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            <head>The Puritan paradox: an annotated bibliography of Puritan and anti-Puritan New Zealand fiction, <date from="1860" to="1940">1860-1940</date>. Part 2: reactions against Puritanism.</head>
            <byline>
              <name key="name-111330" type="person">Kirstine Moffat</name>
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              <p>This bibliography springs from my examination of the literary, social, and cultural legacy of Puritanism in pre-<date when="1940">1940</date> New Zealand. A brief overview of the aims and methodology of the thesis which embodies that study is provided here as a prelude to the bibliography.</p>
              <p>The broad contention of my thesis is that Puritanism is a dominant social, cultural, and literary influence in New Zealand. This is supported by statements made by a range of social historians, popular polemical writers, and literary critics writing during the last 50 years. For example, <name type="person" key="name-111367">Gordon McLauchlan</name> comments that ‘a strong strain of puritanism runs through the New Zealand character’ (<date when="1987">1987</date>: 51), <name type="person" key="name-121649">Bill Pearson</name> asserts that ‘we are the most puritan country in the world’ (209), and <name type="person" key="name-202081">Lawrence Jones</name> writes that ‘Puritanism has been a consistent concern of New Zealand writers’ (455).</p>
              <p>Flowing from this general claim are three specific contentions. Firstly, I argue that Puritanism is a complex phenomenon, consisting of antithetical elements. It is an historical force which has enduring influence. It is a body of theological principles, but also a secular code of conduct. It is, in both its theological and secular forms, conservative and authoritarian, yet radical and liberating. Secondly, I assert that the Puritan legacy in New Zealand reflects this complexity. Puritanism was imported to New Zealand in both its theological and its secular forms. The radical/conservative dichotomy is also marked in the New Zealand environment. Finally, I claim that in the literary sphere Puritanism has been a constant influence since the publication of Mrs <name type="person" key="name-134574">J. E. Aylmer</name>’s <title level="m"><name key="name-134573" type="work">Distant Homes; or The Graham Family in New Zealand</name></title> in <date when="1862">1862</date> and has inspired both pro-Puritan eulogies and anti-Puritan reactions.</p>
              <p>These specific contentions do not meet with the same degree of critical support as the general claim about the Puritan influence. When historians and critics such as <name type="person">McLauchlan</name> and <name type="person">Pearson</name> speak of Puritanism, they do not refer to the theological creed and social vision of the English Puritans or the Pilgrim Fathers, but only to a debased, secularised, conservative form of Puritanism. <name type="person">McLauchlan</name> describes Puritanism as ‘anguished self-flagellation’ (<date when="1976">1976</date>: 17), <name type="person">Pearson</name> defines it as ‘a contempt for love, a sour spit, a denial of life itself’ (225), and <name type="person" key="name-207374">James K. Baxter</name> regards it as an ‘austere anti-aesthetic angel’ (22). If social historians and literary critics define Puritanism in a simplistic way, concentrating on the secular, negative elements, they also restrict its literary relevance. Puritanism is regarded as a force which authors react against. <name type="person" key="name-111369">Robert Chapman</name> highlights the prevailing critical perception when he comments that ‘the attitude which the New Zealand writer takes to his society…[is] based on…an attack on the distortion produced by an irrelevant puritanism of misplaced demands and guilts’ (98). Critics writing about this anti-Puritan New Zealand literary tradition herald <name type="person" key="name-209171">Frank Sargeson</name> as the central anti-Puritan figure and focus primarily on post-<date when="1940">1940</date> New Zealand authors.</p>
