samoa (mafuve) and Tonga (mofuike, and is the name the Maoris give (Mahuika) to the father of Māui, who resided in the nether regions. This is perhaps not very strange, when we consider the stories about Mahuika; but why the Niuē people should call a rainbow Tagaloa, which was the name of their principal god in old days, is incomprehensible. The Tongan name is umata: Samoan and Futunan, nuanua; Tahitian, Mangarevan, Marquesan, and Rarotongan, anuanua; in Hawaii, anuenue and in New Zealand, aniwhaniwha. The Fijian name (ndrondrolagi) is apparently from a different root, which might be expected. The Maori name is easily connected with anuanua, so we have Niuē occupying a solitary position amongst Polynesian peoples in regard to this name. The only thing at all like it that I know of is that the Maoris have a god of the rainbow, or rather the rainbow is the manifestation of their god Uenuku, sometimes called Kahu-kura. These two gods, however, stand on quite a different footing to Tangaroa, who was with many branches of the race their supreme god and creator; whereas Uenuku and Kahu-kura hold, even with the Maoris, quite a secondary rank, even if they are not deified ancestors.

In Niuē there are two seasons, or tau—i.e., tau-tuku, spring time; and tau-mati-afu, autumn.

5. NIUĒ—THE SCHOOL TEACHERS.—ILLUSTRATING TYPES OF THE PEOPLE

Part II

The People of Niuē

FROM what has already been said in the first part of this paper, it is abundantly evident that the Niuē people speak a dialect of the Polynesian language. It is equally evident at the first sight of them that they are a branch of the Polynesian race. There is no mistaking the characteristics of the race as seen in other parts, and which are plainly exhibited by the people of Niuē. They are one and the same people with those who occupy the space included by Hawaii in the N.E., Easter Island in the S.E., New Zealand in the S.W., and Nukuoro in the N.W. So much are they like their brethren elsewhere, that at a cursory glance they might be taken for Maoris, Tahitians, Rarotongans, Hawaiians or other members of the race. But a closer acquaintance will disclose certain differences in personal appearance (besides other things) that differentiates them from—at least–the branches mentioned above, but still, to no very great extent. I am personally acquainted, (more or less), with the Maoris, Morioris, Tongans, Samoans, Niuēans, Rarotongans, Aitutakians, Mangaians, Raiateans, Tahitians, Easter Islanders, and Hawaiians, and on a careful consideration of the question, to which branch do the Niuē people bear the greatest affinity in personal appearance, I come to the conclusion that that branch is the Moriori of the Chatham Islands, more especially in the case of the men. In the Ure-wera tribe of Maoris is also to be seen much the same type of face.

It is probable—and has been demonstrated in the case of the Maori and Moriori (and possibly others) by an examination of their skulls—that every branch of the Polynesian race has a slight admixture of Melanesian or Papuan blood in it. But I think that this shows more than usually strong in the Niuē people. I judge, of course, by personal appearance, for I took no skull or other measurements to support my idea. It is certainly the case also, that there are two types of face and figure in Niuē, and generally, it may be said that the type which I should call the more Melanesian of the two, is to be found in the south part of the island. Here is to be seen a type that is somewhat shorter and broader, with large wide jaws, a low forehead, and a generally more morose expression of face, than the others, who exhibit the characteristics of the true Polynesian, tall, broadshouldered, intellectual looking faces, of cheerful demeanour, and altogether of a pleasanter mien. It must not be understood that there is any strong line of demarkation between these two types; the one graduates into the other, as is only naturally to be expected from the circumstances under which the peoples-would be thrown together in a small island, where inter-marriages were constant. Nor do I wish it to be understood that there has been a migration of Melanesians to the island—not at all; those who exhibit to a larger extent than others, the Melanesian characteristics, acquired them through their ancestors long before they came to Niuē, and probably in Fiji, which was the headquarters of the Polynesian race for many centuries.

See “Hawaiki”—Journal of Polynesian Society, vol. vii., p. 137.

It is due in a larger measure to this sojourn in Fiji that Polynesians have a taint of Melanesian blood in them, and the statements of certain writers to the effect that a prior race—Melanesian, Papuan, Negretto, or what not—was found in many of the islands of Eastern and Southern Polynesia now occupied by Polynesians, is to my mind a mistake, and results from ignoring the history of the race. To most of those who have studied the Polynesians and their history amongst the people themselves, the idea of a prior occupation by a different race in the above locality seems quite unwarranted. The few traditions the Polynesians have of a people prior to them are mere localized recollections of their contact with these strange peoples in times long antecedent to their occupation of their present homes. But this is a digression—ha mena kehekehe, as my Niuē friends would say.

The results derived from a study of the personal appearance of the Niuē people, is borne out by the fact that they have two distinct names for themselves; those occupying the southern parts are called Tafiti, all the others Motu. I shall have to return to this subject when treating of the traditions.

Having said that the people are Polynesians,

How badly a name is wanted for this race. Maori has become identified with New Zealand and Rarotonga, whose peoples both call themselves by that name. The Rev. Mr. Whitmee, of Samoa, feeling the difficulty, suggested “Sawaiori,” a compound word derived from Sa-(vai‘i), (Ha)-waii, and (Ma)-ori. But it has never come into use, and probably never will. The people themselves have no racial name applying to the whole of them. The Marquesians are said to call themselves “Take,” but this is no racial term, as it is not known elsewhere.

little more remains to be said as to the description of them. It might be said (for the benefit of my fellow New Zealanders) that the Niuē people are Maoris, and that would obviate further description. But all who read this are not acquainted with the Maoris, and therefore a few points may be mentioned. The people are of the same light brown, copper-coloured tint, as the rest of the race, with good figures, active and lithe. Some of them are much fairer (kili-moka) than others. Their hair is generally very black, but, like the rest of the race, there is occasionally a tint of brown; indeed sometimes almost red or light tawny coloured hair is to be seen, just like many Maoris, especially like the Maori uru-kehu. The hair is either quite straight (ulu-halu)—the true Polynesian hair—or curled (ulu-pikipiki), or in small crisp curls (ulu-ginigini) somewhat like the Melanesian hair, or ulu-fiti, bushy finely curled hair like the Fijians, hence the name; but whether this name is modern or not I do not know, probably it is. Baldness (ulu-kila or ulu-muna) is seen occasionally, whilst grey hair (ulu-hina) is common. Like their brethren of other parts, they are not a thickly or bushy bearded people, though in the old men thin beards (hafe) are common, very often worn braided in thin braids. In former times the men wore their hair long and floating over the shoulders, but sometimes tied up on top of the head (fuhihi), whilst the women wore it short, but occasionally in small twists called penapena. At present it is just the reverse, the men's hair, as a rule, is cropped quite close, the women's long and fashionably made up.

The following story illustrates the length of hair worn by the men formerly: At Alofi, in ancient times, lived a man named Tuhega, who was one of the ancestors of the Alofi people. A time of dearth (hoge) came on, and there was little food left in the land except what the people could secure in the wilds of the forest, so that they were sorely pressed by hunger. Tuhega was a fierce savage (favale) man, and a thief (kaiha), stealing from those he saw had acquired some food for themselves. He used to watch the people coming down to the seashore to prepare (tuhoi) the wild and bitter yams (hoi), and after they had washed it in salt and fresh water, &c., so that the yams became fit for eating, Tuhega, watching his opportunity, used to steal it all. He was so successful in his operations that a band of his relatives, fifteen or eighteen in number, joined him, and then Tuhega extended his operations. He went round the island killing all men whom he met, and thus created much alarm. His relatives associated with him began to fear him, and anticipated from his savage demeanour that he would turn on them at last, and kill them. They made one or two attempts to entrap him, but he was a very strong and active man, and they failed; so they decided to catch him unawares in the house in which he lived by himself. Now Tuhega's hair was very long, but, as was the fashion, it was tied up (fuhihi) on the top of the head. He always slept with his head near one of the posts of the house. Entering very quietly, his relatives managed, without disturbing Tuhega, to untie his hair, and then lashed it round the post so that he was firmly secured, and then they killed him. Here is the song said to have been sung by his spirit after his death, but it is expressed in language I am unable to translate:—

Kuia Togia ke he toa Ka e kului i au ki Tapēu, Potiki tolu to veli he po. Hoku toa, ti fakavaia. Tuhi feogo ki a Toga, Kua hifo e folo kai-tagata, To manavanava a Niue nei, Hoku toa, ti fakavaia. Atu toa he ko Tama ha Makefu. Tatau e mate i Vailoa, Atu tefekula kau hagaia ni, Kua ti kai haofia, Haku toa ti fakavaia.

The eyes of the Niuē people are like those of other Polynesiaus, large, and from deep black to dark brown; expressive, and in the women and children, soft.

There are a few albinos amongst the people, which they call mahēle, and they are as unprepossessing as the korako amongst the Maoris. They are said to be the offspring of the god Tu, who caught the original ones in a net at night, hence they blink their eyes in the daylight. Tu himself was a mahēle.

See Part III. for the native account of the origin of the albino.

In Rarotonga, the light haired people are supposed to be the descendants of the god Tangaroa.

Notwithstanding the constant hard work which both men and women alike participate in, they are erect in figure and carriage. I never saw any old women in Niuē bent nearly double with work as was at one time so common with the Maoris; nor are either men or women so obese as many Maoris—their active life prevents this.

As a rule the men are not good looking as compared with other branches of the race, though many have intelligent and very pleasant faces. On the other hand the women are almost invariably fairly good looking, though few are really pretty—their expression is quiet and pleasant. I saw no woman so really pretty as large numbers of Maori women to be seen any day, and they cannot compare with the Tahitian women in beauty. But the Niuē women have one advantage over their Maori sisters—their lips (gutu) are generally as thin as those of European women, which is not the rule with Maoris. This seems rather strange if the people have a stronger strain of Melanesian blood in them than most of their brethren, but on the other hand the noses (ihu) are certainly more flat, both in men and women, than the Maoris and other branches.

In the chiefs of Niuē (Patu or Iki) I never saw that dignity and “presence” observable in a high chief of Samoa, Tonga, or New Zealand,—such as is describable in Maori as he tino rangatira or he momo rangatira: but in their own way they are chiefs nevertheless, and exercise a good deal of influence over the lalo-tagata, or common people.

Of their intellectual gifts, I did not form on exalted opinion. But then my only dealings with them which could call forth their powers in that respect, were of a nature that ran contrary to all their preconceived ideas, viz., the consideration of laws drawn up for the general good and necessarily expressed in terms as technical as the language admitted of. The whole subject was new to them, and without precedent, so allowances must be made on that score.

In industry, I think the Niuē people compare very favourably with any other branch of the race I have met. They are hard workers; indeed the nature of their island obliges them to work in order to live. They make excellent sailors, and are much sought after in Tonga and Samoa as labourers of all kinds. There are over 500 of the young men constantly away from the island, working for Europeans, a large number being engaged at Maldon (which the natives call Pokolāā) and other islands working the guano. This enables them to earn a little money, but, at the same, it is a very bad thing for the island itself in many ways.

Like other Polynesians, they are very hospitable, and appear to be fond of gathering at feasts, when large quantities of food are consumed. A great feast is termed a katoaga

This word kato, a basket, is interesting as illustrating the inter change of the first series of vowels, i.e. ‘a,’ ‘e,’ ‘o’—for the above word is the Maori and Rarotonga kete.

, which may be translated a “basketing,” but an ordinary feast is a galēue.

In the presentation of the food to guests, speeches invariably are made, just as in New Zealand, and—which is not done in New Zealand—all the articles are enumerated, using of course their honorific names which have already been given. The food is then divided out amongst the various fagai, or related groups, present, which must be done by some one having a knowledge of these groups, or offence might be given.

Divisions of the People

It has already been pointed out that there are two main divisions of the people, termed “Tafiti” and “Motu.” The former people occupy the southern part of the island, from and including the southern part of the village of Alofi to the village of Liku. Very roughly we may say that the name includes about 1,400 to 1,500 of the population. The inhabitants of the rest of the island are included in the Motu division, and number about 3,000. These two peoples have been constant enemies from time immemorial down to the introduction of christianity. Not that they were always in a state of war, but conflicts were very frequent. The people cannot now tell the origin of these two names, but say they have been so called from very ancient times (tigahau). The frequent state of warfare in which these two peoples existed seems to emphasize the fact of the population having been drawn from two sources, and the probability seems to be that the Tafiti people are a later migration coming from the west, originally, no doubt, from the Fiji group, where the Polynesians sojourned so long. Tafiti is a name given by the Samoans to the Fiji group,

See Dr. Turner's “Samoa, a hundred years age,” p. 12.

and is equivalent to the name Tahiti in Eastern Polynesia. The other name, Motu, probably applies to the original migration, or people of the island (motu) who came there in much earlier times.

The Maori words Ngati-, Ngai- and Ati- as prefixes to tribal names, meaning the “descendants of,” are not known to the Niuē people. Nor do they know the New Zealand name for sub-tribe, hapu, or a tribe, iwi. The Niuē word corresponding to Maori Ngati-, is ohi,

Ohi is also an old Maori word equivalent to ai, and consequently has the same meaning as the Niuē word.

but it does not enter into any of the names of the divisions of the people. The equivalent of the Maori hapu in Niuē, seems to be either Tama or fagai. For example, there are people who are all related to one another more or less, scalled Tama-hamua, Tama-kautonga, Tama-hato-kula, &c., and these names seem now to be applied indifferently to those people, or to the places where they live. The fagai (Maori, whangai, to feed) is also a collection of relatives, but persons stranger to the blood are sometimes admitted in to it. It seems probable that the name originated from the fact of the members of a family “feeding” (fagai) together, to which a more extended meaning has been given as the numbers of the family increased. In the pamphlet called, “Ko e tau poa he mē i Niuē, 1901,” being a statement of the offerings made to the Church in Niuē for 1901, each amount is stated opposite the fagai which gave it, and I find there are 170 of them, in which are included several with the prefix Tama-. But it is possible some of the names given are those of places that are not identical with the fagai considered as a family group of related persons.

Relationship

The terms for male and female are as follows: a man is tāne, a woman fifine, which names differ little from those used by the race everywhere, tāne being universal, whilst fifine varies as wahine, rahine, raine, fafine, &c. Tāne is also a husband, but a wife is hoana, which differs from the term used everywhere else except in Tonga, where it is ohoana.

Of course the first part of this word—hoa—is a common term for husband or wife in Maori, originally meaning friend.

A popular form of alluding to either husband or wife is tokoua, which we may translate as “double,” or, as we say, our “other self.” A father is a matua-tāne, a mother a matua-fifine, words common to the race. With regard to the words denoting the interrelationship of brothers and sisters, we find some peculiar differences from other branches. For instance, a man's sister is a mahakitaga, a term which is peculiar to Niuē and not found elsewhere, the word in general use being tuahine, or some form of it. It would be interesting to ascertain the origin of this change, but I cannot suggest any reason for it, unless the word tuahine may at some time have become tapu through forming part of a great chief's name, and so gone out of use. Mahaki in Niuē means very great, excessive, and taga is of course the present participle of a verb—the English termination “ing,” or the abstract noun ending in “ness.” This, however, throws no light on the subject, for apparently mahaki in the word for a sister has no connection with “excessive.” Matakainaga, again, is a man's brother, or a woman's sister; it does not appear to be known in Tonga or Samoa, but is an Eastern Polynesian word. In Rarotonga, matakeinanga means “the people”; in Tahiti, mata‘eina'a is “the subjects of a chief, a certain tribe, clan, or subdivision of the people.” In Hawaii, maka‘ainana is the common people in distinction from chiefs. Again, taokete is an elder brother of a brother, or elder sister of a sister, the same as in Tonga. In Maori, taokete is a man's brother-in-law, or woman's sister-in-law, as in Rarotonga. The word is not known in Samoan apparently. Tehina is a younger brother of a brother (and I think also) a younger sister of a sister as it is in Tonga. This is the Maori and Tahitian teina or taina with the same meaning, whilst in Samoa it is tei, and in Hawaii kaina, (Maori, taina). Tugane is a woman's brother, as in Maori, tuagane in Samoa, tua‘ane in Tahiti. Tama is a child, both male and female, distinguished by tama-tane for a boy, tamā-fifine for a girl—whereas tama in Maori is a son, tamā-hine being a daughter. In Tonga, tama is “a boy, a child,” but whether the child here is explanatory of “boy,” or includes both male and female, is not clear. In Samoa, tama is a woman's child of either sex; in Tahiti, a child; in Rarotonga, a son; in Hawaii, a child. An infant is muke, or mukemuke, or tama-muke, and a grandchild a pulupulu-ola or moko-puna as in Maori. A grandfather is tupuna, which means also an ancestor of any degree, which is common to the race. Twins are called mahaga and tugi when girls, la-tugi being the first born of the two. The first of these words is common everywhere, but tugi does not appear to be known outside Niuē. A widow is takape, a Niuē word not known elsewhere. Maā, is a brother-in-law, and femaāki is marriage between the children of brothers- and sisters-in-law, i.e. first cousins, to which objection was sometimes taken as the degree of consanguinity was considered too near, it was considered incest (tiki).

Tiki is the term for incest, of which the people had great horror. They deduce this word from their story of Māui, of whom there were three—some say five—Māui-matua, Māui-tama and Māui-tamā-tifine. The two latter, who were brother and sister, married, and the child of this union was named Tikitiki, hence the word for incest. Another story is very similar to the Maori story of the creation of the first man by Tiki. It is very brief, as follows: “Mankind are unu,” (i.e. ‘drawn out,’ as a fish from its shell, the meaning being that the first woman was ‘drawn out’ from a man, or from a god, not by natural birth. In fact, the explanation given me was that the first woman was made in the same manner as Eve was from Adam), “and the parent committed incest with the child,” (This is the Maori story of Tiki and Hine-ti-tama) “one of them was called Tiki-matua, the other Tiki-tama, and Tiki-matua made Tiki-tama. And the child was ashamed, and cried, after this manner, “Tiki-matua, mo Tiki-talaga, tikitiki, tiki e, tiki e.” It will be noticed here the confusion between the two stories of Māui and Tiki, which are quite distinct in Maori, i.e. Māui-tikitiki-a-Taranga, becomes in Niuē Tiki-talaga.

The adoption of children (hiki-tama), especially those of relatives, was common as it is everywhere with the race, and such adopted children had all the rights of those born to the parents adopting them.

An old man is euphemistically termed penupenu-fonua or mutumutu-fonna, but the ordinary word for on old man or woman is fuakau: a young man is fuata.

Rank, Government, Etc.

Niuē presents some differences from many of the other groups in the form of its ancient Government, more particularly in the selection of a supreme chief, or king, a rank which was not hereditary, nor has there been a continuous line of kings from ancient times, so far as can be ascertained. It seems to me that the first institution of a king or patu-iki, was due to some outside influence—probably through communication with Tonga or Samoa, of which more than one instance is recorded. Prior to that time there was only chiefs of families, &c. When the occasion which originated a patu-iki arose, one was chosen by the whole of the people from one of the leading families, and subsequently the villages which were the conquerors chose the king, but his election must be agreed to by all to be valid. The absence of genealogical knowledge in the Niuē people, in which they differ so much from all other branches of the race, makes it impossible to assign a date to the choice of the first patu-iki, but it seems probable that the institution as a systematic part of the polity of the island had not been in force for more than 150 years before christianity was introduced in 1849—that is, excluding the first king of all. The Niuē form of kingship seems to find its nearest analogue in the case of Mangaia Island of the Cook Group, where the kings (ariki) were chosen, and the office was not herediary. It is entirely different to the system that prevails in Samoa and Tonga, the nearest groups to Niuē, and this difference I wish to emphasize, as it bears on the origin of the people (see Part III). The king, as has been said, is called patu-iki, which is a combination of the two word patu and iki, both meaning a chief, and it may be translated “chief of chiefs.” I shall have to refer to these terms again, but in the mean time will now proceed to give the succession of patu-ikis, as written out for me by Mohe-lagi of Alofi, the original of which will be found in Part III hereof, the translation is as follows, but as the original was only placed in my hands the day I left Niuē, I regret I had no time to ask more particulars about it:—

“This is the history of the kings (iki) of old; and this story has now been written about them, but (the knowledge) is retained in the memories of the wise men and those of a clear understanding. Thus: [Tihamau was the first king in ancient times; not mentioned by Mohe-lagi.]

1. Puni-mata, the first putu-iki of Niuē, who was bathed at Papatea, near Hakupu, whence he was borne on men's shoulders to Fatu-aua. He died of old age, and was buried at Hopuo. After him, for a long time there was an interregnum; it is not known how many generations elapsed before another was set up.

2. Patua-valu—Then all the people assembled to consult as to another man as king (iki) of the island, and they fixed on Tage-lagi.

Tage-lagi's skull used to grin at me from a shelf in my office at Alofi. A

Then the people gathered to anoint Tage-lagi as king, but he prevented it and proposed Patua-valu instead, whilst he himself would guard the king, for he was a warrior. So Tage-lagi anointed Patua-valu as king; he was bathed at Puato, by Tage-lagi, who then composed the following song for the occasion:

Let us carry a stone and set it up, Erect it within at Puato, To annoint the King of Niuē, Sing with prolonged animation, Sing with prolonged animation. Hoist up the flag, Let it fly in the breeze, Sing with prolonged animation, Sing with prolonged animation.

Patua-valu was king; but he was guarded by Tage-lagi. And Patua-valu died first of old age, and after him Tage-lagi. Then another was set up as a successor to the king.

3. Galiga (or Galiaga-a-Iki) was the king who was killed by violence. He was bathed by Mohe-lagi at Palūki, when he composed the following song:

The populace has gathered at Palūki, To bathe the Lord at the tafua, Look not backwards to Fale-una, But downwards to the tafua of the island Now gathered at Palūki.

(Galiaga of Palūki was the last king elected during the times of peace. He was killed by Tikomata. The first time he visited Liku, he went to bathe in the sea, upon which Mohe-lagi composed the following song, which, I may add, was sung as a welcome to me on my first visit there:

Kua fenoga he Iki ki Tama-ha-le-leka, Iki puna he mata i Halavai, Kave loa ki Fakahau-leva Koukou i luga a Tagaloa, Iki puna he mapua-lagi. To pakia hifo e muka he kava, Ke kapiti ua mo e mata he lā, Folahia ki fakatau la Mo nofoa a Galiaga-a-Iki, Iki puna he mapua-lagi. The chief journeyed to Tama-ha-le-leka,

Another name for Liku.

To see himself in the waters of Halavai point,

A point on the coast near Liku—“to see himself”—the word puna in Niuē is to look at one's reflection in the water, the only looking glass the people possessed.

Tis a long carrying to Fakahau-leva. Tagaloa

Tagaloa, principal god of Niuē.

does bathe up above, (But) the chief sees himself at the horizon.

Mapua-lagi, the horizon. cf. Maori pua-o-te-rangi, for the “space of

Striken shall be the young shoot of kava, And be conjoined with the face of the sun, Let both be spread out together. As a seat for Galiaga-a-Iki, The chief sees himself at the horizon.

After Galiaga came two candidates for the office of king named Fakana-iki and Hetalaga, but as the whole of the island did not approve, neither of them was anointed.)

4. Foki-mata then became king, and was bathed by Fakahemanava at Palūki, when he composed the following song for him:

The kamapiu shrub that stands at Tafala-mahina, Broken off were (its branches) by my sister, And beaten on my body to scent it, Sweet scented to go to Palūki.

5. Pakieto was also a king, but he did not hold the office for a year, and then died.

Fata-a-iki's paper says that Fiti was fifth king—probably another name

[He was of the Tama-lagau people—and subsequent to his death a war occurred as to who should succeed him—not mentioned by Mohe-lagi.]

That is the story of the Patu-ikis of old in the “period of darkness” (raha pouli); but the following are the kings of the “period of prayer” (raha liogi, i.e. since christianity prevailed). The populace sought out a man who was suitable, and of good repute, for the office. Thus:

6. Tui-toga was the first king. He was anointed on March 2nd, 1875, and died 13th June, 1887. This is the song composed for his anointing:

Assembled are the people at the hanging flag, Seeking are the people for a lord, This island is seeking for a lord, Seeking for a lord (like) Patua-valu, For he was the lord who fell full ripe (in years), Seeking are the people for a lord, It is settled to be the weapon-eating lord there, To watch for the dreaded companies, Seeking are the people for a lord.

(Tui-toga was also called Ta-tagata, a name now borne by his son.)

7. Fata-a-iki was the next king; he was anointed November 21st, 1888, and died December 15th, 1896. (I learn from Mr. Lawes that Fata-a-Iki was a very superior man, of great force of character, and with a deep knowledge of the Niuē language. His word was law to the people.)

8. Togia-Pulu-toaki is the present king, and he was anointed June 30th, 1898, and was in office when the Resident arrived at Niuē, 11th September, 1901.”

Such is Mohe-lagi's account of the kings of Niuē. The songs (lologo) are probably those sung at the feast (katoaga) held in the king's honour when he was anointed. The word “bathe” which I have used in the translation of the songs, refers, I think, to the washing of the body with scented (manogi) oils, and the anointing (fakauku, or fakatakai; fakafoufou to crown, foufou a crown) was done by one of the senior chiefs dipping a lau-mamālu

Lau mamālu, the leaf of a fern that is very common at Niue. It appears to have some special significance attached to it, like the karamu branch, &c., much used formerly in New Zealand in connection with their ceremonies. When vessels approached Niuē formerly, the wise men used to hold a lau-mamālu before their faces whilst they recited their incantations to drive off the strangers for fear of diseases. The use of the fern leaf was to prevent them being afflicted by opthalmia originating with the visitors.

in a cup of coco-nut oil, and striking the king's head three times. A representative from each village attended, whilst others performed various services, such as providing the stone against which the king sat to be anointed, such stone being called a pēpē (Maori, &c., paepae, but in Moriori pēpē). There are two of such stones in the village of Alofi, where Tui-toga and Fata-a-iki were anointed. They are rough flat coral rocks, about four feet high and two feet broad. At Tuapa, about half-a-mile inland is another, which stands at the east end of an artificial platform (tutu) of rough stones about twelve feet high, sixty feet long, and fifty feet wide. At about seventy or eighty yards to the west are eleven seats formed of upright stones with backs to them, where the chiefs sat in council (fono) with the king. The pillar where the king is anointed and the stone seats reminded me very much of the place called Arai-te-tonga, in Rarotonga, where is the pillar called Tau-makeva where the ariki or king was anointed and near where is the row of stone seats, of the same kind as those at Niuē, where the chiefs of the island sat. But there is this notable difference, that at Rarotonga the chiefs can tell to whom each seat belonged, and the whole history of the place, and the ceremonies performed there, whereas the Niuē chiefs, including the king, who accompanied Mr. Lawes and myself on our visit to the pēpē described above, knew very little about it—not even the name of the king who was anointed there.

It will be noted in the above songs, that tui is sometimes used for king, chief, &c. This is a Fijian, Tongan, and Samoan title, but not known in Eastern Polynesia. It was probably introduced by the Tafiti people, but it is very rarely used. There are honorific or emblematical names for the king, such as Ulu-he-motu, Head of the Island; whilst Tuapa, where the present king lives, is called Uho-motu, meaning the core, centre, origin, of the island, and inferentially the seat of power. But Tuapa has not always been the “capital” of the island. Palūki, near the centre, seems to have been the great place in former days, though no one lives there permanently now. Fata-a-iki's paper (loc: cit.) says: “Ko Palūki, ko e uho foki ha mautolu a Palūki. Ko Palūki mo Liua-lagi: ko e higoa haia he motu tapu

The Maori word motu, for a clump of forest seems to be lost in Niuē now-a-days, but the fact of such a clump of tall forest trees growing near Palūki at the present day, named Motu-tapu, seems to show that they once knew the word. It is in this sense probably Fata-a-iki uses the word above.

i Niuē nai: ko e toloaga haia he motu nai, ke eke ai e tau kava-atua mo e liogi ai ke mafola e motu.” “Palūki is our origin, centre; Palūki and Liua-lagi are the names of the sacred isle (? wood)

of Niuē; it was the gathering place of all the island, where they made the kara-atua and prayed for peace in the island.”

As to the functions of the Patu-iki, it is now somewhat difficult to say. But the mere fact of their being such a functionary who was in constant communication with all parts of the island through the intermediary of his council (fono), would tend to the general benefit. There was one representative of the king—his agent, as it were—in each village called Alavaka, or Alaga-vaka; but at a fono, it was not only they who attended, but most of the other chiefs also.

In addition to the king there was an officer termed an Alaga-vaka ne-mua, or chief Alaga-vaka, who was a kind of Prime Minister, and may be said to have carried on the business of the island, indeed, to such an extent it is said, that he sometimes usurped the chief power in the land, and carried on the government (pule) himself. He was assisted by another Minister termed a Hagai, but what his functions were I know not. According to Fata-a-iki (loc: cit.) there were a number of Alaga-vaka, but one only, the Alaga-vaka-ne-mua, who had access to the king. I give below his account in the original, for it contains some statements of importance which I should not like to make a mistake in. He says: “Ko e alito he motu nai he raha tuai kā e palāhega, ti larahi aki ni e kafa-lauulu, ti afī aki ni e lau-polata mo e tau lau-piu; afā ni, ati maluokaoka fua, ti tahake ni ke tau he aloalofale, ti tafu ni e ati he kelekele ke mafana ai e mena ia kua tau he aloalofale. Ko e higoa e mena ia ko e ‘toka-motu’—ko e alito haia he motu. Ko Tagaloa haia he mounuina ai e motu. Ka to e tau lā, ti fano e Ala-raka-ne-mua ke he Patu-iki ke huhū age ki a ia po ke heigoa e mena ne malaia ai e motu. Ti fano a Tokaaga-tala i Mutalau ke kikite: kua fukefuke tuai he Patu-iki e tau afī, ti tiaki, ti haumia ni e alito he motu—nakai mafana ke monuina e motu. Ko Tokaaga-tala e Ala-vaka-ne-mua- Ko e mena loga e Alaga-vaka, ka e taha ni ne mua; nakai o oti ke he Patu-iki, taha ni ka fano ke he Patu-iki ke tā mai he tala ke he motu.” The translation is: “The Alito of this island in ancient times was a palā-hega, which was bound up with a hair girdle, and then wrapped in the inside leaf of the banana, and also a fan-palm leaf;

Articles of value are still wrapped up in the silky inner skin of the banana stem (lau-polata), and the folded leaf of the fan-palm is also used as a wrapper at the present day.

after wrapping up it was completely sheltered, and was then lifted up and suspended on the inner part of the roof, a fire was then lit on the ground in order to warm the object suspended to the roof. The name of this thing is a “toka-motu”—that is the alito of the island. It is Tagaloa; and he blesses (or brings prosperity to) the island. After sunset, the chief Alaga-vaka would go to the Patu-iki to ask him as to what it was that brought misery (misfortune) on the island. On one occasion Tokaaga-tala, of Mutalau, went to see him; (he found) that the Patu-iki had taken off the coverings and thrown them away, and (consequently) the alito of the island was damp through dew—it was not warm, so that the island might be prosperous (or blessed). Tokaaga-tala was the chief Ala-vaka. There were many Alaga-vaka, but only one was chief; the others would not go to the Patu-iki, but one only, that the Patu-iki might give him the information about the island.”

There are some matters in the above which require explanation. The word alito,

Maori scholars will recognise the word rito in alito.

means the core, kernal, in ordinary language, but here it is evidently more in the nature of the mauri of the Maoris, that is, an object of a talismanic kind which centred in it as an objective the prosperity of the island, in the same manner that the mauri represented the tangible form of that which gave prestige, power and vitality to the places wherein they were located. We have no word in the English language to express this; but it may more easily be understood by Mr. Elsdon Best's apt illustration as follows: When the Philistines took from the Children of Israel the Ark of the Covenant, they lost their mauri, and with it their prestige, power, luck, and well-being as a nation. Such is, I think, the meaning of atito in this connection. The visible form of the alito was a palāhega. Now this is a plume, made of paroquets' feathers worked round a central core of wood or compressed dried banana leaves, sprouting from which is a plume of red feathers of the tuaki-kula, or tropic bird. They are very handsome objects, and are bound together with braided human hair.