              <p>My thesis takes issue with the suggestion that Puritanism is solely a damaging social force and the claim that New Zealand literary responses to Puritanism are wholly negative. It also challenges the assertion that ‘it was the writers of <name type="person">Sargeson</name>’s generation who especially focused’ on anti-Puritan themes (<name type="person">Jones</name> 455). In the Introduction I give an overview of the complexities and contradictions of the Puritan legacy. The discussion of the texts is divided into three parts. Section One demonstrates that between <date from="1860" to="1940">1860 and 1940</date> Puritanism was regarded in a predominantly positive light by a section of the New Zealand literary community. <name type="person" key="name-207323">Louisa Baker</name> and <name type="person" key="name-208103">Edith Searle Grossmann</name>, the two authors considered in Section Two, also praise aspects of the Puritan inheritance, but criticise the way in which it fosters emotional repression and female oppression. The hint of disparagement in <name type="person">Baker</name>’s and <name type="person">Grossmann</name>’s work becomes a full-blown critique in the novels of the authors examined in Section Three.</p>
              <p>Part One of this bibliography concentrated on the pre-<date when="1940">1940</date> pro-Puritan novelists. Part Two focuses on the pre-<date when="1940">1940</date> novelists who react against the Puritan heritage. While the Puritan authors hold up Puritanism as the pre-eminent model of moral rectitude, sexual purity, individual and social responsibility, committed endeavour and godliness, the anti-Puritan authors see Puritanism as a restricting force which represses individuality and passion, fosters social conformity, encourages materialism, distorts natural human impulses and traps believers into out-dated and damaging modes of thought and conduct. For some authors theological Puritanism is the main focus of attack, but most critique the secular Puritan legacy. The anti-Puritan attitudes of these authors are a product of belief and background. For authors such as <name type="person">Adams</name> and <name type="person">Bolitho</name>, who experienced the harshness and repression of a Puritan upbringing, rebellion is a dominant theme in both their own lives and their fiction. The anti-Puritan attitudes of other authors are the result of a commitment to rival belief systems. <name type="person">Satchell</name>, <name type="person">Chamier</name> and <name type="person">Morton</name> were all religious sceptics influenced by <name type="person">Darwin</name>’s evolutionary theories, while <name type="person">Wardon</name>’s and <name type="person">Devanny</name>’s socialist convictions fostered their antipathy to Puritanism. Adverse experiences of Puritan morality and values inspired the protests of the remaining authors. <name type="person">Grossmann</name>, <name type="person">Clyde</name>, <name type="person">Mander</name> and <name type="person">Hyde</name> reacted against the patriarchal side of Puritanism. <name type="person">Lee</name>’s and <name type="person">Mulgan</name>’s anti-Puritan sentiments were fed by the ostracism visited on those who contravene the middle-class moral code. Regardless of motivation, the anti-Puritan authors are linked by their crusading zeal, their desire to purge society of the taint of Puritanism.</p>
              <p>Each entry in the bibliography consists of two parts. First I provide a brief biographical sketch and then I discuss the novel(s) of that author, highlighting the key anti-Puritan aspects of each text. Some of the authors considered, particularly <name type="person" key="name-208783">John Mulgan</name>, <name type="person" key="name-208651">Jane Mander</name> and <name type="person" key="name-208310">Robin Hyde</name>, are well known with some of their fiction still in print. As with Part One of the bibliography, I also focus on the forgotten novelists of the New Zealand canon. These novelists, as with the Puritan novelists considered in Part One of the bibliography, have limited artistic vision and technical. However, as social documents providing an insight into the reaction against the Puritan influence in pre-<date when="1940">1940</date> New Zealand these novels are invaluable.</p>
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              <head>Annotated Bibliography: Reactions Against Puritanism</head>
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                  <name type="person" key="name-207216">Adams, Arthur H.</name>
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                  <p><name key="name-207216" type="person">Adams</name> was born in Lawrence in <date when="1872">1872</date>. Educated at Otago Boys’ High School, he then went to Otago University where he had a scholarship. Once he had graduated as a BA, he started studying law, but found it uncongenial and gladly relinquished it for an opening as a junior reporter on a Wellington newspaper. <name type="person">Adams</name> worked as a journalist in New Zealand, Australia, China and England. He settled in Australia and was literary editor of the <title type="published"><name type="work">Sydney Bulletin</name></title>. <name key="name-207216" type="person">Adams</name> published several novels and a volume of short stories, <title level="m"><name type="work">The New Chum and Other Stories</name></title> (<date when="1909">1909</date>), under his own name and four pornographic novels under the pseudonym James Jones. <name type="person" key="name-036471">Nelson Wattie</name> describes the latter as ‘titillations of partial nudity’ (<name type="person">Wattie</name> 2). <name key="name-207216" type="person">Adams</name> also wrote three plays and provided the libretto for <name type="person" key="name-208222">Alfred Hill</name>’s cantata <title type="published"><name type="work">Hinemoa</name></title> (<date when="1896">1896</date>) and opera <title type="published"><name type="work">Tapu</name></title> (<date when="1903">1903</date>). He was a well-known poet, publishing <title level="m"><name type="work">Maoriland and Other Verses</name></title> (<date when="1899">1899</date>), <title level="m"><name type="work">The Nazarene: A Study of a Man</name></title> (<date when="1902">1902</date>) and <title level="m"><name type="work">Collected Verses</name></title> (<date when="1913">1913</date>). <name key="name-207216" type="person">Adams</name> died in <date when="1936">1936</date>. This bibliography focuses solely on <name key="name-207216" type="person">Adams</name>’ anti-Puritan, serious fiction.</p>
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                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Galahad Jones</name></title> (London: John Lane, <date when="1915">1915</date>)</head>
                  <p>Set in Sydney, <title level="m"><name type="work">Galahad Jones</name></title> is a critique of middle class respectability and a call for the prosaic to be leavened by a dash of romance. Galahad and his wife Em have lost the sparkle with which they started life and have settled into a repetitive, soul-destroying routine of work and suburban life. Respectability is Em’s God. Her biggest preoccupation is with keeping her linoleum polished and door-stone white. Cleanliness gives her ‘a feeling of rigid and satisfying respectability’ (78). In this battle to keep up appearances love is lost. Galahad’s position is both more hopeful and more tragic, for he realises that his life is empty. He longs for ‘[r]omance and adventure, wonder and illusion’ (12). His encounter with Sybil Beach, a damsel in distress, frees his soul from ‘the sordid shackles of the prosaic’ (29). The resurgence of romance within him opens his eyes to the way life has calloused his relationship with Em. The actions that spring from this realisation – a morning kiss, a compliment, an extra chore done to spare Em – bring a fresh injection of love into the marriage. Galahad and Em will never be figures of chivalric romance – that is not <name key="name-207216" type="person">Adams</name>’ point. They remain sober, middle-aged, restrained, middle-class, but the shackles of respectability are broken. The closing scene of the two of them surfing on Manley Beach is symbolic of the spontaneity that has illuminated their lives.</p>
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                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">A Man’s Life</name></title> (London: Everleigh, Nash and Grayson, <date when="1929">1929</date>)</head>
                  <p>The autobiographical novel <title level="m"><name type="work">A Man’s Life</name></title> gives an insight into <name key="name-207216" type="person">Adams</name>’ personal experience of, and rebellion against, Puritanism. <name key="name-207216" type="person">Adams</name> uses the flashbacks of a dying man to highlight the key moments in his hero’s life. Central to the hero’s childhood development is his Puritanical father. Work and church dominate the father’s life. In typical Calvinist fashion, ‘white was to him purest white, and black was just black. There was no give and take in any of his dealings’ (175). His garden plot is symbolic of his inflexibility, his obsession with order and utility, and his repression of unwanted emotions. It is ‘horribly rectangular…laid out in squares and runs’. Weeds are viciously pulled out and the plants (all vegetables) grow in ‘tortured symmetry’ (9-10). The father is viewed by his children as ‘the stern providence that ruled their lives’ and they leave home as quickly as possible (196). The hero’s departure from his home is mirrored by a rejection of his father’s religion. He blasphemes God to prove that God does not exist and consecrates himself to a new faith – art: ‘In a moment of glorious Godlike comprehension…[he] knew himself for the anointed and consecrated disciple of poetry’ (135). Departure for Australia brings mental freedom and sexual adventures, but lasting contentment only comes with his marriage. As he matures the hero’s ardent agnosticism mellows to a humanist acceptance of difference. He confronts death with serenity, certain that ‘he had had enough of life; he had lived to the utmost…When he died he passionately wanted to be dead – quite dead’ (48).</p>