See plate in part III.

In its talismanic capacity it evidently was necessary that it be kept warm (mafana) to retain its virtue, and hence the action of the Patu-iki in allowing it to become bedewed (haumia) caused misfortunes to arise in the island, and originated the visit of Tokaaga-tala to the Patu-iki to ascertain the cause thereof. It will be seen that the palāhega was termed a toka-motu, which, I think, may be translated as the “rock, or foundation of the island.”

There was a special series of words used in referring to the king, or in addressing him, which were not used in other cases or in ordinary convesration. This of course is a Samoan and Tongan custom also. The paucity of “chief's words” in Niuē again leads me to infer that the institution of king is comparatively modern, and that the introduction of the use of them was due to some communication with Tonga or Samoa. The following is the list which, however, may not be complete:—

Chiefs' Word Common Word Chiefs' Word Common Word fioia, to see
Fioia, is probably the passive form of fio, the Tahitian hio. If so, as to see and to know are generally identical terms in Polynesia, the Maori mo-hio, to know, is the same as Niuē fio.
mamata, etc. haeleaga, the king's residence fale, kaina finagalo, will, command loto fufuga, head ulu matulei, to die mate fofoga, face, eyes, etc. mata tugolu, to sleep mohe haele, to come, or go hau, fano ve and vae, foot hui

Out of these words, two are Samoan, six Tongan, four Futunaan, four Tahitian, three Maori. From so small a number of words it would be unsafe to make any sure deduction; but still, Tongan words preponderate, and the inference would be, were the comparison capable of greater extension, that the institution of king is due to Tonga influence.

The attitude of the lower orders towards the king and chiefs was always one of deference, for which they have a word (maimaina), and this is so at this day. No one of the common people (lalo tagata) approaches a chief, or passes before him without stooping in a humble attitude (tukutuku-hifo, to bow down), and, like the Samoans, they sit down cross-legged (fakatoga, which really means Tonga fashion) to prefer any request. Fata-a-iki says (loc. cit.) “The appropriate (gali) way of speaking in Niuē in former days, was not to stand, but sit cross-legged, or to kneel one knee on the ground.” This latter posture is frequent at the present time. I was often amused in my walks with Mr. Lawes, to see that people meeting us along the road, especially women, generally moved off the highway and squatted down until we had passed. This is maimaina, deference, respect, a word which appears to be native to Niuē, but is akin to the Maori maimaiaroha. There is another Niuē word for this humble attitude, hufeilo, which apparently meant originally, to prostrate, to lie on the ground, to abase oneself to a conqueror, to beg one's life. The conquered formerly acted in this manner, kissing the feet of the conqueror and bringing a present at the same time. This was done in such a manner as not to give the victor time to refuse. Inferential if the present was accepted, the life of the petitioner was spared.

There are a good many chiefs in Niuē, who are called either iki or patu. The former no doubt is the Polynesian word ariki, or chief, lord, or king, though in New Zealand it is also applied to the first born son. Niuē folks are rather given to dropping the letter ‘r’ (or ‘l’) in words in which other branches retain it; in this they resemble the Marquesans, who have lost the ‘r’ altogether from their dialect, and their word for a chief is haka-iki. In Tonga, the word is eiki. Mr. Lawes told me that he thought the iki were chiefs who had risen for some reason, perhaps as warriors, to a higher position, and that the name is possibly of comparative modern use. If so, it would have come from Tonga, and not Samoa, where the form is ali‘i. But, though I am loth to question any statement of Mr. Lawes’, the fact of this word being found in the ancient invocation called “Ulu lologo o Maletoa,” seems to show it to have been in use for a very long time,—so long that the language of this invocation is hardly understood by most people.

The name patu, which represents the head of a family, is more commonly used than iki. This is no doubt the Eastern Polynesian name fatu, used for a lord or chief, the head or core or centre of authority, and is identical with Maori whatu, the core or kernel, etc. The patus are the heads of the fagai, already described, and they form the local fonos, or councils of each village, and with the ikis fill the various offices required in the polity of Niuē such as (in modern times) the magistrates (fakafili), the police (leoleo), the deacons, and do all the speechifying, which is by no means an unimportant part in every day life. In former times they were the leaders in war, the toa, or warriors, and moreover are the principal land owners, though every one has land of his own by right of ancestral title; at the same time I did hear of cases in which some individuals had been unjustly deprived of their rights by the patus.

I have mentioned the magistrates and police. I ascertained that for the eleven villages of the island with a population of 4,500, there were twenty-three magistrates and one hundred and twenty-five police, who were paid by appropriating the fines to themselves! I found it necessary to reduce the former to five, the latter to eleven, and arranged that they should be paid by the state.

There is no question as to the power the patus and ikis exercised over the lalo-tagata, or lower orders—they were supreme; but I believe all decisions were the result of a concensus of opinion in the fono or council.

Part III

The People of Niuē

IT is very difficult at this period to say exactly what the ancient religion of the Niuē people was, but no doubt it did not differ very much from that of the rest of the race, seeing that at one period very early in their history, and when the main ideas embodied in their faith were being evolved, the whole Polynesian people must have dwelt together, having one ritual and one belief. But this period is so far back in the centuries that innovations have gradually been introduced, especially where the environment of any particular section has differed materially from that of the rest.

Tagaloa was the principal god (atua, meaning also a spirit, ghost) of Niuē, and according to tradition he was a “leader of armies,” or in other words, the god of war.

He appears also to have been a god of war with the Morioris, but I think with no other branch of the race.

Fata-a-iki says, in his paper, that Tagaloa brought blessings on the island. Again, “Ko e patu-tupua a Niuē-fekai ko Tagaloa. Liogi oti ni ki a Tagaloa, ka tau e motu nai: ‘Takina mai Tagaloa; takina mai Tagaloa!’ Ole oti ni e motu ki a Tagaloa. Ko e liogi he motu nai i tnai, kua liogi ni ke malaia e tagata, fekaiālu aki ni.” “The patu-tupua (or chief endowed with super-natural powers—chief god) of Niuē-fekai was Tagaloa. All prayed to Tagaloa, when the island went to war, ‘Lead forth Tagaloa! Lead forth Tagaloa!’ The prayers of the people in former times were that men (enemies) might have misfortune brought on them; they mutually cursed one another.”

Whilst Tagaloa held the supreme position amongst the gods, as he did in Samoa, Rarotonga, Tahiti, and Hawaii (in later times), but not in New Zealand, there were other gods, amongst them Tu, who was, as the people say, a mahele, or albino. Tu was known to most branches of the race, and with the Maoris he was their war-god, and most powerful of all in later ages, though there are strong reasons for believing that Tāne was the principal Maori as well as the principal Hawaiian god in early days. I think neither he nor Rongo are known to the Niuē Pantheou. These four make up the quartette of primary gods of the Polynesian race. The tupuas mentioned several times in the legends I have, are clearly almost identical with the tupuas of New Zealand, and I think that the Niuē people would not, any more than the Maoris, place them in the same rank as the greater gods properly so called. They were beings possessed of supernatural powers, acting sometimes as guardians or familiar spirits, and sometimes as malicious beings—generally the latter. Originally, in my opinion, they represented the embodiment of the powers of nature. However, this is not the place to go into that question, about which a great deal might be said. Tupua is a term often applied to human beings, especially if they possessed, or were accredited with, powers transcending ordinary human experience. Such was the company of tupuas who came to Niuē in the early days and colonised it, about which we shall learn later on.

According to Fata-a-iki there were four principal tupuas in Niuē; he says: “Ko e tupua he Ulu-lauta i Mutalau ko Huanaki; ko e tupua ke he Mui-fonua ko Lua-tupua; i Liku, ko Makapoe-lagi; ko e tupua ke he fahi lalo nai ko Lage-iki.” “The tupua of Ulu-lauta (or north end of the island) at Mutalau was Huanaki; that at Mui-fonua (the land's end, south end) was Lua-tupua; that at Liku was Makapoe-lagi; and that on the west coast was Lage-iki.” In this, Fata-a-iki allows a tupua to each quarter of the island. Whether these tupua or any other gods were ever represented by idols in any form, I know not, but tupua is the word used for idol in the Niuē version of the Scriptures—though this was probably only a derivative meaning. It will be clear from what follows in Part IV., that one of these tupuas (Lage-iki) was a human being originally, but that he had become in the process of time a sort of guardian spirit for the west coast of the island, for I was shown a place on the reef where he was supposed to dwell, and there manifest himself to the later generations in the form of a fountain of salt-water shot up from a blow-hole—this would be called a tupua in New Zealand. Maori scholars will recognise in Luatupua (the tupua of the south end of the island), a very familiar name (Rua-tupua) found in Maori karakias. For reasons which are too lengthy to state here, I assume that this Niuē tupua was named after a far more ancient one. Again, we shall see that Huanaki, the tupua of the north end of the island, and all his children were men, he being one of the original migrants to the island.

Māui is included by most writers on Polynesian subjects as one of the gods of the race. I doubt if any old Polynesian, if he had been asked, say, just about the time of the first intercourse with white people, would have called him a god. He is rather a hero of remote antiquity, around whom in the process of time has gathered a halo of miraculous deeds, many of them performed by others. He is known to the Niuē people, but from the slight notices I have of him, he is merely a hero who has attained to much glory (lilifu) through his actions. It was he who forced up the heavens from their original position resting on the earth, and it was he who completed the work of Fāo and Huanaki in raising Niuē to its present elevation above the level of the sea.

So I was told, but it appears to me there is a confusion of ideas here, due to dimly remembered traditions. To suppose that Māui flourished after the times of Huauaki and Fāo is absurd.

Their story of Māui is very similar to that of the Maoris, but with local colouring. It is quite inconsistent when considered in connection with the history of Fāo and Huanaki, and it seems to me can best be explained by the supposition that we here have the effect of admixture of two series of traditions overlaying one another, and derived from each of the two elements of which the population is composed. Māui cannot be included amongst the gods of Niuē, properly so called. In Part IV. hereof, paragraph numbered 15, will be found a list of the tupuas.

In common with the rest of the race, the Niuē people believed in the existence of the soul (agaaga, the soul, spirit) after death; but what was not common to all branches, they held that the good (according to their standard) went to a separate place from the bad. Aho-hololoa, or Aho-noa, was their heaven, and Po their Hades, the latter word being the same with every branch, meaning the darkness of night, the direction of the sunset, towards the original home of the race in the west, to which the spirits of the dead passed to their final resting-place. Another name for heaven was the Motu-a-Hina, this was the second heaven above, but, I fancy, was a separate place from Aho-hololoa. Mankind in former times had many dealings with the inhabitants of the Motu-a-Hina, but it is not clear if they had with those of Aho-hololoa, when once the spirit had left this earth (lalolagi). Aho-hololoa is possibly the same place as Auroroa of the Maoris, the dwelling-place of the greater gods.

There were priests in former days called taula-atua, whose principal function, however, seems to have been to bewitch (? makutu) people. It is still believed that this power is possessed by certain persons. The term used in the Scriptures for priest is eke-poa, the offering-maker; but it is a question if this is not a modern term used to distinguish them and their office from the evil practices (lagatau) of the taula-atua of old. Poa is the word now used for offerings to the Church, but it was an old word and meant offerings to the gods. This is the Maori word for bait, an “offering” to fish. The different meanings in the two dialects are significant.

It is clear that there were places in former times which must, to a certain extent have been sacred, where their rites were performed These are called tutu, and are hillocks, more or less flat on top, and which present every appearance of being partly artificial, they would average about 50 to 70 feet long by 20 to 40 feet wide, and are at this date grass covered with houses build on them. In former times they were the sites of faituga, a word which is used in the Niuē Scriptures for temple, but probably the Niuē temples were of the nature of the Maori tuāhu, i e., the sites where the rites connected with their religion were performed, but were not otherwise occupied by buildings—at any rate of a permanent nature.

The Samoan temples–malumalu—were also erected on high platforms of large stones.–see J. P. S., vol. VIII., p. 234.

These places have names, several of which were told to me, but they have no interest outside the Island.

Whilst the priests, taula-atua, acted in a sacerdotal capacity, it is also clear that the Patu-iki or King had certain duties of a similar nature, which, in the absence of one, it is natural to suppose must have been performed by the higher chiefs. I witnessed an ancient custom in which the present King Togia took part and acted in what may be called the chief priest's office; this was on the occasion of my first meeting the people in assembly at Tuapa, where some 700 or 800 were present, a brief description of which may be of interest in the above connection. As we drove up to the settlement we were met by some elderly women gaily decked out in wreaths and garlands of ferns and flowers, who advanced before us to the King's house, dancing with a slow circular movement with much waving of the arms—much like a Maori pohiri, but with infinitely less noise. After being seated, the old King gathered around him in a small circle some 8 or 10 old men, the chiefs of the place. The King generally stood within the circle, but sometimes with the others, and he recited in a monotonous tone the long song, or incantation following, the chiefs joining in at certain parts. Every now and then all heads bowed down towards the centre of the circle.

Ko E “Ulu lologo o Maletoa” 1. Tulai ō, puipui ō, Tagaloa ho motu ka tofatofa— Tofatofa i a Tui-Niuē (He) pu mo e fonu ko e ika tapu, Na he moana fakalanu He mata kai touā, 2. (Tagaloa ho lagi mamao ē ē ē) He uhila kua lapa mai pogipogi, To uhu ke liogina, Takina a Toga ki hona motu, Neke puhia ho Motu-te-fua 3. (Tagaloa ho lagi mamao ē ē ē pūui ō) Pule a Tafai he moana, puipui ō: Ko e pule a Tafai he moana, Ka uia ai (kia) hala ke he lagi, (Ka takina hifo ki ho fale-takitaki he fonua, Ko na e liua ō ō ō.) 4. Ko Paluki e (ke) vagahau tupua To tiu lotoga ai e fonua Ato (Ko e) ao fonua ke he tafua Ka e tua-fonua ki Fale-una Ka (ko) e tapakau mai Hala-kula, Fakanofo ki luga o (e) malokūla. 5. (He) atua he ko Lava-ki-umata, puipui-ō. Atua he ko Lava-ki-umata (To hifo ho aga tau matau,) Hifo ponotia (punutia) e tutavaha, Tokona a Toga neke hake mai Ke luia (puhia) a (ho) Motu-te-fua nai, 6. To galulu ki lagi e uha loa Melekina ki ho atu faituga Maama ke malolo hifo ai He mana ne tagi he lagi havilivili. Tagaloa ho motu ka ākihia Kua fakatino aki e mahina Ke alito aki a Liua-lagi Tagaloa ho lagi mamao ē ē ē, pūi ō 7. Leo ni Fiti Kaga he (i) tupua Kua hake he tumuaki fonua (Fano i ata) Ka hui ata ko e iki tapu, Neke (na) lakafia he tupua hau-(kau-)valovalokia. 8. (Kua) hala ki tu (kua) hala ki fonua Kai taī, puipui-ō, Haliki tu hala ki fonua kai taī, To (ka) nuia ha pia, Mai e tau lanu maka E (a) mana tapu iki-i, Ka fina atu e kāi havilivili. 9. Hau ha kalī, hau ha liaki, Hau hau ha kalī, hau ha liaki, To takoto anoano i he lagi afa tō, Toki mimio i Matatu Mafuike tagi ia Līua, pui-pui ō. (9. Hau ha kalī, hau ha liaki ha afa to, Toki mimio i Mataitu, I hulugia mafuike tagi ia Līua ui-ou).

The above incantation has already been published in this journal, vol. IX., p. 234,

By Ed. Tregear. It was sung at the visit of the Right Hon. R. J. Seddon to Niuē in May, 1901.

but the old men of Niuē say that that version is incorrect. The one above is derived from a copy written out for Mr. Lawes, and also from one written by Fata-a-iki the late King who was a competent authority in such matters. When the latter version differs from the first the words are shown in brackets, and the order of the verses are according to Fata-a-ikis version. The ulu is interesting as a specimen of the old Niuē dialect, for we find words in it not now in use, and many verbs with passive terminations that are also not now so used.

I am awaiting information from Niuē for the translation, for though much of it is clear to me it is well to have the Native ideas as to meanings.

The “Ulu lologo o Maletoa,” is an invocation addressed to Tagaloa alone. In the following from Fata-a-iki's paper (loc. cit.) several of the tupuas of the island are invoked. The occasion on which it is used is obscure. Fata-a-iki merely says: “Ko e tala ke he huki niu mo e huki kau (? hiku-kau).” “It relates to piercing a cocoanut and piercing a company.” It is as follows:—

Monū Tagaloa! Timata e lele Kolomata e tama tiua loluga. Monū ho inu ē ē ē ēī. E Huanaki-tau, Huanaki-tupua Monū ho inu ē ē ē ēī. E Fāo-tu-nuku. E Fao-matavalu, E Fāo-tikitiki, E Fiti-ki-tupua, e Fiti-ki-la, Monū ho inu ē ē ē ēī. E Tali-mai-nuku, E Leo-matagi He fakaeteete he malētoa. Monū ho inu ē ē ē ēī. Monū ho inu ē ē ē ēī. E Tu-taua tulaga momole, Monū ho inu ē ē ē ēī. E Lage-iki e fai he moana Monū ho inu ē ē ē ēī. E Tupua-kiu, E Tupua-lagi, Monū ho inu ē ē ē ēī. E Tama-hei-tau, mo Taufa-o-atua Monū-ho inu ē ē ē ēī. E Lua-tupua, E Lua-fakakana-niu, Tui-toga ho motu ka fofo hake Tuanaki ho motu mafiti vave, Mo molemole Fakaoti falō ki tua na motu ē. He motu e iki mo e Tagaloa. Ne fefutiaki e talia Mo molemole Fano fakaoti falō ki tua hana motu e ē.

Many of the tupuas here mentioned will be referred to in Part IV., and some of their functions described.

The people used to assemble at Palūki on certain occasions to offer their prayers, &c., that peace might prevail in the island. And here, says Fata-a-iki (loc. cit.) they made the kava-atua, which was explained to me as an enclosure built for the purpose of excluding those who were not engaged in the ceremonies in hand, in order that they might be properly performed—neke fakahanoa, as Fata-a-iki says, lest they be done anyhow. There can be little doubt that though the term kava-atua is applied to the enclosure by the present generation it meant originally the ceremony, and was anciently connected with the function of drinking kara, or making a libation of kara, which to this day in other islands is accompanied by much ceremony. It is clear from many things that the drinking of kava was originally a sacred ceremony, and it will in time probably be connected with the sacred soma drink of the ancient inhabitants of India.

I would suggest as a profitable field for enquiry by some philologist the connection between the kava drink of the Polynesians, with the Arabic word kawah for coffee. See Crawford's Hist. Ind. Arch. I., p. 486.

In New Zealand there were several ceremonies of a sacred nature named kara, and they will all be found connected with the kava as a sacred drink hereafter. The Niuē people do not drink kava; why they differ from other branches of the race, such as Samoans and Tongans, with whom they are most closely related, is difficult to say. It may be through the scarcity of the plant—for though I always paid close attention to the flora of Niuē, I never saw it growing, and had to send to the far side of the island for a specimen.

The gods sometimes communicated with mankind through the proper channels, and they spoke in a whistling voice (mapu and mafu) as did the gods of the Maori. And like the Maori the Niuē folks have an objection to whistling on that account, such at least was the case formerly.

In cases of sickness formerly, an offering was made to the gods in the form of the moko-lauutu, a lizard some eight inches long. The Niuē natives have not the horror and terror of a lizard that the Maori has; it is lucky for them that this is so, for the little brown lizard is exceeding common. An old-time Maori would find his life unbearable in Niuē on this account.

The people had a god of the winds, but unfortunately I omitted to obtain his name. It is said that a certain hero of old enclosed all the winds in a cave at Tatapiu Point, at the N.W. corner of the island, but they forced their way out, starting at the northern side, and made their way round to the south; hence, say the wise men of Niuē, the winds always go round the compass that way.

It is obvious from the following that to make a mistake in the words of an incantation destroyed its efficacy, as is well known it did with the Maoris. Fata-a-iki says (loc. cit.) in his “Account of the rocks that fell at Avatele”:–

“These rocks were placed there in order to obstruct the landing of Tongan invasions. The one called Mutalau is lowest, and this is the lau or chorus sung in former times when they were placed:–

Tagaloa, tilitili, Tagaloa teletele Takina hala Mata-fonua Takina hala Mui-fonua Tutu malie Tagaloa ō—ō, Tagaloa ē—ē. O Tagaloa! with smoothness, with ease, O Tagaloa! with speed, and ease, Bring by the way of the North end Bring by the way of the South end Preside with effect, O Tagaloa! O Tagaloa!

“The rock left behind on the inland side is named Makefu, and was left there because the lau used was wrong (hehē). This is the lau that was wrong and caused the difficulty:–

Tagaloa tilitili Tagaloa teletele Takina hala Mui-fonua.

“Thus the rock stuck and could not be raised. It is thus with things done wrongly at the present day!”

There are several of these large rocks in the little bay (Oneonepata), and landing place at Avatele, but it requires the aid of a strong imagination to conceive how they would obstruct the landing of the Tongans. This belongs to that class of legend relating to the movements of mountains and rocks by, or without, human agency that are found everywhere amongst the Polynesian race, but it is, at the same time historically true, that one of the first, if not the first, of the Toga invasions took place at Avatele, as will be referred to later on.

Manners and Customs

The difficulty I have already alluded to, in acquiring the Niuē dialect, prevented my obtaining a good deal of information on the above subjects. Most of what follows was kindly furnished me by the Rev. F. E. Lawes, but part by the chiefs of Alofi and other places, and is necessarily very imperfect.

Birth:–Niuē women seem to bring forth their offspring with the same ease as the rest of their sisters of the same race. Formerly it was not uncommon for women to be at work within a day or two of the event. They appear to have had much the same kind of feeling in reference to the umbilical chord (pito) as the Maoris; its burial at certain places made a sort of connection between the individual and the land, entitling him to some rights. Young children were fed on cocoanut and arrowroot (pia) after a time. A few days after birth the child was submitted to a procedure called mata-pulega which was in fact a semblance of circumcision, though this right was not actually practised in Niuē. The child was laid on the ground under a screen made of hiapo, or bark cloth, and then one of the old men (? a relative) went through the motion of circumcising the child, though the flesh was not cut. Following this was a rite which may appropriately be termed baptism, though it was not so remarkably similar to Christian baptism as that which obtained with the Morioris, but was very like that of the Maoris. The following is the description as written for me by Pule-kula of Liku.

The numbers of paragraphs refer to those in the native dialect to be found in Part IV. hereof.

“Living man was born from a tree—the tree which is named Ti-mata-alea (a species of Dracoena) which grows in the open, not the Matalea of the original forests, which is a taue. Thus: when a married woman is pregnant she longs for the Ti, with its root or stalk; then the husband and the parents prepare an umu-ti, or native oven of hot stones for cooking the roots, in order to cause the child to grow. After the woman has eaten of this, the child becomes hard (maō) from the effects of the Ti. This is the ancient custom of Niuē from the time the island was made.

See origin of island, Part IV.

The oven is two nights in baking and then it is uncovered (fuke); the oven being in the ground.

The umu-ti, or oven in which the root of the ti is cooked is connected with the fire-walking practises of the Polynesians, for which, see this journal, vol. X., p. 53, etc. Fire-walking was however unknown to the Niuē people.

“It is done thus, because the Ti is the parent of man, and the child should feed on the fullness of its parent, the Ti-mata-alea; after it is born then it feeds on its mother's milk.

23 “If a male child is born it is said to be “e fua mai he malo tau,”

The Morioris also call a male child maro, i.e. “tamiriki-maro.” See this journal vol. V. p. 198.

or “fruit of the war-girdle.” If a female child it is said to be “e fua mai he la-lara,” the latter word being applied to female occupations.

24 “When the first child is born, it is shortly afterwards bathed in fresh water, whilst one of the principal chiefs (patu-lahi) rubs the body of the child, carrying it in his hands and saying to it the following words:–

‘Kia teletele totonu; Teletele fa tagi Teletele fa tiko Teletele fa mimi Teletele fa vale Kua tele mui e tama i fonua, Ka e tele mua a mea i Palūki Fiti-kaga ai o tupua. Teletele ki tufuga, Teletele fa iloilo Teletele fa taitai Teletele fa mafiti Teletele fa uka-hoge Kua tele mui e tama i fonua. Ka e tele mua a mea i Palūki Fiti-kaga ai o tupua. Be facile in kindness, Facile in crying, Facile in the operations of nature, Facile in anger. The child hereafter will be expert in the land, But so and so will be more expert at Palūki, Fiti-kaga ai o tupua. Be facile to render works, Be facile in knowledge, Be facile in fishing, Be facile in activity, Be facile in uka-hoge. The child hereafter will be expert in the land, But so and so will be more expert at Palūki, Fiti-kaga ai o tupua.

25 “Shortly afterwards they commence to place food in its mouth, such as Heahea bird, Kamakama (a species of crab) sugar-cane, the bird Taketake, and other quick and active birds, and that kind of sugar-cane that does not die quickly in the forest, in order to strengthen the child to be offered (fakapoa—dedicated). Then the prayer of offering—for a male child:–

‘Kia tu ai a Tagaloa, Ke monuina, ke mafiti Ke mata-ala, ke loto matala, Ke maama e loto he tau fāhi oti, Ke manava-lahi, ke ahu-maka, ke toa, To iloilo ke tufuga he tau mena oti ni, To molu e loto, to loto holo-i-lalo, mo e tutu tonu To fakamokoi.' ‘Be thou present O Tagaloa! (And) bless (this child), make him active, (Make him) watchful; of a clear mind; That he may have understanding at all times That he be stout-hearted and brave, That he shall be accomplished in all things, That he may be kind, humble, and faithful And that he be generous.'

That in rain he may be able to run; in gales to run away; by night or by day.—That he may not be swept away by the waves: that he be swift to escape when chased by his enemies; and live long on the surface of this earth.

26 “For a girl, the prayers are to the effect: That she may be accomplished in making tegitegi (one kind of fine mat, used for complimentary presents); also in beating hiapo; to braid kafa-lauulu (human hair girdle), to make kafa-hega (girdles of parroquets' feathers); to weave baskets and all work that springs from the la-lava (woman's occupations)—to strain arrowroot, grate the wild yams; to be accomplished in preparing food, and to preside over all similar work.”

Such is the description of the customs with regard to the very young by my friend Pule-kula; and it will be noticed how very like it is to that embodied in the tohi rites of the Maori—except that no prayer is ever uttered on behalf of a Maori child to make him humble—such is quite contrary to Maori ideas of what is correct in a man, and I think it possible my friend may have allowed his Christian teaching to bias him here. The idea of the origin of man from a tree is, I would suggest, a dimly remembered acquaintance with the very ancient form of arboreal cult found in many lands: as expressed in the Hebrew Aleim, and amongst the Polynesians in ancient times by the cult of Tāne, who, according to Maori mythology, is the god of trees, besides expressing the male element of the human species.

Infanticide was far from uncommon. In old times the women used to accompany the men to war, and they could not take young children with them nor leave them behind at their villages, so in such cases the husband would kill their offspring. This was generally done by casting them into the sea. Near Mutalau, is the N.E. point of the island, called Tuo, against which the seas break. This was the place for that district where these poor little things were taken by their unnatural fathers and cast over the cliff into the sea. On this subject Fata-a-iki (loc. cit.) says: “The island is indeed blessed at the present time, since the Word of God came to Niuē, for there are many new kinds of food, and peace (mafola) prevails. But in the olden days ‘faka folau moui ni e tau tama ka hoge,’ in time of famine the children were sent adrift (to sea)—the people ate katule (harmless centipede) and hiapo (paper mulberry) leaves, and potoga and patuluku (plants) of the forest. During such a famine (hoge) great was the internal pain; they tied tightly their stomachs and slept, not rising during the day to help in keeping peace; they remained immovable and careless, nor did they do their best for the good of the island.”

Children were carried on the hip (hapini), as is the general Polynesian custom.

Marriage, Etc.

Like all Polynesians the women married at an early age. I cannot say if any ceremony took place beyond the feast (taonaga). The brothers had a large share in determining on a husband for the sister. A young man desiring to obtain a certain girl for a wife used to proceed to the home of the girl's parents accompanied by his father and mother, but more often by his brothers and friends or relatives (magafaoa) to arrange the marriage,—such a visit is termed uturagahau. If the offer was not accepted, the proposer was said to be tulia, or rejected; and this was generally the action of the lady's brothers. At other times the brothers arranged a marriage for their sister very often against the girl's will.

It often occurred in former times that families who were not sufficiently powerful to protect themselves in times of war, sought the protection of the more powerful Patus, rendering them services in exchange, and some such cases are in existence still. The chiefs' daughters often married these dependants, for the reason that they had more freedom, and could order their husbands about. No husband taken from one of the dependant families would dare to take action against his wife in the case of her laches, as she was of superior rank. Fairao, or adultery appears to have been not uncommon. Fakamau, is the name given to marriage, it means ‘to fasten.’ Large families were quite common formerly, but not so much so now; no doubt the abolition of Polygamy accounts for this in a measure.

Death: Mate is to die, as in all other dialects; Mate-popo, death to rotteness equally means death, and distinguishes it from mate, also used for sickness, though Niuē people have a special word for the latter, i.e. gagao. Mate-teia is sudden death, as is also mate-mogo, As far as I can gather the people did not fear death any more than other branches of the race. Possibly this may have had something to do with a belief in the soul (agāga) going to Ahohololoa, or the Heaven of the good. There was a tagi, or lamenting held as soon as breath had ceased, and the body was often kept so long that all unpleasantness had ceased, to allow of distant friends to wail over it. It was placed in some open spot on a mat. Soon after death a mat was spread on the ground near the body, and the first thing that alighted on it—insect, lizard, etc.—was believed to be the spirit of the departed. This was wrapped up and taken away and buried. The Samoans have a similar custom, but no other branch of the race that I can remember. For ten days, in former times, the family and friends of deceased built coco-nut sheds. fale-tulu, and there dwelt in a state of mourning, termed api-larā. After some time the body was wrapped in mats and taken away to a cave or chasm, where the family bones were deposited, which place was very sacred. In some cases the bodies were thrown into the sea. The bones of the dead are termed hui-atua, an expression which is also found in Tongareva Island, but no where else I think. Somtimes the bodies were placed in canoes and sent adrift; evidently with the idea that they would somehow reach the ancestral Father-land. This is a Moriori custom also, but I never heard of it being in force with any other branch of the race, though it seems probable it was practised by some branches of the Fijians, (with whom Polynesians have been so closely connected) for Dumont D'Urville mentions that when off the south coast of Fiji, he found a canoe far out at sea with a dead body in it, dressed up etc. with the owners weapons by it—evidently sent adrift puposely. This is termed fakafolau in Niuē, and they often also adopted this means of getting rid of a thief.

It often occurred that the immediate relatives of the deceased were beaten by those from a distance. This is a well-known Maori custom, tke idea being that such relations had no business to allow the deceased to die—a good warrior might be lost to the tribe through their carelessness. The people had, and still have, much dread of the spirits of deceased persons, and believed they returned and caused all kinds of trouble to the relatives. In modern times large stones are placed in the graves (tukuaga) to prevent the escape of the spirit or ghost. It is still the custom to place some of the favourite property of the deceased termed tuki-ofa or mai-ofa (cf., Maori maioha), on the graves, the belief being that the spirit of these things is used by the deceased in his spirit life. The modern graves of the people are built up very solidly of coral, and are generally to be found in the strip of sloping land between the main road and the tops of the cliffs,

Some of these graves will be seen in foreground of Plate No. 1.

but graves are found everywhere along the roads and paths,—if at all recent, with the remains of the personal property of the deceased. In the case of women, even their sewing machines are thus placed on the graves.