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                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d1-d4">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">A Touch of Fantasy: A Romance For Those Who Are Lucky Enough to Wear Glasses</name></title> (London: John Lane, <date when="1912">1912</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">A Touch of Fantasy</name></title> is set in Sydney and warns of the dangers of illusion. Hugh Robjohn acquires magic glasses that soften the world for him. Through them, Nancy is perfect, his ideal. When he no longer wears the glasses he sees her as she really is, a fallible woman who has born a child that is not his, and he repudiates her. <name key="name-207216" type="person">Adams</name> uses this set of events to highlight the necessity of accepting reality with all its flaws and compromises. He argues that the Puritan ideal of sexual purity is unrealistic and prone to result in unwarrented condemnation of those who stray, particularly women. From a limited, Puritan perspective Nancy is an immoral slut. Hugh at first sees her in this light, a ‘soiled thing’ unworthy of his love and undeserving of his forgiveness (294). However, he eventually sees beyond this to an acknowledgement of the ‘cruelty’ and emptiness of his impossible ‘dream of a woman divine’ (296). He is content to take her and love her ‘haloless’, faulty as he himself is faulty, and rejoices that their union is no passionless ideal, but ‘a thing of the flesh and the soul, common, lowly, yet in a strange new way…divine’ (301). Through his ‘prosaic new glasses’ Hugh ‘recognise[s] at last that Love is nothing but the infinite capacity of giving and forgiving’ (303-4).</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d1-d5">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Tussock Land: A Romance of New Zealand and the Commonwealth</name></title>(London: Unwin, <date when="1904">1904</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">Tussock Land</name></title> is a bildungsroman centering on the artistic quest of King Southern. He gives up everything, even his love for Aroha Grey, in order to leave southern New Zealand and travel to Australia. This departure does not result in a realisation of his ambition. King continues to paint and dream, but is also forced to work as a lawyer for a living. The ending of the novel is particularly anti-Puritan in its discussion of sexual issues. King returns to New Zealand, hoping to win Aroha. She fears that ‘she had put [King] for ever beyond her reach’ by the confession of her relationship with Will (309). However, King is big enough to accept her for who she is. He does not blame her for relinquishing the chastity he himself has not kept, but offers ‘a sane and steady friendship, a steady and sober love’ (304). He has ‘learnt to be tolerant, to make allowances, to forgive’ (304). Aroha’s and King’s mature love, based on mutual forgiveness, honesty and acceptance of each other as flawed human beings, is <name type="person">Adams</name>’ ideal. His emphasis on compromise rather than perfection challenges Puritan piety.</p>
                </div>
              </div>
              <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d2">
                <head>
                  <name type="person" key="name-203588">Bolitho, Hector</name>
                </head>
                <div type="introduction" xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d2-d1">
                  <p><name key="name-203588" type="person">Bolitho</name> was born near the turn of the century and lived his formative years in Opotiki and Auckland. His parents were devout Methodists and in his mother this religious fervour was combined with a devotion to respectability. In his autobiography <title level="m"><name type="work">My Restless Years</name></title> (<date when="1962">1962</date>) <name key="name-203588" type="person">Bolitho</name> says of his mother: ‘[Her] ideas of behaviour were as fixed as a pattern on a plate: her motto beneath the design was ‘what will the neighbours say?’ (36). <name key="name-203588" type="person">Bolitho</name>’s autobiography also provides a record of his rebellion against his parent’s theology and his mother’s doctrine of respectability. From an early age reading poetry, visiting art galleries and thinking of his English ancestors provided ‘windows through which [he]…searched, for the way of escape’ (53). At the age of 16 <name key="name-203588" type="person">Bolitho</name> finally ‘rebelled against the piety forced upon [him]’ (48). While the initial rebellion was relatively painless, although <name key="name-203588" type="person">Bolitho</name> did have to endure unceasing complaints about ‘what will Aunt Nellie say?’, it took him longer to escape from the legacy of guilt his upbringing placed upon him (48). After sampling Anglicanism, Theosophism and Quakerism, <name type="person">Bolitho</name> finally found relief in Catholicism. He sought new horizons in first Australia (where he was the first editor of <title type="published"><name type="work">The Shakespeare Quarterly</name></title>) and then Europe. He settled in England and made a career as a royal biographer and apologist. Biographies such as <title level="m"><name type="work">Prince Consort – Albert</name></title> (<date when="1929">1929</date>) and <title level="m"><name type="work">King Edward VIII: His Life and Reign</name></title> (<date when="1938">1938</date>) were financial and popular successes. <name type="person">Bolitho</name> wrote over 60 books, including: <title level="m"><name type="work">The New Zealanders</name></title> (<date when="1930">1930</date>), <title level="m"><name type="work">The Emigrants: Early Travels in the Antipodes</name></title> (<date when="1939">1939</date>, written with <name type="person" key="name-208782">Alan Mulgan</name>) and two semi-political and religious parables, <title level="m"><name type="work">Empty Clothes</name></title> (<date when="1934">1934</date>) and <title level="m"><name type="work">The Flame on Ethirdova</name></title> (<date when="1930">1930</date>). This bibliography focuses solely on his two New Zealand anti-Puritan novels. <name key="name-203588" type="person">Bolitho</name> never returned to live in New Zealand and died in England in <date when="1974">1974</date>.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d2-d2">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Judith Silver</name></title> (London: Knopf, <date when="1929">1929</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">Judith Silver</name></title>, a partly autobiographical novel, is uneven and at times marred by melodrama. However, <name key="name-203588" type="person">Bolitho</name>’s depiction of the destructively repressed James Grantham demonstrates an understanding of the inner demons fostered by Puritanism. James’ Puritanism is a secular Puritanism that manifests itself in his repression of emotion. Unable to freely express his love for his son Simon, James becomes obsessive. He is paranoid about every expression of individuality on Simon’s part. Simon’s first act of rebellion, running away after he has been whipped, ignites James’ jealous, repressed love to violence. Gazing at his sleeping son he ‘looked at his thumbs. If he lowered them on to that lovely throat, it would be finished. Simon would never grow up, away from him, into the world’ (28). James’ battle with his murderous impulses and his obsession with his thumbs is treated with sympathy and restraint. Less effective is the final melodramatic eruption of violence. Jealous of Simon’s love for Judith, James sleeps with his maid Muriel. Her pregnancy tips his guilt over the edge into madness and he murders her and kills himself. Love which cannot find expression becomes a ‘selfish, destroying love’ capable only of violence, self-torture and ultimately ‘self-destruction’ (237). <name key="name-203588" type="person">Bolitho</name>’s anti-Puritanism is evident not only in his depiction of the destruction wrought on the psyche by Puritan inhibitions, but also in his celebration of Simon Grantham’s pagan spirit. Simon is untouched by his father’s Puritan hang-ups, reveling in running naked on a New Zealand beach and living a balanced life of study and pleasure when he studies at Cambridge. The only Puritan remnant in Simon is a priggish intolerance of sex, seen in his discomfort with his father’s relationship with Muriel. He is saved through his love for the Catholic Judith Silver. Through her influence Simon comes to an understanding of his father and adopts her ethic of Catholic love rather than Puritan intolerance. The novel is unique among New Zealand novels of its time for the way it offers liberation from Puritanism through religious faith.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d2-d3">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Solemn Boy</name></title>(London: Chatto and Windus, <date when="1927">1927</date>)</head>