Like Maoris, the Niuē people often change their names at the death of a relative, indeed, judging from such cases that came under my notice during my short stay on the island, it would seem that the custom is very common. In the case of death, the name adopted generally has some reference to the event, to the cause of death, circumstances attending it—all of which is pure Maori. Those who had come into contact with the dead appear not to have been tapu (unclean) to the same extent as prevailed in New Zealand.

In very old age, it was not infrequent that the old people requested their younger relatives to strangle them to cause death. Suicide was not uncommon, and was generally performed by jumping off a cliff into the sea (? faka-folau).

Other Customs

Cannibalism was quite unknown in Niuē, and the people always expressed the greatest horror of it. At the same time it is quite clear they were acquainted with the custom, as we shall learn (in Part IV.) later on in the story of Lau-foli. Nor did they tattoo themselves at all—so far as I can learn—which seems very strange, but here again they resembled the Morioris. In modern times many of the people are tattooed, but these are usually those who have visited other islands. I noticed on the back of the necks of one or two old men a zigzag line tattooed, which is characteristic of Rarotonga. Niuē people call tattooing ta-tatau.

I notice some writers have lately adopted the word tatu for tattoo, probably thinking they were using an original Polynesian word. But that is a mistake, there is no such word as tatu in the language. It is merely the English word tattoo, spelt according to Polynesian fashion. Tattoo is derived (by Sir Joseph Banks, I believe) from the Tahitian word tatau, to tattoo, and is his method of spelling the Tahitian word. Wherever the word tatu is used by Polynesians now-a-days it has been adopted from the English tattoo.

The Niuē salutation was the same as in other parts of Polynesia, by pressing noses, which they call figita, a word which appears to be local; they have the ordinary word hogi, but only use it for “smelling.”

Speech-making is a great feature of Niuē life, no occasion seems to be omitted for the exercise of this faculty. And it is clear that references are often made to their ancient history therein. Sometimes their speeches are accompanied by songs of ancient times, just as the Maoris use quotations from old songs to illustrate and emphasise their arguments. These old songs (lologo) are sung in the same monotonous minor key as those of the Maori; one person will lead off (uhu) and the others join in. Now-a-days the people are great singers, and have many airs that are used in their songs and hymns, and they take naturally first, second, third, and fourth parts. Their singing is often very nice, but too harsh. Their dances—so-called—named ta-mē, that I saw, are not unlike those of Rarotonga. At Tuapa when I first met the people, each of the five or six nearest villages furnished a contingent of dancers, both men and women. They were all nicely dressed and wore many flowers and wreaths, the bright yellow leaves of the kapihi fern being prominent. As each contingent came up they sat down cross-legged (fakatoga) in two rows facing one another, to the number of 20 or 30, and then one of them would start (uhu) a song improvised for the occasion, then all join in, with swaying of the bodies and arms, whilst one or two men, as fugle-men, occasionally danced round the others, encouraging them and joining in. When one company had finished another took its place and so on. One who is apt at composing songs for these occasions is called a koukou-mē. The songs sung at these dances are composed for the occasion and have reference to passing events. The following is a specimen, sung by the students and their families at Alofi, on my departure for New Zealand:–

E Misi Mete, Ne nofo i Taranaki Fakatagi tiogo mai, Kilikili koki ki Niu Silani Kua hake fakatangi ki Niuē Fakatagi tiogo mai, Kilikili koki ki Niuē Kua hifo fakatagi ki Niu Silani Fakatagi tiogo mai,

Fire was made originally by the rubbing of a pointed stick in the groove of another, exactly as all other Polynesians do it, the operation was called tolo-ati.

War, Arms, &c.

According to their own account, wars were frequent in Niuē in old times, either as one village against another, or as a combination of several, such as north against the south, which in reality meant the Motu people opposed to the Tafiti people, the two divisions already referred to. But it was not so originally; it seems obvious from the following part of a legend, the whole of which will be found in Part IV, that the first war in the island arose through one of the Tafiti killing one of the Motu tribe. In very early times there was a high chief named Tihamau who was of the Motu tribe, and he had a hagai or lieutenant named Matua-hifi, residing at Avatele, whose business it was to guard against incursions of strange people on that side. A chief named Mutalau, who was probably of the Tafiti tribe, came to Niuē and killed Matua-hifi, as the latter hindered him from landing on the island. Trouble followed between Tihamau, the high-chief of the island, and Mutalau, but after a time this came to an end. Years after, when the sons of the slain Matua-hifi grew up, they determined to be revenged, so gathered their relatives and, proceeding to the north end of the island, there killed Mutalau; and now, says Pule-kula, “commenced the wars in the island which lasted even down to the time when Christianity was first introduced.” (see paragraph 72 et. seq. in Part IV.) As already pointed out, the absence of genealogical tables amongst the Niuē people prevents a date being assigned to this event, but it is clear that it was very long ago.

Judging from several exhibitions of the manner in which they used to fight, I do not think their wars were ever on a large scale or very disastrous in character. They were rather a series of ambuscades and skirmishes, in which probably no very great numbers were killed. Occasionally a tribe or the inhabitants of a village would be driven to seek safety in a tauē or fort, but those I have seen were incapable of holding more than a mere handful of people, though there is said to be one on Te-pa Point, near Avatele, access to which is only obtainable through a hole in the rocks, and which can contain a large number of people, as it often has done on occasions when it was besieged (pa-takai). The tauē I have seen were mere natural strongholds in rocks, to which probably art added a little strength by rolling other rocks to fill up holes in the natural defence. The want of water must have been the great drawback to these forts, as it was with the Maori pas.

Kanava-akau—General Name of Weapons

Plate No. 6 shows several of these arms. The numbers in brackets refer to Mr. J. Edge-Partington's “Album of Ethnology of the Pacific,” where some of them are shown. Thus: (P. No. 4, p. 63).

Tau is the Niuē word for fighting, and kau is an army; malē-tau is a battle-field. The people fought with cleaving clubs (general name, katona), barbed spears (tao) and with polished stones (maka), which were thrown by hand without the aid of slings. There was a good deal of science displayed in using their heavy clubs, both in guarding and striking, the motions reminding me of the action of the Maoris with the taiaha, which the Niuē katoua is not unlike. There was art displayed in avoiding (kalo or patali) the spears thrown, which, being barbed with hard kieto wood made very nasty wounds. It has been previously noticed that pieces of green kava root were fastened on to the barbs (hoe) of the spear to cause irritation in the wounds, and from the manner the hard barbed part was fastened on to the haft (fuata) it would easily break off and leave the barbed part in the wound. Some of the spears have two and three separate prongs to them. The following is a list of the Niuē arms, specimens of all of which may now be seen in the Auckland and Taranaki museums:–

Katoua Varies from 3 to 6 feet long, the blade 3 to 6 inches broad. Papa Is broader than a katoua, but same shape. Fakahutuaniu Not so broad as the above, but thick. Ulufuamiti
I have a note to the effect that this club is like a long Maori tokotoko, but the description above is probably correct—it was given me by Fakalagatoa.
Somewhat like the katoua, but instead of a spike at the broad end it is curved sharply. Akaufua
I have a note to the effect that this club is like a long Maori tokotoko, but the description above is probably correct—it was given me by Fakalagatoa.
Ulu-puku A small hand-club. Plate No. 6. Gutu-mea Is a narrow club, but the striking end curved. (?) Also called a pelu, and uluhelu.

There are ten different kinds of spears, all much the same in shape and all barbed with kieto wood (ebony). Several were carried by each warrior (toa) in fighting,—such a bundle was called taga-hulu-fe.

PLATE No. 6.—ARMS, ETC.

On the top line is a paddle (fohe) (P. 64, No. 3;) below is a tika, or dart used in the game ta-tika; below that, an arrow (fanā) with barbed points, used in shooting birds; below is the ordinary tao (p. 64, No. 5 and 6) or barbed spear; below that is a tao-mata-ua (P. 64, No. 7) or double pronged barbed spear; below that a katoua, or cleaving club; and at the bottom a short katoua or ulu-puku.

The scale is shown in inches. Figures in brackets refer to J. Edge Partington's “Album”

Tao-hoehoe, barbed.

Tao-tala-tolu,

Tao-maga,

Kau-valovalo, a long, thick spear without barbs.

Tao-matatolu, 3-pronged.

Tao-uvake,

Tao-kete,

Tao-mata-ua, 2-pronged.

Tao-haufua,

Ulu-miti, short, thick spear 3 to 4 feet long.

The tao-kete is not a fighting spear, but is used in dances, &c.,—its end is split, and so rattles when shaken. Uaki is a spear in one piece, without a separate barb.

Of the fighting stones (maka) these are about 4 to 5 inches in the longest diameter, and 3 to 4 inches in the shorter; they are usually made of coral, smooth, pointed, and polished. The names are:–

Maka-uli, black-stone.

Maka-kīkī, blackish grey in color.

Maka-gēegēe, made of tridacna shell.

Maka-tatili, very smooth and polished.

Fatu-kalā, not very smooth.

Maka-gutu-umu-ti, taken from an oven.

Maka-poupou-ana, made of stalactite. See Plate 7.

Makafua, rough stone from forest. Maka-pihi,

A supply of these stones was carried in baskets, but the warriors also carried in their war girdles a large supply—as many as 50, it is said—to cast at the enemy. When these were exhausted they took to the rough stones lying about, says my informant, Fakalagatoa. The maka-uli, or black stone, I have seen a few of. They are made of rough basaltic lava, and have been brought to the island, for there is no such stone native to it. I believe the Fatu-kalā is also a basaltic stone; it is interesting to find the common Polynesian name for basalt—kalā—attached to it, i.e., the Eastern Polynesian name, from Hawaii to New Zealand, but not known apparently in Tonga or Samoa, though ‘ala is a stone worn smooth by the sea in the latter place, but does not fit the Niuē meaning. The first part of the name, fatu, is also not Niuē, it means a stone—clearly the name was imported with the stone.

The katoua and other clubs of that kind were used to strike with, and they are sufficiently heavy to cleave a man's head open down to the shoulders. Club is a wrong name for this arm, just as much as it is for the Maori taiaha, which it is not unlike; halbert is a better name, but it differs even from that. The sharp lower end (the tongue of the taiaha) is used to pierce the enemy after he is on the ground. The flat spike at the upper end is not used in fighting—it is apparently intended for ornament. Captain Cook no doubt was right in saying these people presented a very savage and fierce appearance as they advanced on him and his party. It was customary to wear nothing but the kafa, or girdle, and malo, the body and face blackened (hamo), and the beard tucked into the mouth, the face contorted with grimaces, the eyes wildly staring, whilst they jumped about defying (fakafiu) the enemy (fi). The toa or brave who distinguished himself was thought very highly of. Fata-a-iki (loc. cit.) says: “The braves (toa) of Niuē-fekai were named Togia. Whenever anyone showed great bravery they gave him the name Togia-kai-ota (Togia-eat-food-raw), but no one else was so-called. If a man was brave he was always named Togia.” A very prominent warrior, who had been the cause of the death of many of his enemies, was often doomed to death at the earliest opportunity, and his opponents would conspire to this end. Such a warrior was termed Ika-kupega, a fish for the net, in which expression we recognise the common Maori term for a dead body killed in war—ika. The foremost brave who rushed into the fight was called the Mata-ulu-e-toko, and he had a second as a support. All of this was arranged, of course, before the fighting commenced. In the actual fight the braves from either side would challenge one another (fepalēkoaki) to combat, and these toas did tau-mamate (fight to the death).

Before going into actual fight a ceremony called Tugi-maama-atu was sometimes performed: its object was to curse and paralyse the enemy. I have no particulars beyond the fact that the points of the spears were put into a fire, the object of which is not clear, for the kieto points are very hard naturally.

Fighting was sometimes carried to extremes, and endeavours made to utterly destroy (fakaotioti) the inhabitants of some village. But it is probable this never really came to pass, for all the people had relatives in the different villages. Nevertheless, many of the defeated party had to fly to the woods and inaccessible rocks, and there live a life of extreme hardship, only stealing out from their lairs at night to look for food.

Others again were enslaved (fakatupa). Generally these would be women and children, for slavery as an institution was unknown, in the same manner that it prevailed amongst the Maoris. The name for slave is tupa, a crab, and it is somewhat strange that the Rarotonga term for a slave was unga, also meaning a crab.

The Niné people, although acquainted with the bow (kau-fana; fané, an arrow), never used it in warfare any more than did any other branch of the Polynesians. It was used for shooting birds and rats. The arrows (one of which will be seen in Plate 6) were about 5 feet long and had four barbed points made of hard wood, whilst the shaft was made of cane (ra). The bows that I saw were very primitive affairs from 4 to 5 feet long and not at all well made.

The people also used short hand-clubs made of ebony (kieto) with a knob at the end. These are 10-12 inches long, and only effective, of course, at very close quarters (see Plate 7).

Clothing and Ornaments

The climate does not necessitate much clothing, though at the present day, to judge by the costumes of the people, the temperature would appear cold. To see some of the old Patus dressed up in the discarded coats, made of the thickest cloth, formerly belonging to the guards of the London & Brighton Railway, is somewhat amusing on a sweltering day. But then these coats have much brass button and red letters on them. This is the thing that “fetches” the Niuē swell, for they are very fond of outward show—anything in the way of uniform seems to appeal to them very much. Everyone dresses in European clothing now-a-days, in which the people do not look comfortable. An exception, however, must be made in favour of the women, who all wear the cool “round-about,” generally of white, pink, or dark blue, and, it must be added, they look very well in such a costume. Hats (potiki) of their own manufacture are worn by everyone; they are made of Pandanus leaf (lau-fa) and are very good A considerable number is exported every year to New Zealand and Australia; indeed, I was told, as many as 30,000 were sent away one year; but the average is between 2,000 and 3,000.

PLATE No. 7.—MANUFACTURED ARTICLES

Top row: On the left, a toki-gēegēe, or shell adze; a fuifui, or fly flap, made of braided sinnet.

Second row: 1, Palahega, or plume; 2, Toki-uli, or aze of volcanic stone; 3, 4, 5, Combs (hetu. P. 67, No. 1); 6, Maka-pou-ana, throwing stone of Stalactite, polished; 7, Palahega, or plume; 8, a broom; 9, short club made of ebony.

Third row: Three fans (fuifui, P. 67, No. 2); the centre one is a copy from the Samoan fans.

Lower row: A girdle (kafa, P. 67, No. 9) of human hair braided.

The Scale is shown in inches.

The figures in brackets refer to J. Edge Partington's “Album.”

But none of these things are ha mena tuai–things of old, but are modern, since the introduction of Christianity. In old times the malo, or waist-cloth, was the principal garment of the men, occasionally varied by a garment of hiapo or cloth made of hibiscus bark, called a felevehi, which (I think) was worn by both men and women. It was something like the kilt, or titi, of other branches of the race. Their girdles, called kafa, were made of a large number of strands of human hair beautifully braided (tili) and gathered together at the ends in loops, which served to fasten them round the waist. These are exactly like the belts of the Ure-wera Maoris, except that the latter are made of dyed flax. On Plate 7 one of these kafa is shown, it has 173 braided strands of hair in it, and as the belt is 33 inches long, there is a total length of braid of 475 feet 9 inches, an astonishing witness to the industry of the woman who made it. No wonder these kafa-lauula are much valued. These hair belts are, however, not peculiar to Niuē; I have one from Tahiti somewhat longer, but with not nearly so many strands in it.

Another article of wear was the kafa-hega, or girdle, made of feathers woven or bound on to a fabric. These must have been very handsome, judging from the pala-hega, parts of which are made in the same manner. There were three kinds of feather girdles: the kafa-hega, made of the green parroquet feathers; the kafa-hega-tea, made of white parroquet feathers, which are found under the beak; and the kafa-palua, which is said to be the handsomest and most valued of all. The feathers were plaited into fine twine, then twisted into cords the size of a pencil, and fastened together. The women would work at one of these for years.

These girdles were only worn by the chiefs and warriors, and were very highly valued. I have the record of four of these girdles which were in use about 1850 by some of the chiefs, and three of them were 20 fathoms long, the other 18½ fathoms. They were wound round the body.

All this kind of work was done by the women, and it was under the patronage of certain goddesses, ten of whom are mentioned in par. 42 (Part IV.), but most of whom were named Hina, with some qualifying word. To these goddesses prayers (liogi) were made by the women when engaged in the work. The labour connected with them must have been enormous. They represent for Niuē, the magnificent ‘ahu-'ula (Maori, kahu-kura) of the Hawaiian Islands—cloaks of resplendent golden and scarlet feathers, of which many may be seen in the Pauahi-Bishop Museum at Honolulu—and also the handsome kahu-kiwi, kahu-kura, and other cloaks of the Maori, made of Kiwi, Parrot, Pigeon, Tui, and other feathers.

The bark-cloth, made from the Morinda citrifolia, or hiapo, is fine of its kind. The ground work is white, and the pattern stamped on it by the women is made from the root of the tuitui, or candle-nut tree. Plate 8 shows a fair specimen of a kafu, or covering made of hiapo, a name which applies both to the tree and the cloth, ordinarily called tapa in most islands. In design and colour, however, Niuē hiapo cannot compare to the beautiful tapa to be seen in the Pauahi-Bishop Museum at Honolulu, the manufacture of the Hawaiians, who call it kapa. The hiapo tree or shrub grows in long slender rods some ten feet high, and it is from the back of this the cloth is made, by the same process that prevails elsewhere amongst the Polynesians. The tree is said to be disappearing in Niuē, as it is a cultivated plant, and the demand for hiapo has well-nigh ceased since the introduction of European fabrics. The Niuē term for beating the bark is tutū, impressing the pattern is helehele, or fakakupukupu, whilst tapulu is the general name for clothing of any kind. The bark of the Ocara, or Banyan, was also made into cloth.

Of the ornaments worn, there are several. A girdle of white cowrie shells (pule-tea) was worn below the kafa-lanula, or hair-girdle, it was about six to eight inches deep, and rattled as the wearer moved. These shells were also worn on the upper arm, three or four in a row. This is a Melanesian rather than a Polynesian custom. The large katoua, or clubs, were also ornamented with the white cowrie, as were the canoes, and in modern times, they are to be seen in the churches combined with coloured sinnet work arranged in ornamental patterns. Monomono was a shell ornament worn round the neck, made of a spiral shell cut, the head part used like a brooch, the pointed part cut flat. It rattled in the dance. The palā-hega was a sort of plume worn at the back of the head, and kept in position by a band of hiapo round the head. Two of these are shown in Plate 7. They are made with a core of dried banana bark, round which is wound strips of hiapo having scarlet feathers of the Hega parroquet fastened on to them, and at top and bottom the yellow feathers of the Kulukulu dove are lashed on with hair braid. From the top springs a plume of red and white Tuaki and Tuaki-kula feathers, making altogether rather a handsome ornament. Dressed up in his full equipment of ornaments, a man was said to be fakatufele. Plate No. 9 shows the late King Fata-a-iki in full dress of ancient times.

No. 8.—Niue. Hiapo, or bark-cloth covering

No. 9.—Niue. The late King Fata-a-iki in full costume, with a katoua in his hand

I have already mentioned that the Niuē people did not add tattooing to their adornments, in which they resemble the Morioris.

Canoes and Fishing

Like all Polynesians, the Niuē people are expert canoe men. Even to this day they go in their little canoes right round the island on fishing expeditions, on the weather side of which rough seas are experienced. Every dark night fleets of canoes are to be seen along the leeward coast with their bright torches (hulu) engaged in catching flying or other kinds of fish,—it is a very pretty sight to see them. A canoe is a raka, as it is in all other parts in some form of that word; but foulua is also a canoe, now applied to ships, which are also called tonga. The canoes have outriggers, which are fastened by two arms to the canoe itself. The hull is dug out of a log, with a topside lashed on and enclosed for a space both fore and aft. The seams are caulked with a hard gum called pili, and are often ornamented with shells and a little very rough carving. The Niuē canoes are more like the raa-alo-atu or Bonito canoes of Samoa than any others I have seen, but they are not so well-finished nor so long. A Niue canoe is from 12 feet to 25 feet in length, about 18 inches or 2 feet deep, and somewhat less in width. They carry from one to three or four people. The outrigger is called a hama; a double canoe is vaka-hai-ua, but not now in use. The paddles are termed fohe, and are shaped as seen in Plate 6. With these the canoes can be propelled at a considerable pace, and they sometimes sail, the sail being a la, the mast a fanā. The natives manage their craft very adroitly in coming onto the reef in rough weather, for at that time the little chasms (ava) in the reef are not available for landing purposes.

The particular gods (tupua), which presided over all fishing work, were Fakapoloto, Hakumani, Mēle and Lata, and in former times prayers were addressed to them in order that the fishermen might be successful (olatia) in fishing. The people possessed seines (kupega), but as I never saw one I cannot say what they were like; they are made of the bark of the fou-mamala tree. In Part IV hereof, paragraphs 51 to 56 will be found an account of the manner in which the Niuē people first became acquainted with fishing nets, which were used by the gods. This story is very like that of the Maoris, who learnt from the so-called Fairies how to make nets.

So far as I saw, fishing was generally done at night by aid of a torch carried at the stern of the canoe, at which the fish jumped and were then caught in a hand-net. These fish are usually flying fish, or hahare. But they had other methods as well, for many of the larger kinds are deep water fish, caught by hook-and-line. Fish preserves in the chasms of the reef were common, where the fish were fed (pupu-ika) and caught when wanted. And also, they often stupify fish by casting the berries of the kieto and kauhuhu into the waters.

Fish were counted by twenties; te kau (or 2 tens) being the term used, which is identical with the old Maori word for twice ten; it is not used in any other connection.

Houses, Utensils, Tools,-&c.

The ancient Niuē house was about as indifferent a kind of edifice as is to be found amongst the Polynesians. Made of niu, or coco-nut leaves, it quickly decayed, and had to be replaced. Now-a-days the houses are substantially built of lath and plaster. But notwithstanding the inferiority of the Niuē house (fale) originally, the people have a complete set of names for every portion of a large house built in semi-European fashion at the present day.

Amongst the most useful articles of manufacture were their toki or axes, which were, as a rule, made of coral in default of better material. These are extremely rough and unpolished. The toki-uli, or black axe, was made of lava, but as no volcanic stone is found on the island, this must have been imported, and probably from Samoa, for it is exactly like the lava of those islands. Axes were also made of the gēegēe or Tridacna shell, and, being an easier material to work, the finished article is a much more workmanlike tool. Plate 7 shows both a toki-uli and a toki-geegēe. The toki were lashed on (făNlō) to bent handles, as is usual. A felling axe was called fututu, and a chisel (of stone) was tofi.

Drums were used called nafa and logo; the only one I saw was a log hollowed with an open split nearly its whole length. The common name for a nail is fao, which is common everywhere, and probably meant a chisel originally. Kofe is the name for the flute, played by the nose as is the usual Polynesian custom. They make very neat hair combs (hetu-ulu), some of which will be seen in Plate 7. One of these is curved and made of black kieto or ebony, the others of white wood (oluolu), bound together very neatly with braided human hair. The people make large numbers of shell necklaces (kafua) of the little yellow and dark landshells, which are very pretty. Pa is a shell fish hook, just like the Maori paua shell hook.

The Niuē folks made many kinds of baskets (kato), of which several are really beautifully made and ornamental—these are made of lau-fa or Pandanus leaf, whilst others are made of coco-nut leaf. Mats for sleeping on (pola, &c.) were common. Faga is a round basket-like trap for catching small fish, and kakikaki and kahikahi are names for fishing rods. I have already mentioned their fishing nets or kupega, made of the bark of the Fua-mamāla tree.

Amusements, &c.

Of their ancient games, probably ta-tika was the most noteworthy. It was known and indulged in by, I think, all branches of the race. It consisted in throwing a dart, about 5 feet long, with a light haft and heavy head, in such a manner that it struck the ground and then bounded upwards. He who threw furthest was the winner. In Plate 6 will be seen one of these tika, and in Part IV, paragraphs 45 to 50, will be found an account of Matila-foafoa and the game ta-tika, which is another version of that given by Dr. Wyatt Gill, at pp. 107 and 118 “Myths and Songs.” Surf-riding was another amusement, called Fakatu-lapa or Fakatu-peau, which again is common to the race everywhere, but seems to have been practised more in Hawaii than elsewhere. The tug-of-war was another game just like ours, and here is an ancient song sung to it:—

Lilolilo to ua ke fakatoka He tafūa i Paluki. Toho e Motu, toho e Tafiti Po ko fe ka toho ki ai. Twist thy muscles to retain, The meeting place at Palūki, Pulls the Motu; pulls the Tafiti, Where will they pull it to?

In this is a reference to the constant struggles between the Motu and Tafiti peoples. Heu-manu was an amusement of chiefs, in catching pigeons by means of a decoy and hand net. This is a Samoan custom, and has the same name Seu-mann. Their songs (timē), and dances (koli), have already been referred to. Stilts are common amongst the children now, called tu-te-keka, and probably is an ancient amusement, for it is known to have been a practice of the ancestors of the Maori before they migrated to New Zealand.

Takalo is the general name for play, as it is in New Zealand fefeua is another name for the same thing.

Astronomy

I could not learn from the present generation if they had the same knowledge of the stars, &c., as most other branches of the race. The sun is lā, the moon mahina, the stars fetu. Venus, as a morning star, is Fetu-aho, and in the evening Tu-atiafi.

Whetu-ao and Tu-ahiahi are the Maori names.

Mataliki is a constellation, but whether applied to the Pleiades as everywhere else I could not ascertain. The following is a saying about the moon and death:—

Mate a mahina, mate ala mai: mate a kumā, mate fakaoti.

To die like the moon, is to die and rise again: to die like the rat, is endless death.

Foods, &c.

Many of the articles of food have already been mentioned, but the following are some of the made-dishes of the people:—Fai-kai is a mixture of grated coco-nut and yam baked. It is very good. The Feke, or Octopus, is pounded, mixed with coco-nut and baked. Nani is boiled scraped coco-nut, with lump of arrowroot (pia) dropped into it. Tukifuti is composed of arrowroot and pounded bananas, and is very good, it is baked. Holo-talo is a pudding of grated talo. Pitako is composed of green bananas and coco-nut. Takihi is baked coco-nut and yams. Vai-halo is scraped coco-nut and arrowroot boiled.

In former times they made enormous talo puddings. The following story in connection therewith will probably be set down as a traveller's tale, but it is true nevertheless. When the new church was opened at Liku, a great feast took place, and one of the articles of food provided by the people was a talo pudding 220 yards g! It was baked in a long native umu, or oven, of that length, the stones marking the extremities of which are still to be seen.

Diseases, &c.

This is a subject I know little about, but will mention some of the names the people apply. Fakafoha is a boil; huijua and fefe is elephantiasis, which, however, cannot be common, for I saw but one case; kai-mule is the fever of elephantiasis; kaifao is asthma; fotofoto is massage, called generally in other islands lomilomi; heahea is the thrush; tata is to bleed, a proceeding the people are very fond of now-a-days. Tatalu is an epidemic, and it is somewhat strange that an attack of influenza affects nearly everybody after the visit of each vessel. In the case of sneezing in a child, the parent says, “Tupu; Tupu-ola: Tupu-ola-moui,” which is somewhat like the Maori expression, “Tihe-mauri ora,” said under like circumstances.

Leprosy is unknown in the island, though supposed to have been introduced there once.

Disease of any kind the people seem to have always been terribly afraid of. Their opposition to Captain Cook landing was due to the fear of the introduction of some fell disease. It was the same with John Williams in 1830, and again in the case of the first native and Samoan teachers. Clearly the people must at some period of their history have been afflicted with some terrible scourge after the visit of strangers, and this has engendered a fear of all intercourse with outsiders ever since.

Part IV

History and Traditions

WE now come to the somewhat difficult question of the whence of the Niuē people–difficult, that is, because of the lack of precise traditions amongst the people themselves. In this they differ very materially from all other branches of the race I know of. It has been already pointed out that there appear to have been two separate migrations to the island—the Motu and the Tafiti people—of which the Motu division was, in all probability, the original one.

The traditions of the people say that they came from Tonga, or from Fonua-galo, or from Tulia. Now Tonga does not necessarily imply the island of that name, because to the Niuē people all foreign lands were called Tonga, as are foreigners tagata toga, and ships toga. And the name, as applied to foreign parts, is, I think, not an invention since the arrival of the people in Niuē, but was applied to some country with which the people in their former homes had frequent dealings. This points strongly to a former residence in Samoa, and to the period during which constant intercourse, generally of a hostile nature, took place with the Tonga group. It is at that time I think the name of Tonga arose for a “foreign country,” and in process of time with the Niuē people the name has become general, in the same manner as Hawaiki did with the Maoris. The second name, Fonua-galo, as that of a place, does not give any indication of locality, for, so far as I know, there is no such island; and moreover, the meaning of the word is “lost-land,” and implies that it is a name signifying the fact that the real name has been forgotten. The other name, Tulia, is not known as that of an island at the present day, and the only thing like it I know of, is the name of a place on the west end of Savai‘i Island in Samoa, called Tulia also.

The names of the ancestors who originally settled in Niuē do not help us either. They are Huanaki, and Fāo, as the chief persons, together with Fakahoko, Lageiki and Lagiatea, besides several others, all of whom in process of time have become tupuas, or deified personages. These are the Motu ancestors. The only name recognisable from the genealogical tables of other branches of the race is Fāo, but, from various reasons, this man can scarcely be identical with the Maori ancestor named Whao (which is the same as Fāo). Just prior to the last migration of the Maoris in the fleet of six canoes to New Zealand in circa 1350, there flourished in Tahiti one Uenuku, whose great enemy, named Whena, or Hena—a resident of Rarotonga—had a son named Whao, whose son again was called Whao, and it is of course possible that Fāo of Niuē may be identical with one of these. But it is not likely; for Niuē was settled before this period if I am right in my theory of their origin. It should be noticed also, that Fāo is said by Niuē tradition to have left that island in old age and settled in Aitutaki Island—not very far from Rarotonga, where Whao of Maori tradition lived.

I asked my friend, Mr. J. T. Large, of Aitutaki, to institute enquiries amongst the people of that island as to whether they had any record of Fāo, or his supposed migration, and he replies as follows: “The people of this island know nothing about him, but a Niuē toa, or warrior, named Titia was brought to Aitutaki many generations ago under the following circumstances: Aitutaki was at that time overrun with the Aitu people, said to have come from Mangaia Island. Maeva-kura, who flourished about eight generations ago, i.e. circa 1700 according to the Aitutaki genealogies, sent messengers to his daughter Maine-maraerua, at Rarotonga, to obtain help to expel these invaders. She sent her son Maro-una, who, taking a war-party with him, first made war on all the islands near at hand and also at Niuē, obtaining a toa or warrior from each island, Titia being the man he obtained from Niuē. With them he exterminated the Aitu people in Aitutaki. Some of Titia's descendants are still alive here.”

This incident is also alluded to in the “Autara ki Aitutaki,” as follows: “Maro-una…. would not then land as he was going on to Vare-a-tao, or Niuē Island, to get more warriors, and after a tempestuous voyage Maro-una arrived there. After a great deal of fighting he succeeded in getting the warrior Titia; and then returned to Aitutaki.”—J.P.S., vol. iv, p. 70.

Fāo appears to be a not uncommon name in Samoa.

In order to arrive at an understanding of the probable origin of the Niuē people, it will be necessary to briefly sketch the history of the race during the period extending from the sixth to the thirteenth century. In doing so, reliance is placed on the Rarotongan traditions as being by far the most complete of any that have been preserved relating to that epoch, and, being written by the last high priest of that island have an authenticity quite exceptional. In about the sixth century, the Samoan branch of the race had already occupied their group. This branch, indeed, was probably the earliest migration from Indonesia. The eastern part of the Fiji group was in occupation of the later migrations, whom, to distinguish, we may call the Tonga-Fiti people, for such is the name they are referred to in Somoan tradition. Tonga, at this time, had in all probability been settled, and maintained a constant communication with the same branch of the race in Fiji. Towards the close of the sixth century, communication was frequent between the Tonga-Fiti people and the Samoans, indeed the former had then commenced the occupation of the coasts of Samoa, which did not cease until circa 1250. High chiefs of the Tonga-Fiti people, were at that time making some of their astonishing voyages all over the Pacific, discovering fresh lands to colonize, and becoming the expert navigators their subsequent lengthy voyages proved them to be. The period extending from the sixth to the thirteenth century was one of unrest and trouble. Tribe fought against tribe in the headquarters of the race in Fiji, and many expeditions started from there to discover homes in other parts of the Pacific, finding no peace at home. About the early part of this period Hawaii and Tahiti were first settled, and somewhere about the middle of the ninth century New Zealand received its first settlers, the same people in all probability that furnished the inhabitants of the Chatham Islands—the Morioris—but not at so early a date as the ninth century.

Now, I take it to be somewhere in the above period, i.e. from the eighth to the thirteenth century that Niuē received its first inhabitants. It was probably after the commencement of the great voyages which led to a knowledge of most of the islands in Central and Eastern Polynesia—and this was approximately the year A.D. 650. We may say tentatively, that Niuē was first occupied by the Motu people in about A.D. 700. The reason I fix on this date is, that the people have many of the traditions common to the race, the period of which is prior to A.D. 700, but so far as I gathered, none of a later date that are not merely local. Many of the great heroes of Polynesian history are unknown to the Niuē people, because they flourished after the migration to Niuē.

The causes which led to the migration of Huanaki and Fāo are said to be their dissatisfaction at being omitted from the feasts given by their relatives and friends, which was due to their own fault in neglecting to help in the preparation of food for such feasts. This may not appear to be a very serious affair to European minds, but to the Polynesian it was a grievous insult, and the result was that the two chiefs and their followers migrated to find a land distant from that of their relatives, for they were probably not sufficiently strong to wipe out the insult in blood, which would have been the usual course. As to the place they migrated from, there is strong probability that it was the western end of Savai‘i, and the emigrants themselves were probably either Samoans of the old stock, or a mixture of Samoans and the Tonga-Fiti people. The use the people make of the word uta for the east, shows that their forefathers dwelt for a lengthened period on the west coast of some country; and their use of the word mounga, a mountain (which they do not apply to any hill in Niuē) shows this country to have had mountains in it, as Savai‘i has. The Samoan customs and words, with the Samoan god Sa-le-vao (Ha-le-vao) the Niuē people have, show an intimate connection with Samoa. But this was before the Samoans softened the “h” to “s,” and dropped the “k” out of their dialect. The year 700 was before the incident known as Mata-mata-mē in Samoan history,

See Journal Of The Polynesian Society, vol. viii, p. 231.

and prior to that time Samoa had no king of the whole group. Hence, when the Niuē migration came away, they brought with them the system then in force in Samoa, i.e. of chiefs, but no kings. At that early period, if I am right in my reading of Polynesian history, cannibalism had not yet been introduced as a custom of the race—it was not until the close connection that subsequently existed between Polynesian and Melanesian in Fiji, that the former learnt this custom from the latter. Hence the Niuē people are not cannibals.

As to circumcision, it is doubtful if any argument can be drawn from the fact of the Niuē people not practising this rite, though they were acquainted with it. We do not know if this is an ancient Tonga-Fiti custom, though probably it is, and brought by some branch of the race from their original home in Asia. There are some divisions of the race who did not practise it; the majority of the Maoris did not, nor the Morioris. Some of the East Coast tribes of New Zealand did, but from the account of its introduction, it is comparatively speaking modern. It was first known to these people in the time of Tama-ki-te-ra and Tama-ki-te-hau, who flourished two generations before the arrival of the fleet in New Zealand, or about the year 1300. It was no doubt introduced from Eastern Polynesia by some of the voyagers who at that period visited New Zealand. Hence it was probably unknown to the tangata-whenua, or original inhabitants of New Zealand—who, I have reason for thinking, were of the Tonga-Fiti branch of the race—or the practice had become obsolete, and only resusitated in the case of the Maoris, through renewed intercourse with Central Polynesia.

The idea that it was an old custom renewed is born out by Hawaiiau tradition, which, whilst assiguing it a very ancient origin, also say that it was introduced or became more universal in the times of Pau matua, one of the leaders of the many parties of immigrants into Hawaii from Southern Polynesia in the twelfth century.

The absence of tatooing amongst the Niuē people seems to lend weight to the argument that the Motu people were Samoans. It is known by tradition that tatooing was introduced into Samoa from Fiji, i.e. from the Tonga-fiti people, but the date cannot be fixed. It is, however, certain that there was a period when Samoans did not tatoo, and it was during this time that the Motu people of Niuē split off from the parent stem in all probability.

It is probably due to this Samoan origin that we find the following names in Niuē, which are all Samoan: Hamoa (Samoa), Matafele, Havaiki (Savai‘i), Tutuila, Vaea, Tuapa, Avatele, and Tafiti, which latter is a Samoan name of Fiji, whilst Lakepa is the same as Lakemba of the Fiji group.

As to the second element in the Niuē population, those called Tafiti, there can be no doubt that they are much later emigrants than the Motu people. The only account of them I have is as follows, and even then the story does not relate to their first coming. The original will be found under the same paragraph numbers in the native language later on:—

69. Describes the manner, truly marvellous, by which a woman of Niuē named Gigi-fale was conveyed away to some island called Tonga, for which see translation.

70. “Then came down some of the people of the land, who surprised and caught the woman, whom they took away with them and cared for her. She was a handsome woman, was Gini-fale, and was taken to wife by the chief of the island. When the time approached that her child should be born, the husband was constantly in tears. So Gini-fale asked him, “Why do you cry?” Said her husband, “I am crying on your account, because of your child.” Now the custom of that island was to cut open the mother that the child might be born, but the mother died, This was the reason why Lei-pua was so sorry. Then Gini-fale said, “O thou ! I will disclose to thee the way by which the child may be born.”

71. When the time came, a male child was born, and they called him Mutalau. After the child had grown up he learnt that his mother came from Motu-te-fua (Niuē), and he felt a strong desire to visit the home of his mother.”

Mutalau and Matuku-hifi

72. “Tihamau was the chief of Nuku-tu-taha (Niuē); he built his great house at Hapuga and Faofao, a village at the Ulu-lauta, at Mata-fonua of the Lelego-atua (at the north end of Niuē; there is no such village now). He was the lord of the malē (plaza) of Fana-kava-tala and Tia-tele; and of the stone house built by Huanaki at Vaihoko —he was the first king of the island of Niuē-fekai.

73. Matuku-hifi was the hagai or lieutenant of Tihamau, whose duty was to guard the entrance against the Tongans, lest they seized the island. He dwelt at the upper rock at Makatau-kakala, at Oneone-pata, Avatele. He prepared some white operculii, and bound them (over his eyes) with hiapo when darkness set in, and thus leaned back on his seat. The rock against which he supported himself was opposite the sea. When he had the operculii in his eyes they shone white, as a man who was wide awake, and then he slept soundly until daylight.

74. This was at the period that Mutalau arranged to come to the island, but Matuku-hifi kept strict guard so that it was difficult for Mutalau to land. Mutalau used frequently to come by night, without success, so he waited till daylight at which time Matuku-hifi went away to work, and leaving his canoe at Tioafa, crept up to the resting place of Matuku-hifi to see what kind of a man he was.

75. When the hour of Matuku-hifi's return came, he made his fire, and bound on his artificial eyes and rested in his stone-seat. Then Mutalau saw that it was all deceit; so he waited until Matuku-hifi was sound asleep, then seizing his weapon he went up by the path, and struck Matuku-hifi on the head and cut it off, together with the stone-seat. Thus died Matuku-hifi.

76. After this Mutalau went to Vaono, near Māla-fati, a village between Lakepa and Liku, where he met Tihamau, the king. Here they disputed together, because Mutalau had come to the island.

77. Lepo-ka-fatu and Lepo-ka-nifo were the sons of Matuku-hifi, and they were both small children at the time of their fathers's death; but when they grew up they enquired who their father was. The family told them, “Matuku-hifi was your father, but he was killed by Mutalau who lives at the Ulu-lauta (north end of the island). The sons and their relatives now desired to make war, and prepared accordingly, and when the preparations were complete, they went to the north, and killed Mutalan. This was the beginning of war in Niuē, which lasted until the coming of Peniamina, Toimata and Paulo to bring the word of Jesus to prevent further fighting.”

There are some interesting points in this tradition, quite outside its connection with Niuē. It contains fragments—generally perverted— of traditions known to other branches of the race. For instance, the Cesarian operation referred to in par. 70 is part of the story of Tura, an ancient Maori ancestor.

In the usual story of Tura, according to Maori history, he is shown to be a contemporary of the Polynesian hero, Whiro. But it is clear this latter Tura is quite a different person from the more ancient Tura, who visited the country where natural birth had to be assisted by an operation.

It is also probable that the first part of the story of Gini-fale, is based on one of the Tinirau legends—is in fact a perverted account of Hina's adventures. Both of these stories belong to the Maori-Rarotongan branch of the race, and hence Niuē people only know them in a sketchy kind of way and have made a local application of them. Tinirau, or as they and the Samoans call him, Tigilau, was known by name to the Niuē people, which is natural, for he flourished before the date of the migration to Niuē, in Fiji.

Now this story, though it only mentions the name of one emigrant —Mutalau—and partakes of the frequent marvellous character of so many old legends, contains no doubt the germs of a true story of a further accession to the inhabitants of the island.

As to the origin of the Tafiti people, it seems to me probable that they were some of the Tonga-Fiti people who occupied the coasts of Samoa, and were expelled from there at the time of Matamata-mē, or when Savea became the first king of all Samoa, and received the name for the first time, of Malietoa. This occurred according to the several Samoan genealogies about the year 1250,

See this Journal, vol. viii, p. 6.

or about 550 years after the arrival of the Motu people at Niuē. This period is characterised in Polynesian history by the close connection of the Polynesians with the Melanesians in the Fiji group, when intercourse was frequent and intermarriage constant. Hence the greater Melanesian strain in the Tafiti people than in those of Motu. It is due also to this Melanesian intercourse, that the large number of Tongan words, with some of their grammatical forms, was introduced into Niuē, gradually overriding and replacing much of the purer Polynesian dialect spoken by the Motu people, the traces of which are still apparent in their old songs.

Subsequent History of Niue

The first notice of Niuē Island from an outside source is contained in the Rarotongan traditions. Here we come, for the first time, on something a little more reliable as to dates than anything the Niuē people can furnish. The following brief notice will be found in the Rev. J. B. Stair's “Early Voyages of the Samoans.”

Journal Of Polynesian Society, vol. iv, p. 104.

I quote this account because it is in print, rather than the MS one in my possession, which has not yet been translated. But though Mr. Stair refers to the large number of voyages described in his paper as Samoan, they were only so in the sense that many of them were made from Samoa, but by the Maori-Rarotongan ancestors, who at that date were leaving Samoa for the Eastern Pacific. Mr. Stair says, “Sixth voyage, (under) Tangiia. After this they left that side of the heavens (i.e. that part of the Pacific), and sailed eastward to Niuē and Niua-taputapu (Keppel Island), to Niu-lii, Niu-tala and Iva (Marquesas), and then they sailed to Tahiti, where Tangiia made a settlement at a place called Puna-auia.”

It is easy to prove by a number of genealogies that Tangiia flourished about the year 1250. If the tradition is to be relied on, and I know of no reason to doubt it, the name Niuē preserved in Tangiia's voyage, and not one of the ancient names of the island shows that the voyage of Levei-matagi and Levei-fualoto had already been made to Tutuila, and the coco-nut introduced to Niuē, as related previously. It is possible the East Polynesian name fatu-kalā, for a black stone axe, is due to this voyage.

The next incident in Niuē history was the visit of Veu and Veu from Manu‘a in eastern Samoa, as related in the Samoan traditions collected by the Rev. T. Powell and translated by the Rev. G. Pratt and edited by Dr. J. Fraser.

See This Journal, vol ix., p. 125.

This tradition refers to the visit to Niuē of Veu and Veu, two people of Manu‘a, who were expelled for breaking the local laws. Although the tradition is full of the marvellous, as is common to these old legends, it no doubt relates an historical fact. After recounting the birth of their son, Fiti-au-mua, and the fact of his being brought up by a Niuē woman whose own son was named Laufoli “who was a true Niuēan; he was a warrior,” the story relates the return of Fiti-au-mua to Manu‘a in Samoa, where he engaged in a war to punish those who had exiled his parents, and his subsequent warlike visits to Fiji, Tonga, Savai‘i, &c., and his death at the hands of Le Fanonga, at Mata-utu. The story then goes on: “Laufoli, wondering why Fiti-au-mua did not return (to Niuē), came in search of him; fought with Manu‘a: Manu‘a was overcome; went to Tutuila: Tutuila was overcome; came to Upolu; Upolu was overcome; then he arrived at Savai‘i. After that he went back to Niuē, and was not seen again in Samoa.”

From the above brief story, it is evident that Laufoli was a warrior. We will now see what the Niuē traditions say about him. One of the stories will be found in the original later on; from that and another account I have, the following is produced:

The Story of Lau-foli

“A long time ago there lived in this island a man named Laufoli who was famed in his day for his skill, and the adventures he met with. He was a tall man, a warrior, and a chief in his generation. He was possessed of a staff which was his constant companion, and with which he performed some astonishing deeds—it was in fact a magic staff. It frequently occurred that the high tops of the Pandanus trees were found cut off, but for a long time no one could ascertain how this was done, or who did it. Finally it was discovered that Laufoli struck off the tops of these trees with his staff. On one occasion a party of Tongans came to Niuē (not necessarily from Tonga), and they were surprised at seeing the Pandanus trees without tops. “What has been done to the trees?” asked they. “Laufoli has cut them off,” was the reply. The chief of the Tongans was so taken with Laufoli that he persuaded him to accompany the visitors on their return to their own country. Before departing in the large war canoe, Laufoli carefully wrapped up his staff in the leaves of the tefifi plant and concealed it in the canoe; and so they departed for Tonga.

On arrival in their own country, the Tongans decided to put Laufoli's powers to the test. They first asked him to cut down a species of banana called a hulahula.

There is a species of plant in Samoa called sulasula (identical with hulahula), and one in Fiji called sulisuli, but not apparantly in Tonga.

Laufoli dispatched one of the Tongans to the canoe to fetch his staff; but after searching he could not find it, so returned with a paddle. Then Lau-foli himself went down, and after carefully unfolding the tefifi leaves in which the staff was wrapped, he ascended to cut down the banana. But a piece of iron (lapatoa) had been inserted in the core of the banana, so Laufoli failed at his first attempt. He then took the staff in his left hand and with one blow cut down the banana together with the iron core, “and the Tongans turned pale with astonishment.”

Lapatoa is the word used for iron in Niuē. In another account the word toa is used, and this is probably correct, for the toa or iron wood tree (Casuarina) grows on all the groups near Niuē, i.e. Samoa, Tonga, Fiji, &c., but not on Niuē itself.

The Tongans having failed to foil Lau-foli, now proposed another test of his powers. They took him to a wide chasm and told him to jump it, expecting to see him fall and be killed; but Laufoli succeeded in jumping the chasm in safety.

In one of the songs about Lau-foli's deeds, this jump of his is said to be over the tapi vai afi, which I can only translate as over “the crest of fiery water,” which may mean a volcanic vent.

The Tongans now decided on another test of Laufoli's powers. They sent him to a certain cave in which dwelt Toloa-kai-tangata, or Toloa-the-cannibal. When Lau-foli got there, Toloa was absent, but his wife was at home. Lau-foli asked her, “Where is Toloa gone?” The woman replied, “He has been gone a long time, fishing.” Said Lau-foli, “At what time will he return?” To this the reply was, “When the rain falls, and the heavens thunder, will he arrive with his back-load of human-flesh.” Lau-foli said, “The man smells!” As Toloa came back he looked, and saw Lau-foli waiting at his cave; he stepped forward, smiling in glee on beholding a victim for a feast. but Lau-foli struck at his feet with his weapon, and cut off both of them, and then his hands. Then the cannibal begged of Lau-foli to spare his life, promising that he would never return to man-eating again. Lau-foli said to him, “Put out your tongue!” Which he did; and then Lau-foli cut it out and burnt it in the fire. Thus died Toloa-kai-tagata, and the Tongans were able to live in safety.

After three nights, the Tongans arranged that Lau-foli should ascend a certain mountain, and attack the people living there. So he ascended, and as he did so the people on top rolled down great stones, which he avoided by stepping on one side, but continued the ascent all the time. When smaller stones came rolling down he straddled his legs and let them pass, but he continued to ascend. At last he arrived on top, and then with a sweep of his weapon towards the north he upset all the people in that direction; then he turned to the south, to the east, and to the west, and did likewise. Then all those left alive begged of him to spare their lives, which Lau-foli agreed to.

Lau-foli now descended, and remained with the Tongans until he was an old man. He married the king's daughter and had three children born to him, after which he abandoned his wife. This angered the Tongans, who all cried out: “Exile him! Kill him! Exile him !” For this reason Lau-foli returned to Niuē.”

The story then goes on to describe the death of Lau-foli, who fell or jumped into a ti-oven, and there perished. The account will be found later on in the original and translation.

Taken in conjunction with the Samoan tradition, it is no doubt an historical truth that Lau-foli visited Fiji and Savai‘i, and there occurred the last scene of the attack on the mountain. At that time possibly one of the volcanic vents was active, for I believe volcanic action in the west part of Savai‘i has only ceased in comparatively modern times.

Since the above was written, a volcanic outburst has again occurred in Savai‘i.

It is clear that the people with whom Lau-foli left his home did not come as enemies.

This, however, was not always so, for there are plenty of signs that indicate frequent visits of “Tongans” on warlike expeditions. It is highly probable that the Tonga, or Vavau people, were amongst these warlike visitors, for they are celebrated all through Polynesian history for the extent of their voyages and their wars with other islands.

At a later date than the adventures of Lau-foli occurred the incident of the Ana-Tonga. This place is a cave in the great longitudinal chasm that lies on the east side of Niuē. From the Niuē account, it appears that an invasion of Tongans took place, much to the alarm of the local people, who finally decided to attempt by stratagem what they could not perform by open fighting. A path was made leading from the coast, right up to the deepest part of the chasm—now about 35 feet deep—and here a bridge of slight branches was thrown across and covered with earth, whilst the Niuē people waited below. The Tongans advanced, and as soon as a good many of them got on the bridge of course it gave way and they were precipitated into the chasm, where, according to Niuē story, all the party were killed. But the story is an absurdity. The chasm where bridged is only about ten feet across, and therefore but few people could stand on the bridge. No doubt there is foundation for the story, but clearly the whole party could not have been killed as the Niuē story says.

Since writing this story, I have seen Mr. Basil Thompson's “Savage Island, an Account of a Sojourn in Niuē and Tonga,” Johu Murray, London, 1902 in which is the tongan account of this affair, which occurred under the chief Kau-ulu fonua fifteen generations ago, or about the year 1525. The Tongans claim to be the victors, as is natural.

We hear of one Nini-fale, a woman, who in former days led a party from Tonga and settled on the coast near where Tama-kau-toga village is now situated. There are at the present time living in Niuē greatgrandchildren of some Tonga women who were captured during a Tongan raid on Niuē. Moreover, Mr. Lawes informed me that a few years ago might be seen not far from Liku the rotting remains of a large Tongan canoe.

It is obvious from these incidents that Niuē had frequent communication with the outside world, albeit that communication was generally of a hostile nature. It was no doubt, after one of these visits that some fell disease was left behind that affected the Niuē peeple very seriously, and caused them to oppose the landing of any foreigners. This was their reason for opposing Captain Cook, whose visit will now be described as copied from his second voyage, a publication which is rare, and I therefore think it may be acceptable to our members to see it.

Captain Cook's visit to Niue, 1774.Vol. II, 1777

“Thursday, 16th June, 1774 (page 2).—From this day to the 16th, we met with nothing remarkable, and our course was West southerly; the winds variable from North round by the East to S. W., attended with cloudy, rainy, unsettled weather, and a southerly swell. We generally brought to, or stood upon the wind, during night; and in the day made all sail we could. About half an hour after sun-rise this morning, land was seen from the top-mast head, bearing N.N.E. We immediately altered the course and steering for it, found it to be another Reef Island, composed of five or six woody islets, connected together by sand banks and breakers, inclosing a lake, into which we could see no entrance. We ranged the W. and N. W. coasts, from its southern to its northern extremity, which is about two leagues; and so near the shore, that at one time we could see the rocks under us; yet we found no anchorage, nor saw we any signs of inhabitants. There were plenty of various kinds of birds, and the coast seemed to abound with fish. The situation of this isle is not very distant from that assigned by Mr. Dalrymple for La Sagitaria, discovered by Quiros; but by the description the discoverer has given of it, it cannot be the same. For this reason I looked upon it as a new discovery, and named it Palmerston Island, in honour of Lord Palmerston, one of the Lords of the Admiralty. It is situated in latitude 18° 4′ South, longitude 163° 10′ West.

(Page 3). At four o'clock in the afternoon we left this isle and resumed our course to the W. by S. with a fine steady gale easterly, till noon on the 20th, at which time, being in latitude 18° 50′, longitude 168° 52′, we thought we saw land to S.S.W., and hauled up for it accordingly. But two hours after, we discovered our mistake, and resumed our course W. by S. Soon after we saw land from the masthead in the same direction; and, as we drew nearer, found it to be an island which, at five o'clock, bore West, distant five leagues. Here we spent the night plying under the top-sails; and, at daybreak next morning, bore away, steering for the northern point, and ranging the West coast at the distance of one mile, till near noon. Then, perceiving some people on the shore, and landing seeming to be easy, we brought to, and hoisted out two boats, with which I put off to the land, accompanied by some of the officers and gentlemen. As we drew near the shore, some of the inhabitants, who were on the rocks, retired to the woods, to meet us, as we supposed; and we afterwards found our conjectures right. We landed with ease in a small creek, and took post on a high rock to prevent surprise. Here we displayed our colours, and Mr. Forster and his party began to collect plants, &c. The coast was so overrun with woods, bushes, plants, stones, &c. that we could not see forty yards round us. I took two men, and with them entered a kind of chasm, which opened a way into the woods. We had not gone far before we heard the natives approaching; upon which I called to Mr. Forster to retire to the party, as I did likewise. We had no soon joined, than the islanders appeared at the entrance of a chasm not a stone's-throw from us. We began to speak, and make all the friendly signs we could think of, to them, which they answered by menaces; and one of two men, who were advanced before the rest, (page 4) threw a stone, which struck Mr. Spearman on the arm. Upon this two musquets were fired, without order, which made then all retire under cover of the woods; and we saw them no more.

After waiting some little time, and till we were satisfied nothing was to be done here, the country being so overrun with bushes, that it was hardly possible to come to parly with them, we embarked and proceeded down along shore, in hopes of meeting with better success in another place. After ranging the coast, for some miles, without seeing a living soul, or any convenient landing-place, we at length came before a small beach, on which lay four canoes. Here we landed by means of a little creek, formed by the flat rocks before it, with a view of just looking at the canoes, and to leave some medals, nails, &c., in them; for not a soul was to be seen. The situation of this place was to us worse than the former. A flat rock lay next the sea; behind it a narrow stone beach; this was bounded by a perpendicular rocky cliff of unequal height, whose top was covered with shrubs; two deep and narrow chasms in the cliff seemed to open a communication into the country. In, or before one of these, lay the four canoes which we were going to look at; but in the doing of this, I saw we should be exposed to an attack from the natives, if there were any, without being in a situation proper for defence. To prevent this, as much as could be, and to secure a retreat in case of an attack, I ordered the men to be drawn up upon the rock, from whence they had a view of the heights; and only myself, and four of the gentlemen, went up to the canoes. We had been there but a few minutes, before the natives, I cannot say how many, rushed down the chasm out of the wood upon us. (page 5). The endeavours we used to bring them to a parley, were to no purpose; for they came with the ferocity of wild boars, and threw their darts. Two or three musquets, discharged in the air, did not hinder one of them from advancing still further, and throwing another dart, or rather a spear, which passed close over my shoulder. His courage would have cost him his life, had not my musquet missed fire; for I was not five paces from him, when he threw his spear, and had resolved to shoot him to save myself. I was glad afterwards that it happened as it did. At this instant, our men on the rock began to fire at others who appeared on the heights, which abated the ardour of the party we were engaged with, and gave us time to join our people, when I caused the firing to cease. The last discharge sent all the islanders to the woods, from when they did not return so long as we remained. We did not know that any were hurt. It was remarkable, that when I joined our party, I tried my musquet in the air, and it went off as well as a piece could do. Seeing no good was to be got with these people, or at the isle, as having no port, we returned on board, and having hoisted in the boats, made sail to W.S.W. I had forgot to mention, in its proper order, that having put ashore a little before we came to this last place, three or four of us went upon the cliffs, where we found the country, as before, nothing but coral rocks, all over-run with bushes; so that it was hardly possible to penetrate into it; and we embarked again with intent to return directly on board, till we saw the canoes; being directed to the place by the opinion of some of us, who thought they heard some people.

The conduct and aspect of these islanders occasioned my naming it Savage Island. It is situated in latitude 19° 1′ South, longitude 169° 37′ West. It is about eleven leagues (page 6) in circuit; of a round form and good height; and hath deep waters close to its shores. All the sea-coast, and as far inland as we could see, is wholly covered with trees, shrubs, &c.; amongst which were some cocoa-nut trees; but what the interior parts may produce, we know not. To judge of the whole garment by the skirts, it cannot produce much; for so much as we saw of it consisted wholly of coral-rocks, all over-run with woods and bushes. Not a bit of soil was to be seen; the rocks alone supplying the trees with humidity. If these coral-rocks were first formed in the sea by animals, how came they thrown up to such an height? Has this island been raised by an earthquake? Or has the sea receded from it? Some philosophers have attempted to account for the formation of low isles, such as are in this sea; but I do not know that any thing has been said of high islands, or such as I have been speaking of. In this island, not only the loose rocks which cover the surface, but the cliffs which bound the shores, are of coral stone, which the continued beating of the sea has formed into a variety of curious caverns, some of them very large: the roof or rock over them being supported by pillars, which the foaming waves have formed into a multitude of shapes, and made more curious than the caverns themselves. In one we saw light was admitted through a hole at the top; in another place, we observed that the whole roof of one of these caverns had sunk it, and formed a kind of valley above, which lay considerably below the circumjacent rocks.

No. 10—Niue. Captain Cook's landing place at Opahi

I can say but little of the inhabitants, who, I believe, are not numerous. They seemed to be stout well made men, were naked, except round the waists, and some of them had their faces, breast, and thighs painted black. The canoes (page 7) were precisely like those of Amsterdam (Island); with the addition of a little rising like a gunwale on each side of the open part; and had some carving about them, which shewed that these people are full as ingenious. Both these islanders and their canoes, agree very well with the description M. de Bougainville has given of those he saw off the Isle of Navigators, which lies nearly under the same meridian.”

The place of Captain Cook's second landing where he had the affray with the natives is at Opāhi, about a mile west of the mission house at Alofi. The accompanying picture shows his landing place and the rock (on which the people are) where the marines were drawn up. At the present day the people can tell very few particulars of Captain Cook's visit; but they insist that their object in opposing him was to prevent the introduction of disease.

Rev. John Williams' Visit, 1830

The next known event in the history of Niuē was the visit of the well known missionary, John Williams (the martyr), who, when on a voyage in his home-made little vessel, the “Messenger of Peace,” called at the island with the intention of landing native teachers from Aitutaki. The account of his visit will be found in his “Missionary Enterprises,” published in 1846. The following was given to me by the Rev. F. E. Lawes, and is derived from the natives: In July, 1830, the mission vessel brought to off Falekula, near Tuapa, where the present king lives, and after a time, some of the teachers on board with Mr. Williams came ashore (Williams himself implies in his book that he did not land) where they were met on the reef by two Niuē young men named Tokolia (afterwards called Heremia) and Hikimata, who conducted them up the steep bank to near where the king's house now stands. They then got some taro and proceeded to cook it, and when ready Williams had prayers and divided out the food. By this time other natives had come up with no very friendly feelings towards the new comers, but seeing the food divided out they came to the conclusion that Williams had no evil intentions towards them. Before the meal was ready they heard a large party approaching with much noise, and with war cries, who turned out to be the inhabitants of Makefu. They came up with a rush, evidently with the intention of killing the party. The two young men commenced to dance about, flourishing their arms, as is their way, in defiance of the new comers. Williams, thinking matters looked serious, now returned slowly to the seaside where the boat was waiting. On his way he asked the name of plants, &c., wishing to show he had no evil intention. On the reef they were met by an old man (father of Mrs. Head) having a very savage appearance, and who made at Williams with a spear; but Williams laughed at him, and took hold of the spear and attempted to pass it off as a joke. Then the body of people followed down to the reef, which induced Williams to put off in the boat. At this time some of the people had been off to the vessel and had returned with some pearl shells which they had obtained on board, and which they considered very great treasures. Many others now went off to the ship, induced to go by the desire of obtaining more pearl shell. A large number went off, but there was no disturbance. Mr. Williams, at page 252, thus describes the appearance of one of these redoubtable Savage Islanders: “An old chieftain was however at length induced to venture into the boat, and with him they hastened to the ship. His appearance was truly terrific. He was about 60 years of age, his person tall, his cheekbones raised and prominent, and his conntenance forbidding; his whole body was smeared with charcoal; his hair and beard were long and grey, and the latter plaited and twisted together, hung down from his mouth like so many rat-tails. He wore no clothing except a narrow slip of cloth (i.e. hiapo) round his loins for the purpose of passing a spear through, or any other article he might wish to carry. On reaching the deck, the old man was most frantic in his gesticulations, leaping about from place to place and using the most vociferous exclamations at every thing he saw. All attempts at conversation with him were entirely useless, as we could not persuade him to stand still even for a single second. Our natives attempted to clothe him by fastening round his person a piece of native cloth; but tearing it off in a rage, he threw it upon the deck, stamped upon it, and exclaimed, “Am I a woman that I should be encumbered with this stuff?” He then proceeded to give us a specimen of a war dance, which he commenced by poising and quivering his spear, running to and fro, leaping and vociferating as though inspired by the spirit of wildness. Then he distorted his features most horribly by extending his mouth, guashing his teeth, and forcing his eyes almost out of their sockets. At length he concluded this exhibition by thrusting the whole of his long grey beard into his mouth, and gnawing it with the most savage vengeance. During the whole of this performance he kept up a long and continuous howl.”

To continue the native narrative: Mr. Williams secured two young men from the island named Uea and Niuma ga, and took them away with him. (His intention was to teach them and then return them to their own people). The vessel went to Tonga, then to Samoa. The lads were very much frightened directly the vessel began to draw off the land, and more so when they saw the crew taking lumps of flesh out of the harness cask to eat, for they thought it was human flesh, and that they would be served up in a similar manner. After a time, finding no harm was intended them, they quieted down. After Williams' visit to Samoa he tried to land the youths at their own island, but the winds being against them, he carried them on to Ra‘iatea, which the Niuē people call Rangiatea, as do Maoris and Rarotongans. Here the youths were taught many things, and something of Christian doctrines. After several months they were returned to their own island, but they do not appear to have been able to accomplish any good amongst their own people. They introduced to the island the loku or papaya. Unfortunately the ship that brought them back introduced some disease into the island, which caused many deaths, and this led to reprisals. Uea, one of those who went away with Williams was killed by Hopo-he-lagi, the father of Iki-lagi, one of the respected chiefs of Alofi at the present time. This induced more fighting, in which Hopo-he-lagi and some ten others were killed by the Liku people. The other young man, Niumanga, belonged to Alofi, and his life was spared. Subsequently this young man together with Niukai and Peniamina left Niuē in a timber ship for Samoa, where Peniamina fell into the hands of the missionaries, and became a servant of Dr. Turner, who taught him a good deal. He was a clever man, and could both read and write. About 1844-5 Peniamana returned as a missionary to his native island and began to teach the gospel, but he “fell from grace,” and eloped with another man's wife. He went off to a calling vessel, just like any other of the wild islanders, with long floating hair, &c., which was their custom. He was not altogether a success as an evangelist.

It was then decided by the mission in Samoa to send Paulo, a native Samoan, and evidently a man of superior character, who arrived in Niuē in October, 1849. He became very popular and won the hearts of the Niuē people; he taught them many things, amongst others to build churches and the substantial lath and plaster houses now so common. He lived at Mutalau, and gradually christianized these wild people. The Mutalau people at that time were in the ascendant, and through their means he got the people of the island together at a place between Liku and Lakepa, and there persuaded them to make peace, which has lasted to this day. Afterwards other Samoan teachers came: Samuela, who was teacher at Avatele; Sakaia, at Tuapa; Mose, at Alofi, &c.

The Avatele natives told Mr. Lawes and myself, that about the year 1840 a ship arrived off that place, and a number of white people landed from her, many of whom were dressed in red coats—no doubt marines—and they formed up on the beach at Oneonepata. The natives in the mean time lined the cliffs above, and then commenced throwing down stones at the strangers, who thought it best to return to their vessel. What ship this could be, I know not? This vessel landed and left a pig ashore.

Between the date of Captain Cook's visit in 1774 and Williams' in 1830, there must have been occasional visits from whalers, but there is no record of them, except in one case which Williams mentions (with his usual neglect of names and dates), when the natives had seized a boat belonging to a vessel which had touched there a few months before his visit, and murdered all the crew.

The Rev. William Gill (not Dr. Wyatt Gill) says in his “Gems from the Coral Islands,” that the next visitor after Williams in 1830, was made by “an assistant missionary of the Samoa Islands in 1840 in a small schooner not more than twenty tons burden, having many Samoa natives on board. On reaching off shore a numerous company of islanders came to the vessel, all of whom were armed with clubs and spears, and who might easily have taken possession of it and murdered the strangers … they had their confidence increased in the objects of our mission.”

In 1842 the island was visited by the Rev. A. Busacott in the missionary brig “Camden.” He had intercourse with the people, and in his attempt to land a teacher he well nigh lost his life, for it was ascertained that the natives laid a scheme to sink the boat, destroy the property, and murder the missionary.

Subsequent visits were made by the Rev. A. Murray and others. At this time many of the young men had engaged themselves on board whale and merchant ships that called at their island, and were brought to Tahiti, the Sandwich Islands, and Samoa. Among those who reached Samoa was Fakafiti-enua (sic? Fakafiti-fonua) and Peniamina.

Mr. Gill says, “On a missionary voyage in the ‘John Williams’ in 1846, we called at Samoa and found Fakafiti-enua and Peniamina not only willing, but by christian education prepared to return home and use their influence to secure the location of a teacher on the island. We arrived at the island in the month of October, 1846, with these two men on board…. Fakafiti-enua, who was a man of some influence on shore, arranged that Peniamina should remain and prepare the way for others. We have already seen what was the result, but he did some good apparently, for when the Rev. A. W. Murray visited the island in 1852 he found some progress had been made.

In 1861 the Rev. W. G. Lawes, brother of the Rev. F. E. Lawes, the present worthy missionary, arrived to take up his residence in the island, when he found six churches erected, and only eight heathen left !

Mr. Gill says, “In 1852 a ship of war called at the island in search of the crew of a vessel wrecked on a near reef, and intercourse was had with the people of the last formed christian station, most of whom were yet under the influence of heathenism. (Paulo had come from Samoa in 1849). Natives were admitted on board to barter, and all passed on without difficulty, until it was found that some of them had stolen articles belonging to the ship. Upon this discovery, the whole party was thrown into confusion; some of them who were on board were secured at once, and boats were lowered to follow those who were returning to the shore. Canoes were capsized and broken; the natives were pursued and fired upon, and beaten in every direction—one man died in the sea of shot wounds, and several others were detained on board the ship for two days; when, early in the morning two of the natives thus confined were released, while the ship was near the shore, and they landed in safety, but later in the day others were put overboard, three of whom landed half dead the next day; but nine of the party lost their lives. One of these nine was a chief who only a few months before had give his protection to the native christian teacher; his wife, through grief on account of his death, threw herself from a high precipice and was killed. The guilty man, who had been the thief on board, escaped to the shore; but his own people were so enraged at him, that they compelled him to go out in a small canoe and he perished at sea !”

I learned quite recently from Mr. Maxwell, that the visit of this man-of-war was to search for the crew of a Spanish or Portuguese vessel which foundered off the coast, and the crew of which reached Avatele on a raft, and it was from them that the natives procured their first dog (referred to in Part I hereof), and not from the timberladen ship. These shipwrecked people afterwards reached Samoa, but in the meantime the British man-of-war, alluded to in Mr. Gill's narrative, had heard of the disaster and came to Niuē looking for the crew. Owing to a misunderstanding, and believing that the crew were detained prisoners inland, many natives were detained, others killed, as Mr. Gill says.

In my account of the Kermadec Islands,

“The Kermadec Islands: their capabilities and extent,” by S. Percy Smith, Assistant Surveyor-General. Government Printer, Wellington, 1887.

at page 15, I mentioned the fact, copied from Sterndale, of a large number of Tokelau natives (since known to be Niuē natives) having been taken to Sunday Island by a Callao slaver in 1861, where nearly all of them died. I got the Niuē account of this affair through the Rev. F. E. Lawes. It was not very long after the arrival of the Rev. W. G. Lawes at Niuē that a Peruvian slaver appeared off the coast at Alofi, under the command of an American. They succeeded in getting a large number of the people on board and induced them to go below, when they clapped the hatches on and secured them. There were about 200 of them. The people on shore, seeing the others did not return, began to understand that something was the matter. So Fata-a-iki, who was an enterprising and determined chief (but not then king), got a large number of people together and went off in their canoes, with the intention of overpowering the ship and releasing their fellow-islanders. But the crew prevented their getting on board, and fired on them to keep them off—one man being killed and others wounded. The crew manned and lowered an armed boat, and gave chase to the canoes, which made for the shore. A big fat man in Fata-a-iki's canoe wanted to cease paddling and offer up prayers for their safety; but Fata-a-iki said, “Leave your prayers till we get ashore,” and insisted on urging their canoe to its full speed. Some time after this an Irish sailor came ashore to the mission house to fetch some medicine, and Fata-a-iki wanted to make him prisoner as a hostage for their own people, but Mr. Lawes dissuaded them, thinking the captain would not wait for his sailor. Soon after the vessel sailed, and before very long dysentry broke out amongst the unfortunate prisoners, when many died, and were cast overboard. Things got worse, so the captain, being then near Sunday Island, landed most of the others in Denham Bay, and there left them to die, as all the unfortunates did. Some few were taken on to Peru, where they were made to work as slaves in the mines and other works. Some years after this an American whaler manned by Aitutaki natives arrived at Callao. Two of the younger Niuē people determined to escape by her if they could, and communicated their desire to the Aitutaki crew, who arranged with the captain to take the young men, if they came off dressed in their best, and hid somewhere near the shore. When the whaler's boat came ashore, the heart of one of the young men failed him, thinking they would be recaptured by the Peruvians, but the other went off in the boat. The coastguard suspecting something gave chase, but the boat reached the ship, and the captain being all ready put to sea at once. This young lad was landed at Oahu, from whence he managed to communicate with his relatives at Niuē; but he was afraid to come back on account of his father, who he knew would hold him responsible for his brother left in Peru. He married at Oahu, but in the end made his way back to Niuē

The notorious Bully Hayes also managed to kidnap a number of the Niuē people and carried them away to Tahiti, where he sold them. It will thus be seen that the Niuē experiences of civilized nations has not been altogether of a character to give them an exhalted idea of our people or our methods.

I must refer readers to Dr. Turner's “Nineteen Years in the Pacific,” for particulars of his two visits, from which will be gathered the progress of the islanders at various dates since 1840. The island has received visits from some eight men-of-war, including those which brought Commodore Goodenough, Sir Arthur Gordon (in 1879), Lord Ranfurly, &c.

In November, 1887, the natives applied to Her Majesty, Queen Victoria, to be taken under her protection and have a Commissioner sent to reside. This request was repeated on February 12th, 1898, and also October 10th, 1899. Mr. Basil Thompson was dispatched from Fiji to hoist the British flag and bring the island under the British Protectorate, in H.M.S. “Porpoise,” and did so, 20th April, 1900. In October, 1900, His Excellency, the Earl of Ranfurly, Governor of New Zealand, visited Niuē and proclaimed the British sovereignty over the island, 19th October, 1900. On the 11th June, 1901, the island was annexed to New Zealand by a proclamation made at Auckland by H.R.H. the Duke of Cornwall and York. The first Government Resident (the writer hereof) arrived at Niuē from New Zealand 11th September, 1901.

Kuenaia!

APPENDIX

The following are the traditions I collected whilst at Niuē. Like all such productions, they should have questions asked on them, in order to clear up obscure parts; but I had not the opportunity of doing so very fully, for they came into my possession too late. I have endeavoured to follow the native writers as closely as possible in the translation, but feel that I have sometimes failed to grasp their meaning. They are worth preserving in the native dialect, an nothing of the kind has ever been attempted before for Niuē Island; nor has any matter of a secular nature (not educational) ever been printed in their language. Their printed literature consists of the Scriptures, hymns, &c.

THE TRADITIONS OF NIUE-FEKAI

Written by Pulekula, Teacher at Tama-ha-le-leka.

Liku, October, 1901.

(Translation).

IT commences with the preparation of the island (as a dwelling place) down to the birth of mankind from a tree; also describes the gods, male and female. It is the story of the waters, of the fish, of the birds, of creeping things, and of the trees on the surface of earth; of the fierceness (or evil), the stealing, of the upright (works); also of the kings; of the arrival of Captain Cook in 1774; of Peniamina and Toimata in 1846; of Paulo in 1849; of Mr. Lawes in August, 1861; of the three kings—Mataio, Fata-a-iki and Tongia-pule-toaki—down to the hoisting of the British flag at Niue in 1900.

The Gods of Old

1. There were five gods (tupua) that fled hither from Motu-galo. They were men who lived in idleness, and took no part in the preparation of feasts. (So it came to pass) when their parents made a feast and when all others partook, no portion was sent to them. They were left out because of their laziness. This became the constant rule, and the parents became greedy; then (the five) fled away to seek an island on which they might dwell permanently.

2. There are three accounts about them—that they came from Fonua-galo; from Tulia; from Toga—and some other islands.

The Toga here mentioned does not necessarily mean Tonga-tapu Island, for all foreign lands were called Tonga by the Niue people.

These are the names of the tupuas—Fao, Faka-hoko, Huanaki, Lage-iki and Lagi-atea.

3. Between Liku and Lakepa, there is (a part of the) sea-shore called Motu—which name remains to this day; it is a small level space on the reef, with Mata-kao-lima on the north, Makato on the east; whilst at Hiola spring up the streams from which they (people) drink, which there gush forth from the rocks.

4. They (these tupuas) came up from beneath a pool on the reef; Fao from near the base of the cliffs, where his way opened up and he ascended to build a residence at Toga-liulu. He found a single small

KO E TOHI HE TAU TALA I NIUE-FEKAI

Ko e mena tohi e Pulekula, ko e Akoako i Tama-ha-le-leka.

Liku, Oketopa, 1901.

Kua kamata he tauteaga he motu ato hoko ke he fanauga he tagata mai he akau, ke hoko ke he tau tupua oti, ko e tau tane mo e tau fifine. Ko e tala he tau vai, mo e tau ika, mo e tau manulele, mo e tau manu-tololo, mo e tau akau he fuga kelekele; ko e favale he kaiha, mo e tutonu. Ko e tau Patuiki, ko e hoko mai a Kapene Kuka, 1774, ke hoko mai a Peniamina mo Toimata, 1846, ke hoko a Paulo, 1849, ke hoko a Misi Lao, Aukuso, 1861, ke hoko ke he tau Patuiki tolu, ko Mataio, ko Fata-a-iki, ko Togia-pule-toaki, ke hoko ke he fakatu ai e matini Peritania i Niue-fekai, 1900.

Ko e Tau Tupua tuai

1. Ko e tokolima e tau Tupua ne fehola mai he Motu-galo. Ko e tau tagata nofo noa a lautolu, nakai taute he galūe. Ne taute galūe e tau matua ha lautolu mo e kai oti ni, nakai momoi atu ma lautolu; ko e tiaki he teva. To mahani mau pihia, kua loto-kai lahi a lautolu, mo e fehola ke kumi motu ma lautolu ke nofo mau ai.

2. Kua tolu e talahau ki a lautolu:—ne hau i Fonua-galo, ti hau i Tulia, ti hau i Toga, mo e falu a motu. Ko e tan higoa he tau Tupua, hanai: Ko Fāo, ko Fakahoko, ko Huanaki, ko Lageiki, ko Lagiatea.

3. Ko e vaha loto i Liku mo Lakepa ko e tahi ne higoa ko Motu, ko e hana higoa ia ke hoko mai ke he aho nai, ko e tofola tote, ko Mata-kao-lima i tokelau. Ko Makato he fahi uta, ke hoko atu ki Hiola ne puna ai e tau vai-lele ke inu ai a lautolu—be lele mai i loto he maka.

4. Ne huhu hake a lautolu mai lalo he loloto; ne hu a Fāo he pokoahu, ti pu ai e hala hana, ti hake leva ke ta e kaina i Toga-li-ulu. Taha ni e mena tote ne moua, ti tu vivivivi ai hana hui hema ka e nikiti ki luga hana hui matau, ko e tau peau ne hau liga ni e tafia.

space, on which he stood trembling (insecurely) with his left foot, whilst the right was elevated, and the waves came up as if to sweep him away.

5. Then appeared Fakahoko, and he remained at the gateway by which he came, not ascending to visit Fao at Toga-liulu, and help him in the work he was preparing.

6. Next came up Huanaki. He said to Fakahoko, “Why do you remain here, and not ascend and assist in the work?” Then he went up to Toga-liulu: one of his feet (the left) stood insecurely, whilst the right was elevated, and the waters and the waves came, so that within a little the island was swept by the flowing water.

7. Then these two—Fāo and Huanaki—worked away. The island increased through Huanaki's work, and they soon possessed a place to dwell in; and Fāo had a place for both feet through the celerity of Huanaki's work. When the island was completed by these two, then Huanaki gave names to the land, thus: Nuku-tu-taha, Motu-te-fua, Fakahoa-motu and Nuku-tuluea. These are the meanings of the names: Nuku-tu-taha, a single island without companions; Motu-te-fua, a desolate, barren island; Fakahoa-motu, because the work of Fāo was not finished, but was completed by Huanaki.

8. When the work was completed, Huanaki said to Fāo, “The work you undertook was left undone.”

Tuanaki, and Faka-tuanahi, a work left undone because each thought the other would do it.

Thus was this name applied to the village of Liku, “Tuanaki noa he toli o atua.”

This is one of the symbolical or complimentary names given to Liku; see par. 89 also.

The village of Lakepa is named “Malē-loa he fakaeteete,” because the feet of Fāo could go smoothly over the malē or plaza, as made by Huanaki from one corner to the other.

9. A likeness of Huanaki was made of stone at Vai-hoko, on the coast at Mutalau, on the point to the west side of Vai-opeope, the rough reef of Ulu-vehi being to the east, and Kavatā on the west; Vai-hoko is between. The (former) village of Vai-hoko was often called the “Kaupu of Huanaki.” At the large rocks a house of stone was built by the feet of Huanaki to shelter the people; the likeness and the house thus named are permanent—it is a cave, unto this day.

10. Lage-iki also came up, and he remained there to await the coming of the female tupuas who should follow the others, and he married some of them, for this was his custom. He had children, who were also called Lage-iki, who dwelt all round the island of Niuē, but the parent remained at Alofi, and is the chief tupua at Puna-fofoa. He caused the death of many women, through his evil actions ….

5. Kua hu hake a Fakahoko, ti nofo hifo he gutuhala ne hau ai, nakai hake a ia ke ahi a Fāo ki Toga-li-ulu ke logomatai e gahua ne taute e Fāo.

6. Ko Huanaki ne hu hake a ia, ti tala age ki a Fakahoko. “Ko e ha ne nofo ai a koe; nakai hake ke logomatai e gahua?” Ti hake leva a ia ki Toga-li-ulu; ko e taha ni e hui hema kua tu vivivivi, ko e hana hui matau kua nikiti hake ki luga, ko e vai mo e tau peau ne hau, toe tote ti lofia e motu he vailele.

7. Kua gahua e tokoua na, ko Fāo laua mo Huanaki. Ati tolomaki atu e motu i a Huanaki, kua fai mena ke nofo ai a laua, ti tu ua e tau hui a Fāo ki lalo, he vave e gahua a Huanaki. Kua oti e motu he gahua e laua, ti fakahigoa ne fai e Huanaki e fonua hanai:—Ko Nuku-tu-taha, ko Motu-tē-fua, ko Fakahoa-motu, ko Nuku-tuluea. Ko e kakano e tau higoa hanai: Nuku-tu-taha; ko e motu tokotaha, nakai fai kapitiga; Motu-tē-fua, ko e motu tufua ni; Fakahoa-motu, kua fakahoa e motu ne gahua e Fāo, ti nakai mau, ka e mau i a Huanaki.

8. Ne oti e gahua, ti pehe age a Huanaki ki a Fāo, “Kua tuanaki noa ne fua a koe!” Ati, ui ai pihia e higoa pihia he māga i Liku ko e “Tuanaki noa he toli o atua.” Kua ui e māga i Lakepa, ko e “Male-loa he fakaeteete.” Kua fakaeteete tuai e tau hui ua a Fāga he male loa ne ta e Huanaki ke fina atu ai ke he taha potu mo e taha potu.

9. Kua ta tuai e fakatino a Huanaki he maka i Vai-hoko, ko e tahi ia i Mutalau. Ko e mata-potu he fahi lalo i Vai-opeope, ko e afati ko Ulu-vehi, ke he fahi uta, ko Kavatā ke he fahi lalo, ko Vai-hoko i loto. Ne fa ui ai pehe ko e māga i Vai-hoko ko e kaupu ia a Huanaki. Ne ta ai foki e fale maka lahi he tau hui a Huanaki ke fakamalu ai e tau tagata; kua tumau ai e fakatino mo e fale ia ne higoa pehe, ko e ana, ke hoko mai ke he aho nai.

10. Ko Lage-iki ne hu hake a ia, ti nofo hifo ni ke leo mo e tatali ai he tau tupua fifine ka mumui mai ki a lautolu, ti hoana ni e ia. Ne nofo a Lage-iki ke gahua fifine, ko e Katuali hana ika ne polovalu e fakatāne a Lage-iki, ti fa mamate e tau fifine ki a ia. Ne fanau e ia e tau tama, ti ui ni ko Lage-iki, ne takai e motu ko Niuē he nofo ai e tau tama a Lage-iki, ka e nofo e matua i Alofi, ko e Patu ni i Punafofoa. Ne mamate oti e tau fifine ki a ia; ko e hanā mahani ke fakaolo hake i Vali-kele, ko e tahi ia i Mutalau ne lata tonu hifo he fahi tokelau he fale he akoako i Lalo-toi. Ti hehele fakaave aki e Havilia e fohi, ne higoa foki ko e kolōta, ti mamutu e fa e polo; ati, tupu mai e falu a ika mitaki.

Ko Havilia, ko e tama a Huanaki, ati, fa mahala ai mo e matakutaku a Katuali ke he matagi Havilia, neke fakamotu e mena fa ne toe. Ko e mena ia ka tu e matagi mo e havili atu ke he kili-moana, ti alumaki e Katuali ke hola.

11. Lagi-atea appeared last, and found Lage-iki awaiting the coming of the women; then he went up to Huanaki at Toga-liulu, and after speaking to Faka-hoko, visited Fāo, but the work had then been completed by Huanaki, so he remained on the cliff-tops. Both he and Lage-iki were alike in their evil courses….

12. The road by which they came from the sea at Motu is a pool in the reef. Lage-iki came up near the place where the waves break, and Huanaki in the middle part. Both Fakahoko and Fāo came up near the place where the waves break, and Huanaki in the middle part. Both Fakahoko and Fāo came forth near the cliff-foot. Lagiatea came after, and ascended to the cliff-tops.

13. This is the song of Huanaki after the residence had been settled; he sung it to his brethren:—

To haku higoa A Fou-tavali Ke he tuanaki noa. Noho fakaoti au ia, Noho fakaoti au ia.

13A. Then follows the counting (?) of the island of Huanaki and his offspring. These were the children of Huanaki:—

Tagaloa-pupu-ki-maka

Tafa-he-moana

Tali-mai-nuku

Taramai-nuku. One of the Maori ancestors was also so called, but it does not follow that they are one and the same person.

Maka-poe-lagi

Fakana-tua

Lia-vaha

Lagi-tai-taea

Lage-iki-ua

Havilia

10.

Leo-matagi

13B. Each one of these was gifted with great strength (? power); they ruled over all—the ocean and all things in it, the waves, all great waters, the fish, the sands, the rocks below,—to glorify Huanaki. The “Kingdom” of rocks, of the very centre of the deep-seated rocks, was the dwelling place of Huanaki.

14. Maka-poe-lagi (No. 4 above) ruled at Namuke, a part of the coast between Liku and Hakupu. It is he that frequently resounds from that part of the sky to the east—that his strength may be manifest in all parts. It is he that causes to fall the meteoric stones that burn the trees and

Mo e hoka aki e gutu, an expression I cannot translate.

… and his “guns” are before all others (louder) in the thunder.

11. Lagi-atea; ne hu fakamui mai, kua leo tuai a Lage-iki he tau fifine ka o mai, ti hake ni a Huanaki, kua hake tuai ki Toga-liulu ti vagahau mo Fakahoko; ti hake ke ahi i a Fāo; kua oti tuai e gahua he taute tokoua mo Huanaki, ti nofo a ia he feutu i luga he mata he toafa. Ti takoto ne fai he puhala ke alai he hala ka hifo mai he motu e tau fifine; ti avaga hake e ia, he tatai ua e tau fakatane ha laua mo Lage-iki. Ka mafiti e fifine mo e laka vave e tau hui, fa e polo, ke hu atu ke he fifine, te moui e fifine ia. Kua fakatu ai e fifine mo e laka fakatekiteki, ti hu oti e polo-valu, ti mate e fifine ka pihia.

12. Ko e puhala nai kua huhu hake ai a lautolu i Motu, he tahi, he loloto, he tuatua. Ne pu a Lage-iki tata hifo ke he mena ne fafati ai e peau, ti lotoga a Huanaki; ti pu hake ai a Fao he pokoahu. Kua mui a Lagi-atea, ti hake leva ke he feutu i luga.

13. Ko e lologo a Huanaki he mau e kaina—ne uhu ke he tau mata-kainaga hana:—

To haku higoa, A Fou-tavali, Ke tavali Ke he tuanaki noa. Noho fakaoti au ia, Noho fakaoti au ia.

13A. Ko e totou ne fai e Motu i a Huanaki mo e hana fanau—ko e tau tama hanai a Huanaki:—

Tagaloa-pupuki-maka

Tafa-he-moana

Tali-mai-nuku

Maka-poe-lagi

Fakana-tua

Lia-vaha

Lagi-tai-taea

Lage-iki-ua

Havilia

10.

Leo-matagi

13B. Kua igatia a lautolu mo e malōlo-lahi; kua pule a lautolu i lalo he tahi mo e tau mena oti i ai—ko e tau peau, mo e vai-lahi, oti ia, mo e tau ika, mo e tau oneone, mo e tau maka i lalo oti ni ke fakalilifu atu ni ki a Huanaki. Ko e motu he toka he uho-toka-hokulo, ko e kaina in a Huanaki.

14. Ko Maka-poe lagi (4) kua pule a ia i Namu-ke, ko e tahi ia i Liku, he vahaloto mo Hakupu. Ko ia ne fa paku-lagi mahaki mai he fahi lagi i uta, ke haolo atu ke he tau fahi hana malolo. Ko ia ne mokulu hifo ai e patuliki, ke huhunu ai e tau akau mo e hoka aki e gutu, ko e tau fana hana ne mua he pa lahi ke he pu-lagi he tau paku-lagi oti ni.

Of Other Tupuas

15. And the tupuas increased until they were numerous; some ascended to the kingdom (motu) above, the kingdom of day and night, and exchanged with the family of Huanaki. They were:—

Maka-hopokia

Kainono

Taomaga

Lagi-loa

Fue-fou

Fiti-hulugia

Mono-taga-tu

Lagi-halulu

Tu-tau

10.

Tulaga-momole

11.

Anoano-tau

12.

Hala-pouli

13.

Tu-mote-kula

14.

Lagi-afa

15.

Tapa-tu-tau

16.

Tapa-tu-lele

17.

Tapa-tu

18.

Tau-felele-aki

16. They were all endowed equally with glory and goodness (? beauty) and ruled over all divisions of matters that spring from the surface of the earth—the many different flowering plants, the creeping things with life, and the birds of the heavens.

17. In former times these (symbolical) names prevailed:—

Tama-la-fafa, the ancient name for the Lupe (pigeon)

Tiha-tala, the ancient name for the Tuaki (tiopic bird)

Ha-le-vao, the ancient name for the Peka (the flying fox)

Hali-ua, the ancient name for the Uga (crab)

Ate-lapa, the ancient name for the Kāle (the Porphyrio bird)

Ti-lalo-fonua, the ancient name for the Kumā (the rat)

18. The pigeon was called Tama-la-fafa. He and Ha-le-vao came from a grave (?) to fly along the way of Nuku-tapa and Oloolo, which is a burnt forest; and they descended to the cliffs and the top of the cliffs on the coast.

19. The Ti-lalo-fonua (the rat) was a bird of the heavens; but Ha-le-vao, which is called a Peka (flying fox) was a creeping thing on the earth; they were of the same family. The Peka looked at the Kumā (rat) and saw how quickly he sped along, and (thought) it was beautiful. Then he begged of Kumā to give him his wings to allow him to make a trial of them. But Kumā was very grudging. Still Peka urgently prayed for the wings with many blandishments—until his request was granted through love to Peka.

20. Then said Kumā, “Come then ! that I may give you my wings that you may have a short trial of them, to see if you know how

Ko e tau Tupua kehekehe

15. Ko e tolomaki ne fai e tau tupua ke tokologa; ke hake falu ke he motu i luga, ko e motu he aho mo e pouli, ne fetogiaki he magafaoa oti a Huanaki:—

Maka-hopokia

Kainono

Taomaga

Lagi-loa

Fue-fou

Fiti-hulugia

Monotaga-tu

Lagi-halulu

Tu-tau

10.

Tulaga-momole

11.

Anoano-tau

12.

Hala-pouli

13.

Tu-mote-kula

14.

Lagi-ofa

15.

Tapa-tutau

16.

Tapa-tu-lele

17.

Tapa-tu

18.

Tau-felele-aki

16. Ko lautolu ia kua igatia mo e lilifu mo e mitaki, mo e pule ke he tau tufaaga ne tupu ai he fuga he kelekele—ko e tau akau-fiti kehekehe—loga, mo e tau manu-lele he pu-lagi.

17.

Ko Tama-la-fafa, ko e higoa mua i a Lupe

Ko Tiha-tala, ko e higoa mua i a Tuaki

Ko Ha-le-vao, ko e higoa mua i a Peka

Ko Hali-ua, ko e higoa mua i a Uga

Ko Ate-lapa, ko e higoa mua i a Kāle

Ti-lalo-fonua, ko e higoa mua i a Kumā

18. Ko Lupe, ne higoa ko e Tama-la-fafa, ko ia mo Ha-le-vao ne hau he tukuga ke lele atu he hala Nuku-tafa mo e hala Oloolo, ko e vao-vela ia; ne hifo atu ke he toafa mo e feutu i tahi.

19. Ko e Ti-lalo-fonua, ko e manu-lele ia he pu-lagi. Ko Ha-levao kua ui ai ko e Peka—ko e tagata totolo ia he kelekele, ko e faoa taha a laua. Ne kitekite atu e Peka ki a Kumā, kua mafiti lahi ni hana a lele, ti fulufuluola lahi ni; ti ole ne fai ke ta age e tau tapakau a Kumā ke fakafifitaki e ia, po ke iloa nakai. Ne lamakai lahi a Kumā, ka e ole fakalahi atu a Peka mo e fakafiafia atu. Kua talia e Kumā he fakaalofa ki a Peka.

20. Kua tala age e Kumā, “Ati hau ā, ke tā atu haku na takapau ke fakalata fakatote a koe, po ke iloa nakai.” Ka e tali atu a Peka,

to use them.” But Peka answered. “Give me them then; but you fasten them on just like you do—make them firm—lest you are the cause of my falling and being killed.” So Kumā fastened them strongly and well; and then lifted Peka up and said, “Now then, fly!”

21. Ha-le-vao Peka arose in flight; he laughed and called to Kumā, “Are the things (wings) as well as with you?” Kumā called to him, “Come down! you have been sufficiently long!” As he flew, Peka called down gently, “Presently! Presently!” and then he made off altogether, leaving Kumā to bewail the loss of his treasure, but gave Kuma a parting greeting. Thus the creeping animal took to flight, whilst the flying bird had to creep. “Peka Ha-le-vao, the evil-minded, “Ea! Ea! Kiki io! Kiki io!” said he below, whilst Peka replies, “Koloke! koloke!” from above.

“Ati mai ā, ka e fakatu mai e koe tuga i a koe, mo e fakamau ke mau, neke fakato e koe au ke mate.” Ne taute fakamalolo e Kumā, ati mau mitaki e na tapakau ua, ti lagaaki hake e ia ki luga mo e tala age, “Ati lelē ā!”

21. Kua lelē hake a Ha-le-vao Peka, ati kata a ia mo e ui age, “Ne mitaki ai pihia hau a tau mena!” Kua ui atu a Kumā, “Hifo ā! Kua leva tuai.” Ha ne lelē kua ui fakatepetepe hifohifo a Peka, “Aukialā! Aukialā!” Ati fano fakaoti e Peka, kua tagi e Kumā he fofo e tau koloa hana. Kua mavehe atu e Peka, Hau na tē haku nai!” Kua lelē e manu-totolo, ka e totolo e manulele. “Ko Peka-Ha-le-vao, loto kelea, ea, ea, kiki io, kiki io,” a ia i lalo. Kua pehe a Peka, “Koloke, koloke,” i luga.

The Birth of Man

(For translation of paragraphs 22 to 26, see paragraphs so numbered in Part IV).

Ko e fanau he tagata

22. Kua fanau mai e tagata moui he akau—ko e akau ne higoa ko e Ti-mata-alea, ne tu he tafagafaga, nakai ko e mata-alea he vao motua, ko e taue ia. Hanai: Ka fatu ne fai e tama-afine kua fai-tane, ti tagi lahi ni ke he fia-kai he ti, mo e kau-ti; ne o e tāne mo e tau matua ke tao e umu-ti mo e fakahua e tama. Kua kai ni he fifine, ti maō e tama he kai e umu-ti. Kua mahani tuai e motu ko Niuē ke pihia, tali mai he ta e motu. Ne ua e po ne tao e umu to fuke, ko e umu ne tanu he kelekele.

Kua pihia, ha ko e matua ia he tagata, ke kai ni e tama he puke he matua, ko e Ti-mata-alea; kua fanau e tama, ti kai ne fai e pukehuhu he matua fifine.

23. Kua fanau e tama-tāne, ko e fua mai he malo-tau a ia. “Fua he malo-tau.” Ko e tāne ia. Kua fanau e tama-fifine, ko e fua mai he La-Lava. “La-Lava”—ko e fua fifine. Nakai pehe ko e tamatāne, po ke tama-fifine, kua huhu ko e fua mai he hainoa, e tama ko e malo-tau, ko e La Lava.

24. Kua fanau e tama uluaki, ti koukou ne fai ke he vai, kua mulu ni he patu lahi e tino he tama, ti oti, kua lapolapo mo e vagahau atu pehe ke he muke ha ne fakatutala ki a ia:—

Kia teletele totonu, Teletele fa tagi Teletele fa tiko Teletele fa mimi Teletele fa vale, Kua tele mui e tama i fonua, Ka e tele mua a mea i Palūki Fiti-kaga ai o tupua

Vai-Matagi and Vai-Fualolo

27. Vai-Matagi and Vai-Fualolo were two men who (formerly) dwelt at Hiola, at the sea on the east side of Motu. There are streams there that flow from the rocks. Vai-Matagi is above all others in sweetness; it is fresh, notwithstanding that the waves come up and cover it. When the tide returns then (the waters) are drank; they are not bitter; from this cause it has remained a drinking-water always, down to the present day.

28. Vai-Fualolo is the same, but not always, so when the seas come up it is covered; if only a little, it is sweet, but its sweetness is less, not like that of Vai-Matagi. There is a small spring between the other two, which is called Vai-maga-ua, which is drank by the families. These two springs were named Vai-Matagi and Vai-Fualolo, because they (the two men of those names) used to drink there, and they became tapu, nor would they step over them.

It seems probable that the two men were named Matagi and Fualolo or Leve-i-Matagi and Leve-i-Fualolo. (See par. 30), but in the process of time after the springs were given their names, and vai (water) has become attached to their personal names. Being tapu, of course it would be desecration to step over them.

29. They dwelt at Kula-na-hau and Kaupa. At Kaupa was built the first church by Paulo (in 1849), the teacher from Samoa that came to Mutalau. Now Vai-Matagi and Vai-Fualolo went on a journey to examine various different islands. Their expedition brought them to an island named Tutuila, the king of which island was named Moa. This chief never lifted up his eyes, for fear if he did so, and looked on the trees, they would die. It was the same with all things on the face of the earth; the same with animals that crawl, the same with men. He ever kept his eyes directed to the earth, never turning from it, lest the land and all things in it be cursed.

30. The expedition of Leve-i-Matagi and Leve-i-Fualolo arrived (at their destination). Then the chief of the island asked them, “Whence do you two men come? Make known to me the name of your island, what it may be, and what have you to eat there?”

31. They spoke, and said unto the chief Moa, “This expedition of ours has come from Nuku-tutaha, from Motu-te-fua, from Fakahoamotu, from Nuku-tuluea; very good are the waters which we drink, and we eat many little fruits of the soil. That is all!”

32. Then the chief prepared a feast for the expedition; and they ate of some luscious things, which were sweet to their lips. Then they praised the food, and felt their lips and the oil on their hands,

Teletele ke tufuga, Teletele ke iloilo, Teletele ke taitai Teletele ke mafiti Teletele ke uka-hoge. Kua tele mui e tama i fonua, Ka e tele mua a mea i Palūki Fiti-kaga ai o tupua.

25. Ko e kamataaga ne fai ke age e tau mena kai ke he gutu; ko e heahea, mo e kamakama mo e to-maka, ko e manu-lele ko e Taketake, ko e tau manu kalo mo e mafiti, mo e to-maka nakai mate vave he tu he vao, ke fakapoa aki e tama. Ti liogi atu ne fai ke he fakapoa ia. Ko e tama-tāne:—

Kia tu ai a Tagaloa. Ke monuina, ke mafiti Ke mata-ala, ke loto-matala. Ke maama e loto he tau fāhi oti, Ke manava-lahi, ke ahu-maka. Ke toa, To iloilo ke tufuga he tau mena oti ni, To molu e loto, to loto holo-i-lalo, mo e tututonu To faka mokoi.

Kua to e uha, ti fano ai; kua to a matagi, ti fano ai; ke he aho mo e po: Kua nakai tafia ke he peau; ke hola mafiti ni ka tutuli he kau, ti moui loa ke nofo he fuga kelekele.

26. Ko e tama-fifine:—

Tufuga ke lalaga tegitegi, mo e tutū hiapo; ke fili kafa-lauulu, mo e fili kafa-hega; ke lalaga kato; mo e tau gahua oti ne tupu mai he La Lava; ke nu pia mo e tu-hoi; ke tufuga ke taute mena kai, mo e leveki e tau gahua oti pihia.

Ko Vai-Matagi mo Vai-Fualolo

27. Ko Vai-Matagi, mo Vai-Fualolo, ko e tau tagata tokoua ia ne nofo i Hiola, ko e tahi he fāhi uta i Motu ne hele ai e tau vai mai i loto he maka; ko e Vai-Matagi ne mua ni he humelie, to magalo, pete ni he hoko hake e peau ke ufia e vai; ka oti, kua liu e tahi, ti inu ni, nakai kona; ko e kakano ia he vai inu mau he tau magaaho oti ke hoko mai he aho nai.

28. Ko Vai-Fualoto ne pihia; ka e nakai pihia mau. Ka hoko hake e peau, ti ufia ni; to tote e hoko he tahi, ti magalo, ka e tote hana a magalo, nakai tuga mo e Vai-Matagi. Ko e taha vai tote ne toka i loto he vaha loto i a laua, ko e higoa ai nai ko e Vai-maga-ua, ko e vai ia ke inu ai e fanau. Ne ui ai e tau higoa e Vai-Matagi mo Vai-Fualolo, ne inu kehekehe a laua ke he tau vai ua na, ti tapu e laua nakai felaka aki e laua.

29. Kua nonofo a laua i Kula-na-hau mo Kaupa ia, ne ta ai e Faletapu mua, he ta e Paulo, e akoako mai Samoa, ne hau ki Mutalau. Kua o fenoga a laua, ko Vai-Matagi mo Vai-Fualolo ke kitekite ke he tau motu kehekehe. Ne hoko e fenoga ke he taha motu kua higoa ko

which were greasy, with the fat of the coco-nut, and they said to the chief. “We possess nothing like this at our island.”

33. When the feast was over, they gossiped about various things. Then the chief gave them two coco-nuts; first he gave a niu-kula to Leve-i-Matagi, and afterwards a niu-hina to Levei-Fualolo, and said, “Ko e niuē!

Hence the name of Savage Island, Niuē.

These coco-nuts are for you two. Take them with you; dig in the soil of your island and bury them, but guard them carefully till they grow; then tend them until they fruit, for they will be useful to your bodies and for your children—and they will grow for all generations for you.”

34. The coco-nut remains as a great treasure; when thirsty, the milk is drank, or when hungry the flesh is eaten. The fibre is twisted and (used in) lashing up the houses, the fibrous wrapping of the leaves are prepared as food—i.e., for straining the arrowroot, and to strain the fai-kai; and the ribs of the leaf are used as brooms for the houses. The leaves are also woven (into baskets) in which things are placed when people go on journeys, and into mats to lie on, and are used in thatching the houses. They are also woven into fans to cool the face when hot, and are used (as torches) by people travelling in the dark. They are now used to obtain much money to procure useful things for the body and for all things.

35. Those two kinds of coco-nuts have grown in the island down to the present day. The niu-tea, and the white one are the coco-nuts of Fualolo; these are they that grow but few in the island; they are used as medicine for the sick, and young children are bathed in their milk. The spring of Fualolo is often swamped by the sea at Hiola, and they have to wait till it is low water to drink. It is very beneficial to sick persons.

36. The niu-kula is the coco-nut of Vai-Matagi—one of whose name was Levei-Matagi. They do not cease to drink of this at any time; it is the coco-nut in greatest number on the surface of the earth down to this day. It is the coco-nut that all men drink constantly.

37. It was this family of two that named the island Niuē-fekai—which was the third naming of the island, thus: Huanaki gave it four names Nuku-tu-taha, Motu-tē-fua, Fakahoa-motu, and Nuku-tuluea; Levei-Matagi, and Levei-Fualolo named it Niuē-fekai, whilst Captain Cook called it Savage Island.

38. Captain Cook landed near Alofi, at the reef-opening of Opāhi, the village near the point Halagigie. The chiefs of Niuē

Tutu-ila. Ko e Patu-iki he motu ia ko e Moa hana higoa, ko e iki ia; nakai haga ki luga e tau mata hana. Ka haga atu ke he akau, ti mate e akau ia; pihia ke he tau mena oti he fuga he kelekele; ti pihia ke he tau manu-totolo, to pihia ke he tagata. Ko e tukutuku hifo ni e tau mata ke he kelekele, nakai fuluhi e ia neke malaia e motu mo e tau mena kua tutupu ki ai.

30. Kua hoko e fenoga a Leve-i-Matagi mo Leve-i-Fualolo. ati huhū ai e iki na ki a laua, “Ko e tau tagata ne o mai i fe a mua? Ke fakailoa e mua he higoa he motu ha mua, po ko hai? Ko e heigoa ne tokai ke kai e mua?”

31. Kua vagahau e laua mo e tala age ke he iki ko Moa. “Ne o mai e fenoga ha maua i Nuku-tu-taha, he Motu-tē-fua, he Faka-hoamotu, he Nuku-tuluea. Ko e mena mitaki e tau vai ne inu ai a maua, ti kai ai he falu a fua akau ikiiki mai he kelekele. Kuenaia!”

32. Kua ta aga he iki e galue ke kai e fenoga ia. Kua kai e laua e tau mena lolo, mo e humelie ke he tau gutu ha laua. Ati nava ai a laua mo e amoamo e tau gutu, mo e lolo he tau lima, kua huni he gako niu, ti pehe a laua ke he iki. “Nakai fai mena pihia he motu ha maua”

33. Kua oti e kai e galue, ha ne fakatutala a lautolu. Ati tă mai he iki e ua e fua-niu; ti age mua e fua-niu-kula ki a Leve-i-Matagi, ka e age fakamui e fua-niu-hina ki a Leve-i-Fualolo—ti pehe atu e iki, “Ko e niu ē! ma mua. Ti uta e mua; ke keli e kelekele he motu ha mua, ti tanu hifo ai, ka e leveki e mua ka tupu, ti leoleo mitaki a mua ki ai ato fua, mo e aoga ai ke he tau tino ha mua, mo e tau fanau—ke tupu ai mai i a mutolu he tau hau oti ni.”

34. Kua toka ai he niu e koloa lahi mahaki. Kua hoge ke he fiainu, ti inu e vai mai i a ia. Kua hoge ke he fia-kai, ti kai, ti kai e kakano mai i a ia. Ko e tau pulu ke fili ke falō ai e tau fale; ko e tau lau kakā ke taute ai e tau mena kai—e tau pia, mo e tu-hoi, mo e tatau ai e fai-kai: ti taute e tau kaniu mo tafitafi e fale. To lalaga foki e tau lau ke tuku ai e tau mena ke uta he tau fenoga he tau tagata. To lalaga foki e tau lau ke faliki ai e tino; to lalaga foki ke ato e tau fale. Ti lalaga e tau lau ke iliili ai e fofoga ka afuafu mo e vevela. To huhu ai foki e tau fenoga ka pouli he po. Kua eke tuai ai nai ke moua ai e tupe lahi ke aoga ai e tino oti mo e tau mena oti kana.

35. Ko e ua e niu na kua tupu he motu ke hoko mai he aho nai, Ko e niutea mo e mea; ko e niu a Fualolo ia; ko e niu ia ne tupu tote he motu, ko e niu ia ne eke kafo he tau tagata gagao, ti koukou ai e tau tama ikiiki. Ko e fa lofia he tahi e vai hana i Hiola, ti leo ni ato pakupaku e tahi to inu. Kua aoga lahi he tau gagao ke malolo.

36. Ko e niu-kula, ko e niu a Vai-matagi ia—taha higoa hana ko Levei-Matagi. Kua nakai okioki he inu tote e magaaho ne leo ai

painted their lips, teeth, and cheeks with the red joice of the banana called hulahula, and spread out their arms, and showed their teeth to frighten Captain Cook to depart, and not come to their island. Their teeth were dyed red (to make believe) it was man-eating—it was deceit; and so he named the island thus (Savage Island). It is right that the three names of Huanaki and that of Captain Cook should be left, but that of Levei-Matagi and Levei-Fualolo be retained, Niuē-fekai.

Mele

39. There was a young girl named Mele, who was an invalid. They took her to the spring at Hiola to bathe, but when they brought her back she was dead. Then her parents took her body and placed it on a rock which had been prepared. After having been left on the rock for three days, the parents rose early to visit her, and to wash and bathe her body, but she was not there, the girl was lost. Then the parents, the relatives, and the visitors deeply lamented the girl, for she was not.

40. But the girl named Mele lived, she came and sung to all her family. They were astonished, when they heard the voice of the young girl as she sung to them, as they were staying in the mourning shed which had been built, and where they performed the dances for the dead. The song is thus:—

Taken was she to bathe at Hiola She has been brought here, and returned, Let the moon shine bright That the chief may admire, In the spring of clear water. Visitors have anointed her, Who shall stay here? Mele is happy, Mele is blessed, Let the chief admire In the spring of clear water Now, is Mele happy.

The Family of Huanaki

41. Then the families divided; the family of Huanaki to dwell in their home at the pool. This is a rock at the bottom of the sea named Fonua-galo; no one has seen it. Some of them went up to the first heaven—which is a dry land, and is said to be the country of the day-light, that is where they dwelt.

42. The second heaven, is that above wherein stands the sun and the moon and the stars; but that heaven is low; it is called Motu-o-Hina, and her family are:—

Ko e niu ia kua mua e lahi he fuga kelekele ke hoko mai he aho nai. Ko e niu ia ne inu mau ai e tau tagata he tau aho oti ni.

37. Ko e faoa tokoua nai ne fakahigoa e motu ko Niuē-fekai—ko e lagatolu ia e ui higoa e motu hanai: Ko Huanaki ne ui e tau higoa e fa; ko Nuku-tu-taha, ko Motu-te-fua, ko Fakahoa-motu, ko Nuku-tuluea. Ko Levei-matagi mo Levei-Fualolo ne ui e higoa nai, ko Niuē-fekai. Ko Kapene Kuka ne ui e higoa ko Saviti Ailani.

38. Ne hake a Kapene Kuka i Alofi, ke he ava i Opāhi, ko e maga he mata nai, ko Halagigie. Ti o e tau patu Niuē, mo e vali aki e tau toto-kula he futi ne higoa ko e hulahula e tau gutu mo e tau nifo mo e tau kauvehe; ti fakamamaga atu e tau matalima, mo e tau nifo ne fakaiite, ke fakamatakutaku atu ki a Kapene Kuka, ke hola hifo, neke hau ke he motu ha lautolu. Kua kula e tau nifo ha lautolu ke kai tagata—ko e fakatai; ati fakahigoa ai e ia pihia. Kua lata ke toka e tau higoa tolu a Huanaki mo e higoa ne fakahigoa a Kapene Kuka, ka e fakamau ia Levei-Matagi mo Levei-Fualolo, ko “Niue-fekai” haia.

Ko Mele

39. Ko e tama-fifine ne higoa ko Melē, ne gagao a ia. Ti uta ai ni mo e koukou he vai tama i Hiola; ti ta mai, kua mate ni e tama. Ti uta ai he tau matua hana tino mo e tuku ai i luga he maka ne taute. Ti tolu e po he toka i luga he maka ia; kua uhu atu e tau matua ke ahi a ia, ke koukou hana tino mo e holoholo, kua galo e tama, nakai tokai. Ti tagi tautau e tau matua mo e magafaoa mo e tau ahi atu, ka e nakai moua.

40. Kua moui e tama ne higoa ia Melē. Ne hau mo e lologo atu ke he hana faoa oti. Ne ofomate a lautolu mo e fanogonogo atu ke he leo he tama-fifine ne lologo mai ki a lautolu ne api lavā ai ke he fale tulu ne ta, mo e ta ai e tau fia-uhi ke he mate. Ko e lologo nai, ne pehe:—

1. Kua fakahaele ke koukou i Hiola, Kua fakahaele mai, to fakahaele atu, Ka fakahuhulu mahina Ka puna ho iki ē, ke puna ho iki ē. 2. Ke mulu tau ahi mai, Ke nofo foki a hai hinai, Ki ele-ki-ele ko Melē, Ki ele-ki-ele ko Melē, Ke puna ho iki e, ke puna ho iki ē, Ke ele-ki-ele ko Melē.

Ko e Magafaoa a Huanaki

41. Ko e vevehega ne fai e tau magafaoa; ko e faoa a Huanaki ke nofo he loto kaina ha lautolu he loto-moana, ko e toka ia i lalo he moana, ko Fonua-galo ia, nakai kitea e taha. Ko e o hake ne fai falu

Hina

Hina-hele-ki-fala

This was the child beloved by Hina, the chief.

Hiua-o

Hiua-e

Hina

Hina-kula

Hina-taivaiva

Hina-ma

Hiki-malama

10.

Hiki-lauulu

43. The females of the second heaven, are accomplished in making many things—to plait girdles of hair, girdles of paroquette feathers, and the hega-palua (a girdle) which is most beautiful; to mix the different colored braids of the hega-tea (light coloured paroquette feather), of the hega-kula (red colored paroquette feathers). This is the hega-palua, which was a treasure of great beauty in Niuē-fekai. It was not possessed by all men; but by the chiefs and warriors.

In olden times Kili-mafiti, a chief of Mutalau, possessed one twenty fathoms long; Lagi-likoliko, of Mutalau, had one also of twenty fathoms long, and Pala-kula, of Mutalau, another of eighteen-and-a-half fathoms. In recent generations Peniamena, Toimata, and Paulo,

These men were the first three Christian teachers.

possessed them, but a long time ago, the warriors used to have these scarlet girdles.

44. Prayers were offered to the females written above when the women were preparing this kind of work, thus:—“Hina-e! Hina-o! Hina! Hina-ma! Hina-taivaiva! Hiki-malama! Hiki-lauulu! give to us knowledge of our work.”

Matila foafoa

45. Mele, Lata, Fakapoloto, Hakumani and Matila-foafoa were persons of note of old. Matila-foafoa was a man noted for his skill at the game of Ta-tika. These were the males of the Motu-a-Hina, that is, the second heaven. Matila-forfoa had a son born to him, which he took and cast away in the forest that he might die in the first heaven. Some hiapo cloth was stuffed into the child's mouth, which became full of the spittle, and this became as milk for the child. So the child ate it and lived, and grew up to run about, but he knew not who his father was.

46. The child went forth and came upon a chieftainess who was blind from her birth, as she cooked yams by the fire. The child went and sat down by the side of the fire where the yams were cooking. When one was done the blind woman scraped it, and returned to the fire for another, but the boy snatched the cooked one and eat it. The blind-woman returned and scraped another, leaving seven remaining. She said, “My eight yams have become seven.” She returned again, and the seventh was taken, leaving six. She said, “My seven yams have become six.” So on with the fifth, fourth, third, second and

ke nonofo he lagi-tua-taha—ko e kelekele momo ia, ti pehe ko e motu he aho a ia, kua nonofo ai a tautolu.

42. Ko e lagi-tua-ua, ko e laga i luga ia, ne tu ai e lā mo e mahina mo e tau fetu; ka e tokolalo e lagi ia, ko e Motu-a-Hina ia, mo e hana mangafaoa, hanai:—

Hina

Hina-hele-ki-fata

Ko e tama fakahelehele a patu Hina.

Hina-o

Hina-e

Hina

Hina-kula

Hina-taivaiva

Hina-ma

Hiki-malama

10.

Hiki-lau-ulu

43. Ko e tau fifine ia he lagi-tua-ua, kua iloilo ke taute mena—ke fili kafa-lauulu mo e kafa-hega, ko e hega-tea, mo e hega-palua ne mua he mitaki, ke fiofio aki e gahua he fili ai e tau fulu hega-tea mo e tau fulu he hega-kula oti. Ko e hega-palua ia, ko e koloa ia ne mua he mitaki i Niuē-fakai. Nakai moua he tau tagata oti; ko e tau iki ni mo e tau toa ke moua e koloa ia.

Ke he vaha tuai ne moua a Kili-mafiti, e Patu i Mutalau, ko e kafa ne 20 ofa; ko Lagi-likoliko, i Mutalau, ne 28 ofa; ko Lagi-likoliko, i Mutalau, ne 20 ofa; ko Kulatea i Hakupu, ne 20 ofa; ko Palakula i Mutalau, ne 18½ ofa. He hau fou, te moua mai a Peniamina mo Toimata, mo Paulo, ka e loga he vaha fakamua atu ko e moua ni he tau toa e kafa-kula ia.

44. Kua liogi atu ke he tau fifine ne tohi ai i luga la, e fifine ke taute gahua pihia:—“Hina-e, Hina-o, Hina, Hina-ma, Hina-taivaiva, Hiki-malama, Hiki-lauulu, ke mai ho tufuga.”

Matila-foafoa

45. Mele, mo Lata, Fakapoloto, Hakumani, mo Matila-foafoa. Ko Matila-foafoa ko e tagata ia kua mua e vave he ta-tika; ko e tau tane ia he Motu-a-Hina, ko e lagi tua-ua ia. Ne fanau a Matilafoafoa e tama-tane, ti uta mo e tiaki he vao ke mate i lalo he lagi tu taha; kua fafao aki e hiapo ke he gutu he tama; ati puke e hiapo he ifo he hana gutu, kua eke tuai mo puke huhu ke he tama. Ati kai ai e tama, kua moui ni, kua lahi ke evaeva, ka e nakai iloa e ia hana matua.

46. Kua fano e tama mo e pu ai he patu-fifine matapouli tali he fanau mai, ha ne tunu ai he ufi la-valu he afi; ti fano e tama mo e nofo ai he tapa he afi ne tunu ai e ufi; kua moho, ati vouvou he

first; all the yams were eaten by the child who lived on milk of spittle. Then he put a stone to roast at the fire; and the woman got nothing but the stone.

47. The blind-woman was very angry, and felt about with her hands. She then adopted a scheme, threw off her kilt …. and walked about to the north, south, east and west sides trying to find out the theif. But the boy soon laughed at her, which she heard and knew it was he who had stolen her food.

48. The boy now asked, “Who is my father?” Said the blind-woman, “Go thou and pluck two young fruit of the niu-tea (or light-colored coco-nuts). He went and did as he was told, and came back and said, “I have got them.” The blind-woman then said, “Come here!” The boy brought one and after husking it, touched the right eye of the woman, and she saw with it. He then took the other and touched the left eye, and then both eyes were opened. The blind-woman was delighted.

49. The boy now asked, “Who is my father?” and the woman said, “Come then! after three days the court of casting tikas will be set up at Fana-Kava-tala. If you hear one saying this: One-one-pata, Mata-vai-hava, the plaza at Fana-kava-tala (which is the plaza at the Ulu-lauta at Mata-fonua—north end of the island) do you go down to the end of the plaza, of the lelega-atua, and hide and await the man of the black tika (dart) which will be thrown last, it is mui-huni of the plaza; that will be thy father.”

50. The boy went and awaited the chief of the plaza when he cast darts. Matila-foafoa was the last to act; and the dart went right to to the place where the boy was sitting, who seized it and broke it. He jumped up and wrestled with his father, saying, “Matila-foafoa, O my father! why did you cast me away?” The son had found his father.

(The above story illustrates the confused and sketchy nature of the traditions presented by the Niuē people. It embraces part of the Maori story of Tawhaki and Whaitiri, known also to the Hawaiians, and the Rarotongan story of Tarauri (“Myths and Songs,” p. 118, also p. 131, and a far more complete story in my collection). Matila-foafoa is the Matira-hoahoa of Maori ancestory, but though the Maoris have many stories of magical darts, he is not connected with them that I know of.)

Fishing-net Making

51. Faka-poloto and Hakumani belonged to a family accomplished in netting fish nets; Mele also Lata also, with the others, were clever in netting and twisting cord to catch fish with, and also to net birds. When the work of netting is undertaken (the workers) call on Fakapoloto, Hakumani, Mele and Lata to direct them in their operation.

matapouli e ufi; ti liuaki ke he afi, kua lei he tama e taha la, ti kai e ia. Kua liu atu e matapouli ta mai vouvou ai, kua toe ni e fitu. Ti pehe, “Ko e haku ufi la valu kua la fitu ai.” Ti liu aki foki, ti lei e fitu; kua toe e ono, ti pehe, “Ko e haku ufi la fitu kua la ono ai.” Ti pihia e lima, ti pihia e fa, ti pihia e tolu, ti pihia e ua, ti pihia e taha, ti oti pito he kai he tama ne moui he pukehuhu gatu kafu he ufi he fifine matapouli ia. Ti age e ia e maka ke tunu he afi; ati ta mai he fifine ko e maka noa.

47. Kua vale lahi e matapouli, mo e amoamo fano hana tau lima, ti eke ni e ia e lagatau, kua hafagi hana felevehi, mo e lei hana fakafifine, ti evaeva atu ke he tau fāhi tokelau, mo toga, i uta mo lalo. Ati kata vave e tama, ti logona he fifine ko ia kia ne fofo hana mena kai.

48. Kua huhu atu e tama, “Ko hai haku a matua?” Ti pehe mai e matapouli, “Fano ā koe ke toli mai ua e fua niu-tea, ko e tau kola mui ni.” Ti fano e tama mo e toli mai ua tuga e kupu, ti hau mo e pehe, “Kua moua tuai.” Kua tala age e matapouli, “Hau!” Kua ta mai he tama e taha, ka huki ke fakapa atu ke he mata matau he fifine, ti ala e mata ia, he ta foki taha, ka huki atu, ke fakapa atu ke he mata hema, ati ala ua ia. Kua fiafia e matapouli.

49. Ne huhu atu e tama, “Ko hai haku a matua?” Ti pehe e fifine, “Hau ā koe; ne tolu e aho ne toe, ti ta ne fai e malē he pulele tika ki Fana-kava-tala he aho ia. He vagahau e ia pihia,” He one one-pata, he mata-vai-hava, ko e male he Fana-kava-tala: “(Ko e malē ia he Ulu-lauta, he Mata-fonua). Ti hifo a koe ke he potu male he lelega atua; ti fakamumuli ai a koe ke leo ai ko e tagata ke ta e tika uli, ko e tika kiva, ke ta he fakahikuaga ko e mui huni ia he male, ko e matua hau ia.”

50. Ne fano e tama mo e leo he patu male ha ne ta e tau tika. Ati ta fakamui a Matila-foafoa; ti fano leva e tika, hu atu ke he mena kua nofo ai e tama. Ati toto mai e tama mo e papaki ka e oho atu tau fagatua mo e matua. Ti tala age e tama “A Matila-foafoa, e haku matua! ko e ha ne tiaki ai e koe au?” Kua moua tuai he tama hana matua.

Ko E tia-kupega

51. Ko Fakapoloto mo Hakumani ko e faoa ia ne iloilo ke tiakupega. Ko Mele mo Lata, ko lautolu oti ia ne tufuga tia, e filo mo e tia ke tatau ai e tau ika mo e heu aki e tau manu-lele. Ke taute e kupega ke tamata, ti ui atu ni ki a Fakapoloto mo Hakumani, ko Mele mo Lata foki, ke vagahau atu ki ai ke fakailoa mai e tia he kupega.

52. Kupega (fishing net) and Keho (? coral) came down to fish in the great sea; Kupega pressed (?) whilst Keho took the basket, he was at the row of fish to draw in the first net, after twice (?) pressing, the bag of the neck was quickly filled with many fish, and then they returned to their own country (the heavens).

53. Puga, or Puga-tala, or Puga-feo, was a member of Huanaki's family. He saw how successful the family of Faka-poloto and Hakumani were in fishing; a little time and they were able to return home; and it was thus every night. Then he thought he could do likewise, but, without success, because darkness came on so soon.

54. When those two returned to fish, Puga begged them to give him the basket of the net to hold; but they refused. But when he asked them quietly, they gave it to him. When they came to (?) press the tane of the net, it was scratched by the coral, and the back arm of the fish-bag taken off. and the basket in which the fish were gathered also broken; when they poured in the fish to fill it, they fell out of the back of the basket into the sea. They tried again with the same result. Then they wondered what made it thus difficult; and they tried in a deep place, where the net got entangled; so they both dived after their net, and Puga did the same and lashed it, so that it was more firmly caught. Daylight was near, but the fishing net was most firmly caught; so they abandoned it and came up.

55. When the light of the morrow came, Puga went down and carefully undid the net; and when he had accomplished it, brought it up and spread it in the sun till it was dry; then undid (the knotting) and saw how it was made from the commencement. Thus Niuē learned how to make nets through the schemes of Puga; Niuē now knew how to make different kinds of nets, even until this day.

56. Puga was one of the family of Huanaki, and a wise man. We see the coral reticulated like the meshes of a net. in the pools of the sea, and the pools of the reef. He was the man who stole the net of Faka-poloto and Huanaki; it is said, Keho and Kupega are the servants when they go to catch fish.

(This story, though differing in detail from the Maori account of how they learnt to make fishing nets from the Patu-pai-arehe, is based on the same ideas, i.e., that they learnt it from the gods, or, in other words, from a strange people. It also does away with the idea that the story is a purely New Zealand one).

Some other and different Tupuas

57. Tali-mai-nuku gave birth to people who appropriated things. They separated, some dwelling in the sea–the family of Huanaki; some on land, some of them crawl, some fly. Puga sprung from them.

52. Kua o hifo mai a Kupega mo Keho ke tautau ika ke he tahi lahi; kua tatau a Kupega, ka e toto e Keho e kato, ko ia ke he atu e (?he) tau ika ke puto ai he kupega lagataha, ti lagaua e tatau, ti puke vave e oa he loga he ika, ti o hake ni ke he motu ha laua.

53. Ko Puga, ti Puga-tala, ti Puga-feo; ko e tagata he faoa a Huanaki a ia. Ne kitekite atu a ia ke he faoa a Fakapoloto mo Hakumani ne olatia vave ai pihia e tau ika, magaaho tote ka e liu; pihia e tau po oti. Ati manatu e ia ke moua, ka e nakai moua, he fa o tuai ni he pouli.

54. Ne liu mai a laua ka tatau ika, ti ole ni e Puga e oa ke age ke totc e ia; ka e lamakai ni e laua, ka e ole fakatekitiki e ia; ati age e laua. Ha ne o ke tatau e taue, ti lolote e puga, aki e lima e (?he) mui oa, ti mahē e kato ke fafao ai e tau ika; ha ne liligi hifo e tau ika ke he oa, ti puke; ka e mokulu hifo ni he mui oa kato ke he tahi-Ti tatau foki, ka e mokulu foki. Ti manatu e laua ko e ha ne uka ai pihia; ati unu hifo ke he mena hokulu, kua vihi e kupega, ati uku fetogiaki e laua ha laua a kupega, ti uku hifo e Puga mo e lavahi atu ai, ati ue atu e vihi uka, ko e aho ne tata mai, ko e kupega ne uka lahi; kua tiaki tuai e laua ka e fehola hake ni.

55. Kua hoko ke he aho a pogipogi, ti hifo a Puga mo e vetevete fakatekiteki; ati maeke ni, kua ta hake e ia mo e tavaki ato paku-paku, ti vete ni e ia mo e kitekite e hala ne gahua ai mo e kamataaga ne tia ai e kupega. Kua iloa tuai e Niuē ke tia kupega he lagatau a Puga; kua iloa e Niuē-fekai ke taute e tau kupega kehekehe ke hoko mai he aho nai.

56. Ko Puga, ko e tagata he magafaoa a Huanaki a ia; ko e tagata iloilo. Ka kitekite atu a tautolu ke he puga ne matamata tuga e tau mata-kupega ne tu he loloto he tahi, mo e tau loto he pokoahu mo e tau pupuo ne hake mai he moana. Ko e tagata ia ne fofo e kupega a Faka-poloto mo Hakumani, kua pehe, ko Keho mo Kupega ko e tau fekau ia, ke o ke tautau ika.

Ko e falu a tupua kehekehe

57. Kua fanau mai e Tali-mai-nuku e tau tagata fofo mena. Ke vehevehe ni, kua nofo falu ke he tahi, ko e faoa ni a Huanaki; ka e nofo e falu i uta, kua totolo e falu, ka e lele e falu i a lautolu. Ne tupu ai a Puga he magafaoa ia.

58. Ko Toli-ō-atua, ko ia ne fanau e kaiha. Ko Nifo-taha mo Kai-hagā mo Kai-hamulu mo Ate-lapa, ko e kule ia. Mo Tilalo-fonua, ko e kumā ia ne fofo e Peka e tau tapakau; ti fa kaiha ai foki e falu a veheveheaga he tau tagata.

59. Ko Tali-mai-nuku, ne nofo ai a ia i Tautu; ko ia foki ne fanau a Fakatafe-tau mo Fakalagalaga, ko e tau takitaki a laua he tau gahua ke tau.

58. Toli-ō-atua was he who gave birth to thieves:–Nifo-taha, Kai-hagā, Kai-hamulu, Ate-lapa (who was a kule, i.e., Porphrio bird), Tilalo-fonua (who was a rat, whose wings were stolen by Peka), and some divisions of them became fish.

59. Tali-mai-nuku lived at Tautu, and he gave birth to Fakatafetau and Fakalagalaga, who are the leaders in works of war.

Hina-hele-ki-fata

60. She was the beloved child of Hina, the chief, who dwells in the second heaven. The heavens were (at one time) very low, causing men of the earth to crawl; they rested on the tops of the Pia (or arrow-root plant), and the Tavahi-kaku tree. So Maui thrust up the heavens–one of his feet was at Tuapa, the other near Ali-utu; it is seven miles and a bit between where his two feet stood; there are two depressions in the rocks where the soles of Maui's feet stood, down to this day.

One of these depressions is on the track from Alofi to Ali-utu. It is some what like a foot made in the coral rock, about eighteen inches long.

61. Hina sent down her beloved child to bring up some fire from the first heavens below, which was with the Chief Moko-fulu-fulu.

Moko-fulu-fulu is the name (Moko huruhuru) of one of the Maori gods of Sorcery.

Moko-fulu-fulu gave her some fire which went out very quickly. She returned for more, and that went out also. Again she returned, and then Moko-fulu-fulu presented his head to her that she might clean it of insects. Then he seized this tapu woman and did evil unto her. She ascended to her parent, who took her by the legs and with a loholoho, or stem of the coco-nut leaf, beat her daughter.

62. The daughter cried bitterly and fled, finally resting by the side of a stream and the sea. She cried out to the birds and the creeping things, and the fish. Some fish came to her, and she sang to them, thus:—

If there swims a fish with kind intent, Let it swim hither to me. If there comes a fish of savage nature Let it swim away from here.

63. Many fish came, and she asked of each: “What do you come for?” The fish replied, “I come to bring my body that you may mark it.” So she marked their bodies, some striped, some spotted, some red, some white, some black. Then came a Lakua (Bointo) with laughter and …. ? gazing on Hina-hele-ki-fata. She took him and placed him before her. After this came the shark, of whom she asked, “What do you come for ?” “I came to bring a tooth to shave your head !” At this Hina was angry; she stood up and debased the shark.

Hina-hele-ki-fata

60. Ko Hina-hele-ki-fata, ko e tama fakahelehele 1a a Patu Hina, kua nofo he lagi tua-ua. Ko e mena tokolalo e lagi ia ne fakatolotolo e tau tagata he toko-lalo, ti hili he tapunu he Pia mo e Tavahi-kaku, ti toko e Maui; ne tu taha hui i Tuapa, ka e tu e taha i Ali-utu, ne fitu e maila mo e maga e mamao he tau hui ua na; ko e pokopoko ua e aloalo-hui a Maui ke he maka he kelekele ke hoko mai he aho nai.

61. Ne fakafano hifo e Hina e tama fakahelehele ke uta afi ke he lagi tua-taha, i lalo, ke he patu ko Moko-fulufulu. Ti age e Moko-fulufulu e tau afi mate vave ma Hina-hele-ki-fata. Kua fano, ti mate he puhala ne fano ai—nakai hoko ki a Hina. Ti liu foki, ti mate foki e afi ia. Ti liu foki, ti age e Moko-fulufulu e ulu hana ke faala e tau kutu, ati tapaki e ia e fifine tapu mo e fakakelea e fifine. Kua hake ke he matua; kua toto e tau hui he tama, ti ta mai e ia e loholoho niu ne tau ai e tau fua mo e fahi e tama.

62. Kua tagi lahi e tama mo e hola, kua nofo e tapa he vailele mo e tahi. Kua tagi atu ke he tau manu-lele, mo e tau manu-totolo, mo e tau ika. Kua o mai e tau ika ki a ia; ti lologo atu e ia, pehe:—

Ka hau ha ika lele totonu, Kia tele mai ki hinai, Ka hau ha ika ne tele favale, Kia tele atu i hinai.

63. Kua o mai e tau ika loga, ati ui atu e ia. “Ko e hau a koe ke ha?” Ti vagahau atu e ika, “Kua hau au ke ta mai he tino ke tohi e koe !” Ati tohi e ia e tau tino ha lautolu, kua ivaiva mo e ilaila, kua kula, mo e mata-ono atu ki a Hina-hele-ki-fata. Ti ta mai e ia mo e tuku he mua hana. Kua hau e magō, kua ui atu e fifine, “Ko e hau a koe ke ha ?” Ti pehe, “Ne hau au ke ta mai he nifo ke hifi aki e ulu hau.” Ti ita e fifine mo e tu hake, ti mimi atu ke he tino he mangō.

64. Kua hau fakamui e Fonu, ha ne kakau mai ko e fakahikuaga ia he tau ika. Ne huhu atu a Hina, “Ko e hau a koe ke ha ?” Ti vagahau age e Fonu, “Kua hau au ke ta mai he na una ke tau aki ho na penapena.” Ati nava atu e fifine ki a ia; kua hifo mo e heke ai he tua hana. Ko e tau fua-niu e oho ko e hifo ne fai. Kua vagahau age e Fonu, “Ka inu e niu, ti ui mai, to fakakite e au taha mena ke fela ai ke kai ai koe.” Kua inu e Hina-hele-ki-fata, kua maha; ti nakai ui age ko e fe e mena ke fela ai e fua-niu, ka e toto e ia ti fela fakalahi ke he tumuaki-ulu he Fonu, ati omoi hifo e ulu he Fonu ki loto mo e fakamemege he mamahi, ati ulu-tomo ai e Fonu ke hoko mai ke he aho nai.

Ko Folahau

65. Ko e fifine ne higoa ko Folahau, kua nofo a 1a he tumuaki he lagi tua-taha, ko Tuku-ofe e higoa e tumuaki founa ia. Ko e fifine

64. Last of all came the turtle. Hina asked, “What do you come for?” The turtle replied, “I came to bring some tortoise shell to suspend in your curls.” The woman praised him; she descended and got on to his back. Some coco-nuts were taken as food for her projected voyage. The turtle said, “When you want to drink one of the coco-nuts, tell me, and I will show you something on which to open it.” (Presently) Hina drank, and emptied the coco-nut, but she never asked the turtle what to open it on. but broke it open on the top of the head of the turtle. The turtle withdrew his head within his shell and contracted it with the pain, and so the turtle withdraws his head within his shell to this day.

Folahau

65. There was a woman named Folahau who dwelt at the “Crown of the first heaven,” the name of that land is Tuku-ofe. She was a woman accomplished in the beating of hiapo (bark cloth). When she was preparing the hiapo, there was no water to enable her to peel the rods, and the sun ever set before her task was done, besides she was consumed by thirst—for the land was very dry with drought. She sung and prayed to the birds and beasts, but they gave her no water. She also begged of the fishes, and the sea where are the waters. Then the earth shook with a great earthquake, and her body trembled, whilst the waters came up and boiled over; it came right up to where Folahau was sitting, and where the hiapos were lying at her feet. She was overwhelmed with the water; she drank at once, because of her great thirst, but she never gave thanks to them (who cause the water to rise), nor blessed them for the water that sprung up.

66. That is the reason why the waters return to the very bottom (of the chasms), nor are they able to flow and water the different parts of Niuē Island. These kinds of waters are used at Paluki, at Liku, and some at Alofi, for preparing the arrowroot, but they (the chasms) empty quickly, because Folahau ignorantly drank, without first praying and giving thanks for them. These waters are superior in sweetness down to this day—those that return below but do not flow.

(Most of the fresh water in Niuē is obtained from deep holes and chasms. In some, the water rises and falls with the tide, though the surface may be eighty to one hundred feet above tide level).

Gini-fale

67. There was a woman named Gini-fale, often also called Matagini-fale, who was very expert in printing hiapo. She (once) sat by the side of the sea, making the patterns on the hiapo with a shell, some of

tufuga ke tutū hiapo; ne tauteute e ia e tau hiapo, ti nakai fai vai ke unu aki ha kua to e tau lā, ko e mate foki a ia he fia inu—kua magomago lahi ni e kelekele. Kua lologo a ia mo e liogi atu ke he tau manu-lele mo e tau manu-totolo, nakai ta mai e lautolu ha vai. Kua ole atu ke he tau ika mo e tahi ne tokai e tau vai. Kua galulu tuai e kelekele ke he mafuike, ati vivi ai hana tino, mo e pa hake e vai mo e puāpuā, kua lele atu ke he nofoaga a Folahau, mo e tau hiapo kua tokai he hana a tau hui. Kua lofia he vai; ti oho atu a Folahau mo e inu vave, ha ko e fia inu lahi. Nakai fakaaue atu a ia ki a lautolu, mo e fakamonu atu ke he vai kua puna.

66. Ko e mena ia ne liu ai e vai hala-toka, nakai maeke he lele atu mo e tafe ai ke he tau fāhi he motu ko Niuē. Ko e vai e ne fa nu ai e tau pia he faoa i Paluki mo Liku mo e falu mai i Alofi, ka e fa maha vave ni, ha kua inu gofua e Folahau, nakai liogi mo e fakaaue ki ai. Ka e mua ni e vai he humelie ke hoko mai he aho nai, ko e vai ne liu hifo nakai lele atu.

Gini-fale

67. Ko e fifine ne higoa ko Gini-fale ne fa ui foki ko Mata-ginifale, ko e fifine tufuga a ia ke helehele hiapo. Kua nofo a ia he tapa he tahi mo e helehele fakakupukupu e tau hiapo ke he fohi; ne tuku e falu a fohi ke he mapua he felevehi ka e gahua e falu. Ne hau e Taufuā mo e ūlo hake e tau pokoihu mo e ta hana tapakau ke he kili moana. Kua amuamu hifo a Gini-fale mo e va hifo, “Taufuā ulu pekepeke ! taufilei, taufilei !”

68. Kua lagona e Taufuā ati ita mo e hake tatao hake ha ne hifo a Gini-fale ke fagota he uluulu. Ne hagatua atu ke he moana, kua fakaolo mai e lima, ko e vaha loa e tapakau, kape aki e fifine, ti hapini he hana finefine, ti puku he hana gutu, ti fofolo atu ke he manava.

69. Kua hola e ika-lahi ke he toka hokulo; kua moui a Gini-fale i loto he ika; ti mau atu e ia e fohi helehele tutū hana, ha ne toka he mapua felevehi, ne toto mai he hana lima, ti hele aki e ia e manava he ika. Kua mamahi e ika, ati mioi a ia mo e hola-fano, kua go fano e fatu ke he tau maka, ka e gahua e Gini-fale ke hele. Ti pē ke he motu ne higoa ko e Toga. Kua mahē tuai e fatu he Taufuā ki fafo; ati hu mai a Gini-fale mo e hake ke he motu; ti nofo ai mo e fakalala ai ke he lā ha kua lahi e makalili.

70. Kua hifo mai e tau tagata he motu, ti moua e lautolu e fifine; kua uta e lautolu a ia mo e taute mo e leveki. Ko e fifine mitaki a Gini-fale; kua hoana he taha iki he motu a ia. Kua fatu e fifine ti tagi mau e tāne he tau aho oti. Ti huhu a Gini-fale, “Ko e ha ne tagi ai a koe?” Ti pehe e tāne, “Kua tagi au i a koe, he tama i loto!” Ha ko e mahani he motu ke īhi e manava to ta mai e tama,

which shells she had in the recepticle of her girdle, others she used in her work. There came a whale, who blew out his nostrils, and struck his fins on the surface of the ocean. Gini-fale derided and mocked him, saying, “Whale with the rough head! taufilei ! taufilei!”

68. When the whale heard this he was angry, and drew near and hid when Gini-fale came dowh to fish on the reef. When she turned away from the sea the whale stretched out his limb (the long fin) and seized the woman, carried her in his fins, put her into his mouth, and swallowed her, right down to his belly.

69. The great fish made off to the depths of the ocean, but Gini-fale remained alive within it. She took from her garment one of the shells she had for marking the hiapo and cut the belly of the fish. The fish felt the pain and writhed, and went off rapidly to some rocks where he rubbed his belly, whilst Gini-fale continued to cut, and the whale was stranded on an island called Toga. The Whale's belly was cut open, and then Gini-fale came forth and went ashore, where she sat and warmed herself in the sun, because the cold was great.

70. The people of the island came down and found the woman whom they took and cared for. She was a handsome woman was Gini-fale, and a certain chief of the island took her to wife. When the woman became pregnant, the husband used to cry every day. Gini-fale asked him, “What do you cry for?” The husband said, “I am crying on your account, because of your child.” It was the custom of that island to split open the belly and then take the child out, but the mother died. This was the reason Lei-pua was so sorry. Gini-fale said, “O thou ! I will show you the way the child shall come (be born).”

71. When the child was born it was a male, and they called its name Mutalau. When he had grown up he learnt that his mother came from Motu-tē-fua (Niuē), and he desired much to return to his mother's home.

(For paragraphs Nos. 72 to 77, see Part IV. hereof).

Page 6, Vol. xii. J. P. S.

The Albinōes

78. There was a woman who came up from “The Lost Land,” Popo-efu was her name, of the family of Momole, who dwelt pleasantly in their country. When the first and second nights after the full round moon came, and between then and the new moon, they constantly came to the (this) island to fetch food, and returned before daylight. Often the men (tried to) seize her, because she was a fair-skinned woman, but she could not be caught, her body was so slippery. So Tu-Momole made a net, and with it stopped up the way by which

ka e mate e matua. Ko e mena ia ne momoko lahi ai a Lei-pua. Kua tala age a Gini-fale na, “A koe! to fakakite e au e hala ke hau ai e tama.”

71. Kua hoko ke he fanauaga he tama, ko e tama tane, ti ui e laua e higoa ko Mutalau. Ne lahi e tama ti iloa e ia ko e matua fifine hana kua hau i Motu-te-fua. At ikolo ai ke liu ke he kaina he hana matua fifine.

Ko Mutalau mo Matuku-hifi

72. Ko Tihamau, ko e iki a ia he Nuku-tu-taha; kua ta hana fale-lahi i Hapuga mo Faofao, ko e māga ia he Ulu-lauta he Mata-fonua he Lelego-atua. Ko e patu a ia he malē i Fana-kava-tala mo Tia-tele, ti hifo ke he fale maka ne ta he tau hui a Huanaki i Vaihoko; ko e Patu-iki mua ia he motu ko Niuē-fekai.

73. Ko Matuku-hifi, ko e hagai a ia a Tihamau; ko ia ne nofo ke pa e gutuhala ke he tau Toga, neke fofo e motu ha laua. Kua nofo a ia he maka tokoluga i Makatau-kakala, ko e Oneone-pata i Avatele. Ne taute e ia e tau mahina-alili ne fālo he hiapo, ke hoko ke he pouli, ti falanaki a ia ke he nofoa, ko e maka ne falanaki ai hana tua ke hagao atu ke he moana; kua pipi ai e tau mahina-alili ke he mata hana, ti hina, tuga e tagata ne ala hana tau mata, ti mohe-popo a ia, to hoko ke he aho.

74. Ko e vaha ia ne foli ai a Mutalau ke hau ke he hana motu, ka e leoleo ni e Matuku-hifi, kua uka ni a Mutalau ke hau, kua fa ala mau a Matuku-hifi. Ne toka e Mutalau e magaaho afiafi ne fa hau ai, ka e hau tuai ne fai he pale e lā, ko e fanoga ia a Matuku-hifi ke gahua ai, kua hiki e Mutalau e vaka hana i Tioafa, ka e totolo mai tatao e nofoaga a Matuku-hifi ko e ha e tagata ia.

75. Kua hoko e magaaho ne hau ai a Matuku-hifi ke nofo he nofoaga, ti fano ne fai ta mai e afi mo e vetevete ti tahake mo e pipi he hana mata, ti nofo he hana nofoa-maka. Ne kitia e Mutalau, ko e fakatai noa; ne leo atu a ia ato mohe-popo a Matuku-hifi, ti fua a ia he akau-toa mo e hake he puhala-tu, ati fakalau aki mo e ta ke he ulu a Matuku-hifi, kua motu pu ai, ti lauia ai mo e nofoā-maka, kua motuhia atu mo e maka. Ko e mateaga ia a Matuku-hifi.

76. Ne hake a ia, ti feleveia mo Tihamau i Vaono, ko Māla-fati ia, ko e māga i Lakepa mo Liku. Ti fetoko ai a laua he iki, he huhu e Mutalau, ti vili ai e laua e tau mui-akau ke he maka. Kua nofo a Mutalau i Vai-gōha, ko e kaina a Huanaki.

77. Ko Lepo-ka-fatu, mo Lepo-ka-nifo, ko e fanau tāne haia a Matuku-hifi, ne ikiiki a laua he vaha ne mate ai e matua ha laua; kua lalahi e fanau, ti huhu ne fai ko hai e matua ha laua. Ti tala age e faoa, “Ko Matuku-hifi e matua ha mua; kua mate ni he keli e Mutalau, ha ne nofo i Ulu-lauta.” Ti kolo tau e tau fanau mo e

she came, then she was caught by the net of Tulaga-momole who made her his wife.

79. The woman prayed that she might be allowed to go to her own country. She gave birth to a child who was an Albino. This is how the Albinoes originated at Niuē, but their eyes are dazzled and are not good in the light of the sun, hence the eyes of the white Albinoes that grew up in Niuē-fekai are mostly shut and blink quickly.

The Reflecting Water at Tuo

80. Lelego-atua was left at Tuo, as a reflection (looking-glass) on a white stone. It was the custom of the Tupuas, of all parts of Niuē, to assemble there, at the spring to reflect their faces and bodies therein. The water fills the white stone; when it reflects darkly and not clearly, the sides are painted with charcoal and then it shines and reflects admirably; and there the people dressed their hair and blackened themselves (as in war). This place is at Ulu-lauta, near Mutalau, This is the song in reference thereto:—

1. Proceed, descend to Tuo To look at thyself in the spring, And there unloosen thy tresses,— Thy tresses that are unfastened Thy tresses that are unfastened. 2. The shell ornament of Poi-ulu, That was stolen by Mala-kai, Go then, right down to Tuo, Down, to look at thyself in the spring, And return again with a fair skin. 3. The angry and mischievous family Have destroyed my preserved Tiale flowers, Marked to gather to-morrow Thou has taken the best, And left nothing but twigs to gather. 4. Then go down the road at Vai-Kele, Gather the fine Tiale there, Only twigs of preserved Tiale Are left to gather to morrow, For thou has taken the best.

Fakahoko

81. Lua-tupua was a woman who lived at Ava-tele, probably she was the wife of Fakahoko, one of the family of five who came up from Motu—Fakahoko, Lua-tupua, Lua-fakakana, Lua-totolo, and Lua. Tagaloa-tatai, Tagaloa-fakaolo, Tagaloa-fafao, and Tagaloa-motumotu were the Tupuas who ruled at Ava-tele and who wished to destroy the sands (beach), which were lost in the ocean. When the clouds denoting a gale are seen, then follows the wind which blows and causes the

fakaako tau. Ti hake a laua mo e tamate a Mutalau. Ko e kamataaga ia he tau i Niuē, ke hoko mai a Peni-amina, a Toimata mo Paulo ke ta mai e kupu a Jesu ke vete aki e tau ke toka, ke hoko mai he aho nai.

Ko e tau mahele

78. Ko e fifine ne hake mai he fonua-galo i lalo, ko Popoefu hana higoa, ko e faoa a Momole ne mitiki a lautolu he nonofo he motu ha lautolu. Ka hoko e pouli-taba mo e pouli-ua he kau lapalapa e mahina-kau mo e vahega ke pula mui e mahina, ne fa hau ai ke he motu ke uta oho, ti liu hifo, ai nofo ke aho; ti fa tapaki he tau tagata, ha ko e fifine moka a ia ne tapaki, ai mau he momole e tino. Ne tia e Tu-momole e kupega, ti alai e hala ne fa hifo ai a ia, kua hola, ti puto ai he kupega, kua moua tuai e Tulaga-momole e fifine, Ti hoana e ia.

79. Ne ole age e fifine ke toka a ia ke fano mo e (? ke he) motu hana; kua fatu e fifine, ti fanau mai e tama ko e mahele; ko e mena ia ne tupu ai e tau mahele i Niuē, ka e mata-hegihegi a tau mata, ai lata mo e maama e lā, ko e mena ia ne fa mohemohe ai e tau mata mo e kemokemo fakaave e tau fofoga he tau mahele hina ka tupu i Niuē-fekai.

Ko e vai-fakaata i Tuo

80. Ko Lelego-atua, kua toka ia i Tuo, ti tokai mo e fakaata he maka hina. Ne mahani ke tolo ki ai e tau tupua oti he tau fāhi i Niuē; ti o atu ke he puna ke fakaata hifo hana mata mo e kitekite ai ke he hana tino oti. Ko e vai ne puke hake he maka-hina; ka ata pouli mo e nakai maama e puna, ti vali aki e tau malala e tau fāhi ne tokai e vai, ti mua ni he kikila mo e ata mitaki ke he tino tagata; ti taute e ulu mo e hamo ai a ia. Kua toka ia ke he Ulu-lauta i Mutalau. Ko e lologo nai ki ai:—

1 Haele ke hifo leva ki Tuo Ke fakaata ke he puna. Mo e vetevete ai ho lagi, Ho lagi kua tafuke Ho lagi kua tafuke. 2 Ko e monomono a Poi-ulu Ne kaiha mai e Mala-kai, Haele ke hifo leva ki Tuo. Ke hifo ke fakaata ke he puna Ti hake mai kua kili-mokamoka. 3 Fanau vale ti matahavala Tau moumou haku goto fakatu Fakatu ke tau he pogipogi Kua tau mua tukua e koe Tau pili tugi e tiale.

waves on the surface of the ocean. When the canoes are dragged down at Nuku-lafalafa, very often they are destroyed at the point Tepa, but some escape with difficulty. Those who see and are accustomed to Faka-hoko when he is angry, and stretches out the evil signs in his sky, exert themselves to flee to Ava-tele at once. If they despise the signs their canoes are seized, drawn away and destroyed. It is thus even unto this day.

82. Great is the abundance of fish off that point (Tepa). A certain chief named Foufou, composed a song when following the fish, to take them to a feast at Paluki, when Galiaga was annointed as king. The king was annointed by the chief named Mohe-lagi, at Tama-haleleka, Liku.

(For the song, see the original: it contains several words unknown to me.)

Tau-fiti-pa

83. There was a woman named Tau-fiti-pa who was preparing arrowroot in the cave at Vai-huetu; she was followed up by a company of people to take her arrowroot away. But Tau-fiti-pa prayed to her god, Maka-poe-lagi, to disclose to her a way of escape. The company had occupied the way into the chasm by which she came. Then Makapoe-lagi split open the rock through which she escaped to the cliff-top inland, and then she fled, for she lived, and took with her her arrowroot. Folo-hoi and the others waited a long time, but Pae-lagi had taken the woman to Vai-huetu. This is an arrowroot scraping cave between Hiola and Tautu.

The Kings

84.

Tihamau, was the first king.

Puni-mata.

Patua-valu.

Foki-mata

Galiaga

Fakana-iki } These two kings were not annointed (accepted) by the whole island.

Hetalaga

Pakieto

The kings were often killed, and kings of Niuē-fekai were not descendants of kings, but they were of the families of the conquerors in each generation, and often the island was without kings whilst they were fighting about it. The last king. Pakieto, was of Tamalagau, but then they turned to fighting to decide who should be king. The people

4 Ti o hifo he hala i Vali-kele Tau atu he tiale lahi ia Tau pili tugi e tiale Goto fakatu, ke tau he pogipogi Kua tau mua tukua e koe.

Ko Fakahoko

81. Ko Lua-tupua ko e fifine ne nofo i Avatele, liga ko e hoana a Fakahoko, ko e taha ia he faoa toko-lima ne o hake i Motu—ko Fakahoko, ko Lua-tupua, ko Lua-fakakana, ko Lua-totolo, ko Lua. Ko Tagaloa-tatai, ko Tagaloa-fakaolo, ko Tagaloa-fafao, ko Tagaloa-motumotu. Ko e ulu tupua kua pule i Avatele, ka loto ke moumou e oneone, ti galo oti ia ke he moana. Ka tu hake e hokohoko-lagi, ti fale ne fai e matagi, kua āgi mo e tafe lahi e kili moana. Ha ne toho hifo e tau vaka ke he Nuku-lafalafa ti fa mamate ai e tau folau he mata i Tepa, ka e haohao-fetamakina e falu. Ko lautolu ne mahani mo e kitia a Fakahoko kua vale mo e fakaoloolo hake hana tau afoafo-lagi, ti eke-taha ke fehola ki Avatele. Ka fakateaga, ti moua mo e toho mo e moumou ha lautolu a tau vaka. Ne pihia agaia ke hoko mai ke he aho nai.

82. Kua mua e mata ia he muhu ika. Ne uhu ai e taha patu ne higoa ia Foufou e lologo he tutuli ika ke o hake ke he toloaga i Paluki ke koukou i a Galiaga mo Patu-iki. Ko e iki ia ne koukou he patu i Tama-ha-leleka, Liku, ko Mohelagi:—

Tepa, mo e Nuku-lafalafa Kau falanaki ai, Vete i luga to vete i lalo, Lauta he aho ka hake mai, Na mata tiale o Avatele Moku fofola ke he iki e. Talu vete aki e foto e (?he) iki Ke mafola i Paluki, ke mafola. To muhu iloa, to muhu iloa Kua taha haku ola Pāla Ua aki haku ola kiega Mo tagi e lau ki Paluki e.

Ko Tau-fiti-pa

83. Ko e fifine ne higoa i a Tau-fiti-pa, ne tuhoi he ana i Vaihuetu; ne tutuli e kau ke fofo e tuhoi; ti liogi atu a Tau-fiti-pa ke he atua hana, ko Maka-poe-lagi, ke fakakite taha hala ke hao ai a ia. Kua alai he kau e hala he maihi ne hau ai a ia. Ti īhi e Maka-poelagi e maka, ti pu atu ke he feutu i uta, ti hola a Tau-fiti-pa, kua moui. Ti uta hana tau mena kai. Kua talali a Folo-hoi mo e hana faoa ati noa ka kua uta e Pae-lagi e fifine ki Vai-huetu. Ko e ana kaihoi ia ne toka he vaha loto i Hiola mo Tautu.

84. Ko e Tau Patu-iki.

Tihamau, ko e iki fakamua a ia

Punimata

Patuavalu

of Mutalau hoped they would be able to set up a king for the whole island; whilst they were choosing one, they were preparing for war, against all the other divisions who were ready to fight about it, but found it difficult.

85. This was in 1846, but Paulo (the Samoan teacher) came in 1849. The island had been (previously) served by Peniamina and Toi-mata; the brethren at Mutalau, of Toi-mata, expelled him—sent him to sea in a canoe—because he often took the wives of the brethren. The island was nearly ruined through Toi-mata. A whale ship came to Vai-tafe and Toi-mata and his relatives boarded it, and Toi-mata went to Samoa in that ship, where was Peniamina, and the missionaries appointed these two to bring a mission-ship to Mutalau, to the village of Toi-mata, because these missionaries thought the Mutalau people would conquer, as they had often conquered in former times at Avatele, Alofi, Makefu, and Tama-hato-kula. Peniamina was a man of Makefu. They landed at Ulu-vehi, and Toi-mata swam ashore whilst Peniamina stayed in the boat; the brethern of Toi-mata came down and there was much simulated fighting (as was the custom on the return of the absent), after which there was a great crying.

86. The warriors and Toi-mata consulted with the object of making Peniamina a leader of Mutalau. These are their names:—

Kili-mafiti

Fulua

Vihe-kula

Lagi-likoliko

Fakalaga-toa

Fakapa-tau

Male-ono

Hake-atu-motu

Kai-kava

Kalala

Tama-talule

Huaga

Ulu-ke-he-tau

Fati-kieto

La-mouga

Foe-lagi

Fatua-tau

Toloa

Tafeta

Togia-toga

Toho-toa

Lagi-moto

Kalipa-he-mata

Aho-tau

Makaea

Punua-togia

Lau-ke-he-kula

Hekau

Toko-lagi

Golo-toa

Tangaloa-holo

Koukou-iki'

Hunu-tau

Pa-iku-tau

Teitei-tau

Iki-fitu

Toko-tau

Fanoga-he-mana

Togia-to-fano

La-toa

Katoga-aho

Lau-Mahina

Toga-iki

Liga-toa

Iki-mahina

Mata-kai-toa

Tau-fakaoti

Iki-matagi

Palau

Mata-ihu

Pala-kula

Maka-toa

He-gutu

Ta-toa

Hami-tau

Tafaki

Tu-he-hega

Tau-fua

Fakala-iki

Papalagi

Togia-tau

Foki-mata

Galiaga

Fakana-iki Nakai koukou e iki tokoua ua he motu oti

Hetalaga

Pakieto

Kua fa keli ni e tau iki, ti nakai ko e iki a Niuē-fekai he ohi iki, ko e iki ni he faoa kua kautu he tau hau oti ia, ti lahi he toka noa e motu, ka e haga aki tau a lautolu. Kua fakahiku he Patuiki i Tamalagau ko Paki-eto, ko e haga aki tau e tau kautu a Niuē to kitea ko e kautu fe ke fakatu e Patu-iki. Kua amaamanaki a Mutalau ko e fakatu ne fai e ia e Patu-iki ma e motu oti. Ha ne fifili e Patuiki ka e ha ne gahua ke tau. Ko e tau kautu ne hagao ke hake ke tau ki a lautolu, ka e uka ni.

85. Ko e tau 1846 i a Oketopa ka e hoko mai a Paulo, 1849. Kua lekua e motu i a Peniamina mo Toimata; ne vega he tau matakainaga i Mutalau a Toimata ke folau ke mate, he fa fofo e tau hoana he tau matakainaga. Toe tote e kautu ti malona ni ki a lautolu i a Toi. Ne hau e vaka hoka-ika i Vai-tafe, ti tutuli e Toimata mo e matakainaga, ti fano ai a Toimata he toga ia. Kua hoko i Samoa ko Peniamina na ia, ti age he tau Fai-feau a Peniamina mo Toimata ke ta mai he vaka-lotu ki Mutalau, ke he māga a Toimata, ha kua fifili kautu e tau Fai-feau, he fa mahala he tau hauaga fakamua ia Avatele, i Alofi, i Makefu, i Tama-hato-kula. Ko e tagata Makefu a Peniamina, ka e ta mai e Toimata. Kua o mai i Ulu-vehi, ti kakau hake a Toimata ki uta, kua nofo a Peniamina he tuluia. Kua o hifo e tau matakainaga a Toimata mo e lahi ai e tau muatau ha lautolu; kua mole, ti tagi tautau ai.

86. Ne pulega e tau toa mo Toimata ke tahake a Peniamina mo akoako a (? i) Mutalau. Ko e tau higoa a lautolu hanai:—

Kili-mafiti

Fulua

Vihe-kula

Lagi-likoliko

Fakalaga-toa

Fakapa-tau

Male-ono

Hake-utu-motu

Kai-kava

Kalala

Tama-talule

Huaga

Ulu-ke-he-tau

Fati-kieto

La-mouga

Foe-lagi

Fatua-tau

Toloa

Tafeta

Togia-toga

Toho-toa

Lagi-moto

Kalipa-he-mata

Aho-tau

Makaea

Punua-togia

Lau-ke-he-kula

Hekau

Toko-lagi

Golo-toa

Tagaloa-holo

Koukou-iki

Hunu-tau

Pa-iku-tau

Teitei-tau

Iki-fitu

Toko-tau

Fanoga-he-mana

Togia-to-fano

La-toa

Katoga-aho

Lau-mahina

Toga-iki

Liga-toa

Iki-mahina

Mata-kai-toa

Tau-fakaoti

Iki-matagi

Palau

Mata-ihu

Pala-kula

Maka-toa

He-gutu

Ta-toa

Hami-tau

Tafaki

Tu-he-hega

Tau-fua

Fakala-iki

Papalagi

Togia-tau

87. These were the rulers (chiefs) of Mutalau, sixty-one in number. So Peniamiua was left, and Paulo came, and then they changed and wanted to make him king (?): the war parties of Niuē wanted to fight about it, but did not do so, and then peace prevailed in Niuē, and Jesus ruled.

88. Mr. Lawes came in 1861, and Niuē had peace down to 1876, when Niuē (again) begged for a king, and one was annointed 2nd March. Mataio was his name; he died July 14th, 1887. Then Fata-a-iki was set up 21st November, 1888, and he died 15th January, 1896. After that, Togia-pule-toaki was appointed 30th June, 1898. The British flag was hoisted 20th April, 1900, by Mr. Basil Thompson; Governor Ranfurly came in October, 1900, and Mr. Perey Smith. 11th September, 1901.

It Is Ended.

THE HISTORY OF NIUE-FEKAI

Written by Mohe-lagi, of Alofi.

89. The history of the island was not in writing (formerly), but was retained in the minds of the wise and clear-headed.

The growth of man is from Ava-tele, and they spread over the island thus:—

(See the original where the names of the principal villages are recited, and the—what we may call—honorific sayings connected with them are given, but without the aid of the learned men of Niuē, I hesitate to translate them, connected as they are with the gods and other matters.)

Laufoli

90. This is the story of a certain man named Laufoli, who dwelt here until (once) there came some Tongans. When they had landed, they asked, “What has been done to the Pandanus trees?” The people said. “Their tops have been cut off by Laufoli.” He was a warrior, and a great chief in his generation. When they heard this, the Tongan chief commanded that Laufoli should go (back) with them; so they went down to the raka-heketolu (said to be a double canoe), Laufoli took a weapon, wrapped up in te-fiti leaves; and the canoe sailed and reached Tonga.

91. The Tongans sent Laufoli to cut down a banana; so he despatched one of the Tongans to fetch his weapon from the canoe; he

87. Ko e kautu Mutalau haia, ko e 61. Ne toka a Peniamina, ti hau a Paulo, ti hiki atu a lautolu ke fakatu e Patu-iki ia ma lautolu, ne kolo e tau kau a Niuē ke tamate, ka e nakai maeke. Ati tupu ai e mafola i Niuē mo e kautu ai i a Jesu.

88. Kua hoko mai a Misi Lao 1861. Kua mafola tuai a Niuē-fekai ke hoko he tau 1876. Ti ole Patu-iki a Niuē, ti fakauku ai e Patu-iki a Niuē, ti fakauku ai e Patu-iki ma lautolu i a Mati 2, ko Mataio hana higoa, ti matulei he 1887, Tulai 14. Ne fakatu a Fata-a-iki, Novema 21, 1888, ne matulei a ia Tesemo 15, 1896. Ti fakatu hake a Togia-pule-toaki, Juni 30, 1898. Kua fakatu ai e matini Peritania Aperila 20, 1900, ko Misi Tamisone, he hoko mai a Kavana Lanifale, Oketopa, 1900. Ne hau a Misi Mete, 11th Sepetema, 1901.

Kuenaia!

KO E TALA KI NIUE-FEKAI

Ko e mena tohi e Mohe-lagi

Ko e tala ke he motu nai, ai tohi e tau tala, ka e taofi i loto he tau tagata iloilo mo e loto-matala.

89. Ko e tupuaga he tau tagata, ne tupu mai i Avatele; ti vevehe he tolo ke he motu nai: Hanai:—

Avatele, he oneonepata, he mata-vai-hava, mo Lua-tupua.

Hakupu-Atua, ko e tuaga a Fiti-ki-lā, takina mai ke tu i luga.

Liku, fakatafetau he tuanaki noa, mo Toga-liulu, he tuaga tafetau.

Tamalagau, male-loa, mo e fakaeteete, he pui mafua

Mutalau, ko e ululauta mo e lelego atua, takina mai ke tu i luga Huanaki.

Tama-Hato-Kula, mahina tu mai, he tuaga Fiti-ki-lā.

Uho-Motu, he tu vae ua mo kiato motuā.

Makefu, fale-kaho-atua mo fale-kilikili, takina mai he tuaga vetelagi.

Paluki, ko e tuaga a viko-tau mo viko-tupua.

10.

Alofi, fakaleama mo e fakalokōga he topetope, he tauaga folau, mo e fakahaga ki Toga, he tuaga Lage-iki.

Ko e tau higoa haia he motu nai, ko Motu-tu-taha, mo e tau tala he motu, ko e tau higoa ia kua oti e tohi ai.

went down and searched but could not find it, but brought back a paddle. Then Laufoli went down and withdrew the weapon from the te-titi leaves, and proceded to cut down the banana. They had inserted in its centre a piece of iron

Lapatoa, iron; but very probably the iron-wood, or toa is intended.

so he could not manage it. Then he tried with his left hand, and did ahu

I do not know what ahu means in this connection.

it, and the iron was separated, and the Tongans turned pale (with astonishment).

92. Then the Tongans sent him to the tapi rai

Tapi vai is the ‘summit of the water,’ but clearly this is not the meaning here probably it means a chasm with hot water in it—a boiling spring.

so Laufoli went and jumped over it; the Tongans thought he would probably be killed therein.

93. The Tougans then sent him to a cave where dwelt the Toloakai-tagata (or Toloa-the-cannibal). Laufoli went there, but Toloa was not there, though his wife was. Laufoli asked, “Where has he gone?' The woman replied, “He has been gone a long time fishing.” He said, “At what time will he come?” Said the woman, “When the rain falls, and the thunder peals, he will arrive with his back load of human flesh.” He said, “The man stinks!” (i.e., the place stinks of rotten flesh).

94. Toloa-kai-tagata (on his return) looked up and saw Laufoli sitting at his cave; he smiled (in glee) and stepped forward, Laufoli struck him on the feet and cut them off, then his hands. Then Toloa begged that his life might be spared, and he would not return to man-eating. Laufoli said, “Put out you tongue!” which Toloa did; Laufoli plucked it out and burnt it. Thus died Toloa-kai-tagata, and the Tongans lived in safety.

95. On the third night the Tongans appointed him to ascend a mountain whereon people dwelt; so Laufoli ascended the mountain. They rolled down many great stones, but he stood on one side and ascended. When the stones were small he straddled over them but ascended. He arrived (on top) and stretched out his weapon to the north side, the south side, to the east side, and the west side. Then the (remaining) people together begged, to be spared; so Laufoli left them alive. He descended, and dwelt there (with the Tongans) till he was old, and married the daughter of the king. He had three children born, and then discarded his wife. The people said, “Exile him! kill him!” and so Laufoli returned to Niuē.

96. On his return to Niuē he dwelt at Liku. The people of the island assembled to gather firewood to burn. When the oven was

Ko Lau-foli

90. Ko e tala hanai ke e taha tagata la, ko Lau-foli e higoa. Ne nofo a ia, tali mai i Toga; ti o hake mai e tau Toga, ti pehe, “Ko e eke fefe e tau fa?” ti tala age e tagata, “Ko e tipi e Lau-foli !” Ko e toa foki a ia, ko e iki foki he hau ia. Ti, iloa e tala na, ti puaki mai e iki i Toga ke fina age a Lau-foli; ti hifo he vaka-heketolu. Taha e akau he hifo, fakavihi aki e lau-tefifi; tuku he vaka, ti hoko hifo ki Toga.

91. Ti fekau he tau Toga ke ta e futi; ti fekau e Laufoli e Toga ke hifo ke ta mai e akau he vaka; ne o hifo ke kumi, ai kitia, ta mai ni e fohe. Ti hifo a Laufoli kua āki mai mo e mumulu e tau tefifi; ti aki e ia ke ta aki e futi; kua fakauho aki e lapatoa ke he futi ia, ai lata. Liu aki e ia ke he lima hema, ti ahu aki e ia, ti motu pu ai e lapatoa, ti hinalua ai e tau Toga.

92. Ti fekau he tau Toga ke fano ke he tapi vai, ti fano a Laufoli, hopo e tapi vai, mahala e tau Toga po ke mate ai a ia ki ai.

93. Ti fekau e tau Toga ke fano ke he ana ne nofo ai e Toloa-kai-tagata. Ti fano a Laufoli ki ai, ai nofo ai—ko e hoana ne nofo ai. Ne huhu a Lau-foli, “Kua fano ki fe?” Ti pehe e fifine, “Kua fano tuai, takafaga.” Ti pehe age a ia, “Ka hau e magaaho fe?' Ti pehe mai e fifine, “To e uha, paku e lagi; hoko mai, tuku e kavega tagata.” Ti pehe a ia “Ne namu e tagata ai.”

94. Ti haga atu e Toloa-kai-tagata ko Lau-foli ne nofo mai he ana, ti malimali ai a ia mo e laka atu; ti ta e Laufoli e tau hui, ti mamutumutu e tau hui mo e tau lima. Ti ole e Toloa ke toka a ia ke moui, ai tuai liu kai tagata. Ti tala age a Lau-foli, “Fakatelo la e alelo.” Ti fakatelo e alelo, ti hamu mai e Lau-foli, tugi he afi; ti mate ai e Toloa-kai-tagata, ti momoui e tau Toga.

95. Po-tolu, ti kotofa ai he tau Toga ke hake ke he mouga ne nofo ai e tau tagata; ti hake a Laufoli ke he mouga. Ti taveli hifohifo e tau maka lalahi, ti fakatitafa ai a ia, ka e hake. Ti ka tote e maka ti fakamamaga, ka e hake. Kua hoko; ti uulu aki e ia e akau e fahi tokelau, ti uulu aki e ia e akau e fahi toga, mo e fahi uta mo e fahi lalo. Ti ole agataha e tau tagata ia ke toka a lautolu, ti toka a lautolu. Hifo ai, a nofo ai he motua, ti hoana ai a ia he tama he Patu-iki, ti fanau tolu e tama, ti togā he hoana a Lau-foli. Kua pehe e tagata, “Paea! fakamate ma paea!” ti hau a Lau-foli ki Niuē nei.

96. Ne hoko a ia ki Niuē, ti nofo ai a ia i Liku. Ti tolo e motu fai gafi fakaka. Afu e umu, ti ai iloa he tau tagata ko e fakaafu e umu mo ha. Ti fakaafu e lautolu e umu, ti kotofa e ia e tau tagata toa ke o ke hoka e umu, ofa ono e akau ne ulu aki e umu, tokoua e toa, ko Vihe-kula mai Mutala mo Kula-tea mai Hakupu. Ti hoka e laua e umu-ti, ti ai maeke. Ti oho atu ni a Lau-foli,

heaped up, the people did not know for what purpose it was. When the oven was lighted he chose the brave men to stir the oven; the poles were six fathoms long, used to level the oven; there were two warriors—Vihe-kula, of Mutalau, and Kula-tea, of Hakupu. So they (tried to) stir the ti-oven, but could not do it. Up jumped Laufoli with a pole and levelled (the stones of) the oven, and sprung on to it, right into the burning oven. Then some men of Toga who came with him gazed at him as he rose up from the (heap?). A red hot stone of the oven exploded and struck him, and it suddenly killed the man.

97. That is the story of the warrior Laufoli, and his wonderful end in the burning oven, where he died. He is the ancestral source from which sprung Mohe-lagi, who is a son (descendant) of the family of Laufoli.

98. When he came back to Niuē he gave to himself the following names:—

1. Togia-from-Toga. 2. Summit-of-water-from-Toga. 3. Toloa-from-Toga. 4. Mountain-from-Toga. 5. The heir-of-chiefs. 6. Tagaloa-of-the-chief.

99. These are the songs that Laufoli composed:—

1. How many strands shall the rope be twisted, It shall be twisted with eight strands, To humble the pride of the Tongans. (Who) would sacrifice the life of a man, Where will be the ending? 2. The banana stood with a bad (iron wood) core, To sacrifice the life of the man, Where will be the ending? Where will be the ending? 3. (They) sent him to the brave ones, And the children of Toga gathered to see, They gathered, They gathered, the children of Toga, For a warrior indeed is this. 4. They sent him to the chasm, And the Tongans gathered to see, And the Tongans came to look, For this is a warrior indeed. 5. They sent him next to the Toloa, Shaded was the sky when he got there, Whilst the children of Tonga assembled Gathered were the Tongans, For this is indeed a warrior. 6. They sent him to ascend the mountain, Where they begged they might be spared To live. And assembled the children of Tonga, Gathered together are the Tongans, For this is indeed a warrior.

eke mai e akau, ulu aki e ia e umu, ti hopo ni a ia ki ai, ki loto he umu kaka, ti mate ai a ia. Ti tanu ai he tau tagata e umu, ala malu e umu. Ati hahaga atu e tau tagata, ko e tagata Toga ne o mai mo ia ha ne fakaea mai he matahala; ti pa mai e maka kaka lafu he umu, fano lau ai he tagata ia, ti mate mogoia e tagata ia.

97. Ko e tala haia ke he toa ko Lau-foli, he nava haia he fakahiku ke he umu kaka, ti mate ai a ia. Ti ko e mataohi haia ne tupu mai ai a Mohe-lagi, e tama haia ainei—ne tupu mai he magafaoa a Lau-foli.

98. Ti hau ai a ia ki Niuē, ti ui ai e ia e tau higoa hanai:—

Ko Togia-ma-toga

Tapi-vai-mai-toga

Toloa-mai-toga

Mouga-mai-toga

Hakeaga-iki

Tagaloa-ke-he-iki

Ko e tau tala haia ke he tau higoa a Lau-foli he hau i Toga hana.

99. Ko e tau lologo hanei ne uhu e Lau-foli:—

1 To lilo a toua ke la fiha, To lilo a toua ke la ono Ka fakatanoa hifo ki a Toga. Fakalele moui tagata ia Tuku la ki fe ka oti—ē Tuku la ki fe ka oti—ē. 2 Futi tu he mena tokotoko-kelea. Fakalele moui tagata ia, Tuku la ki fe ka oti—ē Tuku la ki fe ka oti—ē. 3 Fekouna ke fano ke he toa To fakaputu mai tama Toga To fakaputu. To fakaputu mai tama Toga ni, Ko e toa a enei. 4 Fēkouna ke fano ke he maihi Ti, fakaputu mai tama Toga. Ti, fakaputu mai tama Toga ni, Ko e toa a enei. 5 Fēkouna ke fano ke he Toloa Malumalu e lagi to hoko mai Ti fakaputu mai tama Toga ni. Ti fakaputu mai tama Toga ni Ko e toa a enei. 6 Fekouna ke hake ke he mouga nei, Kua ole mai ke toka a lautolu Ke momoui. Ti fakaputu mai tama Tonga Ti fakaputu mai tama Toga ni Ko e toa a enei.

100. This is the history of the kings of old, which are now written about, but it was (formerly) retained by the wise and clearheaded people.

1. Puni-mata, the King of Niuē, who was annointed at Papatu, at Hakupu, and borne thence to Fatu-aua; he died of old age, and was buried at Hopuo. For a long time, to the middle ages, but how many generations is not known, no other king was set up.

2. Patua-valu.—The people assembled to appoint another king for the island, and Tage-lagi was proposed. Then the island assembled to annoint him but Tage-lagi declined, and proposed Patua-valu; he promised to guard him, for he was a warrior. Then Tuge-lagi annointed Patua-valu. He was bathed at Puato, by Tage-lagi, who then composeed the following song:—

Let us uplift a stone and set it up, Erect it within at Puato, On which to annoint the King of Niuē, Sing with spirit and gladness, Sing with spirit and gladness. Hoist up my flag, Let it fly in the heavens, Sing with spirit and gladness. Sing with spirit and gladness.

Patua-valu was king, but was guarded by Tage-lagi. Patua-valu died first, of old age, and after him Tage-lagi. Then another was set up to replace the late king.

3. Galiaga-a-iki, the king who was killed. He was bathed by Mohe-lagi, at Paluki, when the latter composed the song following:—

The people have gathered at Paluki, To bathe the king at the platform; Look not back to the Fale-una, But downwards to the island platform, Now gathered at Paluki.

4. Fokimata, the king, was annointed by Fakahe-manava at Paluki. He composed the following song:—

The kamapiu shrub has grown at Tafala-mahina, Broken off (were its branches) by my sister, And beaten on my body to scent it, Sweet scented to go to Paluki, Iki tua loto auia.

I cannot translate this.

5. Pakieto, this king did not reign a year, and then died.

100. Ko e tau tala hanei ke he tau Iki i tuai, ti tohi e tau tala ki ai, ka e taofi noa ni he tau tagata iloilo mo e loto-mātala. Hanei:—

1. Ko Puni-mata: E Patu-iki a Niuē, ne koukou a ia i Papatea i Hakupu, ti tauloto hake ki Fatu-aua, ti mate he motua, ti tuku ai a ia i Hopuo. Ti leva, ti hoko ke he vaha loto ia, te nakai iloa ko e fiha e hau he vaha loto ia to fakatu ai e taha.

2. Patua-valu. Ti tolo e motu ke pulega taha tagata ko Tage-lagi e higoa. Ti tolo e motu ke fakauku a Tage-lagi mo Patu-iki, ti hukui ni e Tage-lagi ke tuku i a Patua-valu mo Patu-iki. Ti koukou ai a ia i Puato; ti koukou ai e Tage-lagi, ti uhu ai e ia e lologo pehe:—

To nikiti e maka ke fakatu, Fakatu aki loto Puato, Koukou aki e Tui-Niuē. Lologo mo fakahau leva ē, Lologo mo fakahau leva ē. To hake ho matini, Tetele he lagi. Lologo mo fakahau leva ē, Lologo mo fakahau leva ē.

Ko Patua-valu e Patu-iki ka e leoleo e Tage-lagi. Ti mate faka mua a Patua-valu he motua, ka e mate fakamui a Tage-lagi. Ti fakatu ai e taha ke hukui aki e Patuiki.

3. Ko Galiaga e Patuiki ne mate he keli. Ti koukou ai e Mohelagi e Patu-iki la i Paluki; ti uhu ai e ia e lologo, pehe:—

Motu kua tolō ki Palūki, Ke koukou e Iki ke he tafua, Hagatua hake ki Fale-una, Ka e hagaao hifo ke he tafua motu, Kua tolo ki Paluki.

4. Ko Fokimata e Patu-iki, ti koukou ai e Fakahe-manava i Palūki ti uhu ai e ia e lologa pehe.

Kamapiu ne tu ki Tafala-mahina, Fati mai he haku mahakitaga, Haha aki taku tino ke manogi, Ke manogi ke hake ki Paluki, Iki tua loto auia.

5. Ko Pakieto, ko e taha Patu-iki ia, ai fai tau a ia, ti mate ni. Ko e tala hana ke he tau Patu-iki tuai he vaha pouli, ka ko e tau Patu-iki he vaha liogi hanai; kua kumi ni e motu ke he tagata kua lata mo e mahani mitaki, ke lata ai. Hanai:—

6. Ko Tui-toga e Patuiki fakamua. Ko Mati 2, 1875, ko e aho ia ne fakauku ai. Ti, mate ai ia Juni 13, 1887. Ko e lologo i uhu ai kia Tui toga, pehe:—

Motu tolo he tauaga matini, Motu kua kumi ke he Iki, Motu e kua kumi ke he Iki,

This is the history of the kings of old and heathen times; but the following are the kings since Christianity. The island searched out a man whose nature was suitable to the office. Thus:—

6. Tui-toga (or Mataio) was the first king; he was annointed 2nd March, 1875, and died 13th June, 1887. This was the song composed for Tui-toga.

Assembled are the people at the hanging flag, Seeking are the people for a king; The island is seeking for a lord, Seek for a king (like) Patua-valu, Who fell full ripe in years, Seeking are the people for a king, Let it be the weapon-eating lord there, To watch for the dreaded companies, Seeking are the people for a king,

7 Fata-a-iki was the next king, who was annointed 21st November 1788, and died 15th January, 1896.

8. Togia was the next king, and he was annointed 13th June, 1898, and was in office when the Resident came to Niuē, 11th September, 1901.

By me Mohe-lagi, of Paluki.

Then follows (101) a different version of Laufoli's song, in which is mentioned the tapi-vai-afi, summit of burning water.

Kumi ke he Iki a Patua-valu Ko e Iki ia ne veli momoho, Motu kua kumi ke he Iki, Ka e toko ke he Iki-kai-akau na, E lika to kau matakutaku, Motu kua kumi ke he Iki. Ka e toka ko he Iki-kai-akau ua, E lika to kau matakutaku, Motu kua kumi ke he Iki.

7. Ko Fata-a-iki e Patu-iki; ne fakauku ai a ia Novema 21, 1888 Ti mate ai a ia Tisemo 15, 1896.

8. Ko Togia, e Patu-iki; ne fakauku ai a ia Juni 13, 1898, ne moua he Kavana ko e Kautu Peritania, ne hoko mai a ia ke he motu nai, he aho 11th Sepetema, 1901.

Ko au ko Mohelagi i Patuiki.

Ko E taha lologo ki a Laufoli, ha mena kehekehe, mai Hakupu.

To filia toua aki ke la fiha, To filia toua aki ke la ono, La ono ke filia ki a hai, La ono ke filia ki a au. Hoku aga moui ka pelukia Fakalele moui tagata ia Tuku la ki fe ka oti ē Fekauina ke hake ke he mouga Kua ole e mouga e fāhia Toe taha la ka kapaea, Ole mai he hana fia moui (Repeat chorus) Fekauina ke hifo ke he Toloa, Malumalu he lagi to hifo ai (Repeat chorus) Tapi vai afi kau hopo kia. (Repeat chorus).

NOTES ON THE DIALECT OF NIUĒ ISLAND

By S. Percy Smith.

The language spoken by the people of Niuē, or, as it was called by Captain Coek, Savage Island, is a dialect of the Great Polynesian Language. Situated as the island is, some 250 miles from the Tonga group, and a little further from Samoa, we may naturally expect to find the dialects of all three groups somewhat akin. This is so, but only to a limited extent. The dialect differs very much in vocabulary and idiom from those of Eastern Polynesia, with which the Maori dialect is very nearly akin, and is more like Tonga and Samoa notwithstanding the existing differences. It seems at first sight that the people belong to the Tonga-Fiti division of the race, that occupied Fiji many centuries ago, and it is probably from them they derive the Melanesian element in their dialect, as well as the traces of Melanesian blood in their physique. There have been probably two distinct elements, or migrations, distinguished by themselves as the Motu and Tafiti people—the former occupying the northern part of the island, the latter the southern. In process of time these two migrations have become so mixed that there is now no possibility of distinguishing them one from another, though the distinctive names are still current.

The first thing that strikes one on becoming acquainted with the dialect, is the infrequency of the use of the passive form of the verb. It is used, but not nearly to so great an extent as in Eastern Polynesia or in Maori. They overcome the difficulty largely by the use of the particle ai, after the verb, and use this same particle in a sense different to that common to the Maoris. The common causitive, Maori whaka in the shape of Faka, is of frequent use, but its addition to a verb often very much alters the sense of it, so much so, that the combination may be looked on frequently as another word. The dialect has not the flexibility of Maori in consequence. In the few songs that have been collected, it is noticed that the passive form is of more frequent use, and is therein applied to words which no longer possess it, which seems to show that the dialect has been gradually changing in this respect, for the songs referred to are very old, and probably represent the ordinary language as spoken when they were composed.

Another thing that foreibly strikes one, is, the change that words common to both Maori and Niuē have undergone in meaning. Tiaki in Maori, is to take care of; in Niuē it is to cast away, reject.

It is thus never safe to use a Maori word when in want of one to fill up a gap in one's stock of Niuē, or quite a wrong impression may be left on the mind of the hearer.

The personal pronouns show a Melanesian element in them, as will be seen as follows:—

MAORI. NIUĒ Au = I. me Au = I, me Koe = thou Koe = thou Ia = he, &c. Ia = he, &c. Taton = we (inclusive) Tantolu = we (inclusive) Matou = we (exclusive) Mautolu = we (exclusive) Koutou = ye Mutolu = ye Ratou = they Lautolu = they Taua = we two (inclusive) Taua = we two (inclusive) Maua = we two (exclusive) Maua = we two (exclusive) Raua = they two Laua = they two Korua = you two Mua = you two Possessive Pronouns. Tuna, tona = his Hana
Hana, is also used in the same manner as the Maori possessive pronoun. nana.
= his Taku, toku = my Haku, hoku = my Tau, tou = thy Hāu, hou = thy Ta, to = his, theirs, yours Ha = his, theirs, yours (before the pronoun) (before the pronoun)

The transition from ‘t’ to ‘h’ in tana, tona, &c., is, at first sight very strange, but the key to it is probably the following: In old Maori poetry, the above two words become tahaku and tohoku—and in some old Niuē chants I find the same forms. Hence the Maori has dropped the ha and ho, whilst the Niuē people have dropped the ta and to in these cases, leaving tana, tona, hana, &c.

There is very little distinction drawn by the Niuē people, in what may be called the active and passive forms of the possessive pronouns, though a few are rarely used. Of the letter changes, there are a great many, but they generally follow the common rule, to the effect that a, e, o may interchange, equally with i, u, but the two series rarely change with one another. The illustration of these would take us too far at present.

The Niuē dialect seems to have an objection to the Maori ae, which is usually expressed by ē. the accent being strong as a rule. Thus:—

MAORI. NIUĒ. Atea = wide, spaceous Ata = wide, spaceous Ac = yes E = yes Waewac = foot, leg Ve = foot, leg Hea or whea = whence Fe = whence Rae = forehead Le = forehead Hachae = to tear, rend Hēhē = to tear, rend Marae = plaza Malē = plaza Matarae = forehead Matalē = forehead Pae = drifted ashore Pē = drifted ashore Paepae = flat-form, &e. Pēpē = flat-form (of stone) Tae = filth Tē = filth

In many words the Niuē people drop the ‘r,’ in which they are like the Marquesians, and one of the South Island tribes of New Zealand. Thus:—

MAORI. NIUĒ. Mauri,mouri = seat of life Moui = life Rua = two Ua = two Ruku = dive Uku = dive Marama = light Maama = light Turi = knee Tui = knee Rama-ika = to fish with torch Ama-ika = to fish with torch Maro = hard Maē = hard Muri = last Mui = last Taura,toura = rope Toua = rope Rakau = tree Akau = tree

In many words of Niuē an ‘h’ is introduced, that is not found in Maori, or most other Polynesian dialects. Thus:—

MAORI. NIUĒ. Mouku = a fern Mohuku = a fern Kaokao = side Kahokaho = side Ua = rain Uha = rain Uira = lighting Uhila = lighting Whakau = to give suck Fakahuhu = to give suck Hia = how many Fiha = how many Hoe = a paddle Fohe = a paddle U = breast Huhu = breast Moe = sleep Mohe = sleep Mamae = pain Mamahi = pain Tai = sea Tahi = sea Teina = younger brother or sister Tehina = younger brother or sister O = food Oho = food To = to drag Toho = to drag Iho = down Hifo = down

The accent in Niuē, is like the Samoan, Tahitian, Hawaiian and to a less extent the Rarotongan, on the penultimate syllable, not as is generally the rule in Maori, on the first syllable. There are variations to this of course, but it is the general rule.

In the names of the trees and plants there is often an identity of name with those of the Maori, though sometimes the plants themselves differ widely. Thus Kalāka (M. Karaka), Maile (M. Maire), Pilīta, (M. Pirita), Tara (M. Tawa), Kafīka (M. Kahika), Mohūku (M. Mouku).

We notice—as might be expected—the entire absence of a whole vocabulary of Maori words applying to topography, for the island possesses no running water, no mountains, and practically no hills, if we except the ascent from the reef to the first and second terraces.

There are some very interesting words in the Niuē dialect, which probably contain a history in them. Their name for a sister is Mahakitanga, and not the universal one of Tuahine. An elder brother and elder sister is Taokete, the Maori word for brother-in-law.

Tangaloa is a rainbow, though they had also a god of that name; Māui is an earthquake, and a foreigner; Tangēta Tonga is also a foreigner, in which Tonga is not necessarily the island of that name, but means any foreign country.

In addition to the dialect ordinarily spoken by the people, there is a “chiefs' language,” as in Samoa and Tonga, composed of words which are only used in speaking to or of the Patu-iki or King (socalled). The words are not numerous, however—our common Maori word, haere, to go, is one of them—no one else but the Patu-iki does haele, everyone else either does fano, go, or hau, come. The face of an ordinary person is mata, that of the Patu-iki is fufunga. The Patu-iki's residence is his haeleanga, whilst an ordinary person dwells at a kaina or house, whilst a village is termed a mānga.

The people have many polite expressions; on meeting they never omit to ask you how you are, “ne malolo kia a koe?.” in which kia is the Maori equivalent of koia, ne being the sign of the perfect tense—the Maori kua. They also have words for thanks, one! one-tulou!—wanting in Maori. Like the Samoans and Tongans they have a word denoting reciprocity of action, fe. Ex.: rangahau, to talk; fe-rangahauaki, to talk together.

Like the Maoris of old, they have distinctive names for every plant that grows, for every fish and shell, and these are known to the little urchins that spend most of their time in playing cricket.

The people talk with great rapidity, and apparently run their words into one another very much, so that it is very difficult for a stranger to understand them. In speech-making they raise the voice several notes at the end of a sentence, and frequently pause in the middle of a sentence, as if they had not made up their minds as to the appropriate words to conclude it with.

They make little use of the common word tapu, except as applied to strictly sacred (in the European sense) things; fono appears to be their equivalent, both for tapu and rahui (to preserve), at the same time it means a council, no doubt from the same root as the Maori word hono, to join.

The language has a peculiar pronunciation of the letter ‘t’ whenever it is followed by i or e, when it sounds as if an ‘s’ had been introduced after the ‘t.” Thus tiale is pronounced tsiale, titi = tsitsi, &c. In this sibilant sound the dialect approaches both Tonga and Moriori. The ‘n’ before ‘g’ is never written, ex.: Rangi becomes lagi; tangata, tagata; &c. The extremely common Maori directive particles mai, atu, ake, iho, are rarely used in comparison to their frequency in other dialects, but the Niuē people have an additional word, directive in meaning not found in any other dialect of Polynesia except that of Tonga, i.e., aye, (ange), and it is directive in meaning in relation to a third person. Ex.: tă-mai, give me; tă-atu, give you; tă age, give him. The ordinary sign of the plural is tau, which is probably the Eastern Polynesian te au with the e elided. Na is very rarely used as a plural, and denotes a few things only,—e na tama hana—his children. The formation of the plural in possessive pronouns as in Maori (taku, aku; toku, oku; tana, ana; tona, ona; &c.) is quite unknown.

It is hoped that a somewhat extensive vocabulary and grammar of the Niuē dialect will be published shortly.