                  <p>The autobiographical <hi rend="i"><title level="m"><name type="work">Solemn Boy</name></title></hi> charts Timothy Shrove’s journey away from Puritanism. This is embodied in his Methodist family, particularly his mother. Mrs Shrove constantly exhorts her son to ‘live as good a life as his father and adhere to the Christian faith’ (140). Living a good life involves conforming to the rules of society. For Mrs Shrove, ‘<hi rend="i">originality, individuality</hi>, and <hi rend="i">personality</hi> were things to be avoided’ (32). From an early age Timothy is conscious that these are precisely the attributes that attract him. He is aware that he has ‘a second self inside him, a second self that made journeys along the sunny lanes of Imagination and down the cool quiet valleys of Thought. In these places…the Individual Timothy stepped beyond the boundaries born in the Shrove household’ (23-4). While he keeps this second self hidden from his parents, it is fostered by his out-spoken Grandmother Spencer and his friend John Fielding. By the time John dies in the war Timothy has jettisoned his Puritan heritage. He devotes himself to a literary career and moves to Australia. Travel and art, the twin mediums of liberation in so much of New Zealand anti-Puritan literature, are Timothy’s salvation from Puritan mediocrity. This first half of the book has the ring of emotional intensity and the force of conviction. Unfortunately, the second half fails to maintain either the narrative interest or fresh writing of <name key="name-203588" type="person">Bolitho</name>’s childhood recollections. The mature Timothy becomes tedious and slightly pompous and the culmination of his tortuous relationship with Grace Merton brings only relief. It is perhaps no coincidence that the intensity fades after the death of John. The novel gives the impression that, consciously or unconsciously, <name key="name-203588" type="person">Bolitho</name> wanted to write a record of a homosexual relationship – and could not. <name type="person">Bolitho</name> is at his best writing about rebellion, once that is accomplished his novel becomes contrived and pedestrian.</p>
                </div>
              </div>
              <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d3">
                <head>
                  <name type="person" key="name-122890">Chamier, George</name>
                </head>
                <div type="introduction" xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d3-d1">
                  <p><name key="name-122890" type="person">Chamier</name> was born in <date when="1842">1842</date> in England. He was part of a vibrant French Huguenot family with a strong religious, philosophical and artistic heritage. While <name key="name-122890" type="person">Chamier</name> jettisoned the religious elements of his family past, he continued the tradition of philosophical and literary endeavour. After receiving a scientific education in Dresden, he immigrated to New Zealand in <date when="1860">1860</date>. He worked as a cadet on a North Canterbury station and then as a road engineer and surveyor, experiences which form the base of his two novels. Moving to Australia in <date when="1869">1869</date>, he continued to work as a engineer and in the 1880s published a pamphlet on <title level="m"><name type="work">The Utilisation of Water in South Australia</name></title>. He also wrote a volume of essays entitled <title level="m"><name type="work">War and Pessimism</name></title> (<date when="1911">1911</date>). These essays articulate <name key="name-122890" type="person">Chamier</name>’s mature philosophy of ‘a stoic acceptance of pessimism’ (<name type="person" key="name-209329">Joan Stevens</name>: <date when="1970">1970</date> xi). He defines the pessimist as one who ‘expects but little from human nature and is therefore rarely disappointed…he pursues his even way, keeping rather in the shade, endeavouring to do what is right, and content to fulfill all manifold duties’ (<name type="person" key="name-209329">Joan Stevens</name>: <date when="1970">1970</date> xi-xii). <name type="person">Chamier</name> died in Australia in <date when="1915">1915</date>.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d3-d2">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Philosopher Dick: Adventures and Contemplations of a New Zealand Shepherd</name></title> (London: Unwin, <date when="1891">1891</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">Philosopher Dick</name></title> focuses on the fortunes of a recent immigrant to New Zealand, Richard Raleigh. He is the philosopher of the title, acquiring this name because of his relaxed, intellectualised attitude to life. He is a sceptic and a fatalist who has rebelled against his Puritan upbringing. His mature philosophy is that while faith and credulity may be attractive, they are no longer realistic possibilites in the age of science: ‘Nothing remains which the crucible of modern science cannot disintegrate, or that the critical spirit fails to expose.’ (76). When Richard arrives in North Canterbury his remaining Puritan illusions are exploded, particularly his belief in the work ethic. He comes to New Zealand convinced that ‘a new country, wide and beautiful’ offers opportunities of ‘life and progress’ (228). However, he soon discovers that this dream is delusive. Many, such as his friend Stead, struggle continuously but achieve nothing and Richard concludes ‘that excess of energy is bad and that zeal is disastrous’ (369). He is content to live as a shepherd with time to philosophise and read.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d3-d3">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">A South-Sea Siren</name></title>, ed. and intro. by <name type="person" key="name-209329">Joan Stevens</name>, <date when="1895">1895</date> (Auckland: Auckland University Press, <date when="1970">1970</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">A South-Sea Siren</name></title> is the sequel to <title level="m"><name type="work">Philosopher Dick</name></title>. Richard Raleigh has now moved to the small Canterbury town of Sunnydowns where he works as a surveyor. <name type="person">Chamier</name> reinforces his anti-work ethic message in this novel. Richard works when he has to, but is ‘indolent on <hi rend="i">principle</hi>’, spending much of the day ‘in a reclining attitude, smoking the pipe of peace, and profoundly indifferent to time and occupation’ (112). <name type="person">Chamier</name> also attacks the insularity and pettiness of small town settler society. Sunnydowns is dominated by a belief in ‘the paramount necessity for ‘getting on’’, of outdoing others. This is illustrated in the Episcopalian determination to best the Methodists, who build a chapel ‘TO THE GLORY OF GOD’. The Episcopalian response is to erect a church ‘TO THE GREATER GLORY OF GOD’ (101). While <title level="m"><name type="work">A South-Sea Siren</name></title> is strongly anti-Puritan in its attitude to the work ethic, there is a residue of Puritan morality in the novel. The Siren of the title is a snake-like temptress. Richard is shown to be foolish and misguided for succumbing to a ‘wanton’ and ‘designing woman’ (233). As the novel progresses Richard moves away from the Siren towards the stability and moral purity of the Puritan Alice. <name type="person">Chamier</name> by no means exhorts Richard to be like Alice. Richard’s scepticism, his consciousness of the uncertainty of life, his ability to strip away social pretences are all central to <name type="person">Chamier</name>’s outlook. However, there is a strain of indolence, a lack of direction and weakness in Richard that Alice’s Puritan rigour is able to balance and at times correct.</p>
                </div>
              </div>
              <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d4">
                <head>
                  <name type="person" key="name-131160">Clyde, Constance</name>
                </head>
                <div type="introduction" xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d4-d1">
                  <p>Clyde was born in Scotland in <date when="1872">1872</date>. In an autobiographical fragment, she describes herself as a ‘member of a large family who came out to New Zealand (Dunedin) when the writer was between seven and eight years of age; was educated at the Girls’ High School, Dunedin, began writing verses for the <title level="m"><name type="work">Witness</name></title> (Otago). First story published (that was paid for) appeared in the <title type="published"><name type="work">Dunedin Star</name></title>. Came to Sydney <date when="1898-09">September 1898</date>, have since worked for all the best Australian papers, but also for one or two English papers.’ (<title type="published"><name type="work">Australasian Autobiography</name></title> ATL MS 0095) Much of her journalistic career was spent writing for the <title type="published"><name type="work">Sydney Bulletin</name></title> and her articles speak of her interest in social, feminist and literary questions. <name type="person">Clyde</name> was particularly concerned about the future of women’s writing. In ‘<title type="unpublished"><name type="work">The Literary Woman</name></title>’ she praises the way in which contemporary female writers had moved beyond ‘expressing…what men expected them to think’ about relationships and urges them to continue to ‘make brilliant discoveries in the realm of the emotions’ (ATL MS 13/19/1 <date when="1987-09-23">23 Sept. 1987</date>, 4). <name type="person">Clyde</name>’s only novel, <title level="m"><name type="work">A Pagan’s Love</name></title>, puts these principles into practice, focusing on the traumatic emotional journey of the heroine. Some reviewers attacked the novel as ‘unpleasant’ and ‘nasty’, but ‘C. J.’ in the <title type="published"><name type="work">Bulletin</name></title> praised the way in which ‘the book…records the moulding of a woman character by the narrow Otagonian environment, and how that character was hammered flat and remoulded on broader lines by contact with the hero of the book in Sydney’ (ATL MS 13/19/1 <date when="1987-09-23">23, Sept. 1987</date>, 6).</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d4-d2">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">A Pagan’s Love</name></title> (London: Unwin, <date when="1905">1905</date>)</head>
                  <p>In <title level="m"><name type="work">A Pagan’s Love</name></title> <name type="person">Clyde</name> is explicitly contemptuous of Puritanism, which she dismisses as ‘this coarse, church-belled heathenism’ (217). She sees it as a narrow, barren, blinkered creed suitable for the respectable conformists who live in the Presbyterian Otago community of Waihoa. The attractive alternative offering deliverance from this stultifying religion is paganism. For <name type="person">Clyde</name>, this is a blend of atheism, sexual equality and a new morality. The novel charts the progression of the heroine, Dorothea Wylding, away from Puritanism towards paganism. Growing up in Waihoa, Dorothea is imbued with a strict sense of morality and a belief in respectability. This begins to be undermined when she travels to Sydney, the ‘laughing pagan city’ (85). Here she meets the feminist Ascot Wingfield, an independent career woman and solo mother, who teaches Dorothea of the need for women to have both an intellectual and an emotional life. Dorothea is also reunited with childhood friend Edward Rallingshaw, the pagan of the title. A married man, he tries to persuade Dorothea to live with him in a free love union. Just as he wears the last of her resistance down he dies in a fire. While this at first appears to reinforce the Puritan theological code of transgression and punishment, it eventually results in the defeat of orthodoxy. Returning to Waihoa, Dorothea marries the Rev John Archieson. When she leaves him to return to Sydney he in turn discovers that the Puritan code is limiting. In a final sermon he questions whether ‘there is such a thing as sin’ and declares that ‘it is not the higher but the broader life that we want; we need our minds enlarged rather than our souls purified’ (307). John’s heterodoxy reunites him with Dorothea. The ex-Puritan hero and heroine resolve to work together to free others from the religious and moral bondage they have experienced and to promote ‘a new morality and religion of love rather than law, of fulfillment rather than denial’ (<name type="person" key="name-202081">Lawrence Jones</name>: 130).</p>
                </div>
              </div>
              <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d5">
                <head>
                  <name type="person" key="name-207820">Devanny, Jean</name>
                </head>
                <div type="introduction" xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d5-d1">
                  <p><name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name> was a committed communist with a deep concern for the rights of women. In her autobiography, <title level="m"><name type="work">Point of Departure</name></title> (<date when="1986">1986</date>), she insists that these two interests are compatible, emphasising that a fundamental part of ‘communist theory’ is a rejection of ‘discrimination between the sexes’, ‘a double standard of morality’ and the ‘economic and sex-enslavement of women’ (16). However, her own experiences of entrenched male chauvinism in the Australian Communist Party left her ambivalent towards communist practice. Her novels reflect this ambivalence. <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name> was resistant to the feminist label, but in her writing, if not in her professed beliefs, communism takes second place to feminism. Born in <date when="1894">1894</date>, <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>’s childhood was spent in the small pioneering settlement of Ferntown near Golden Bay. Her father, <name type="person" key="name-131161">William Crook</name>, indulged in periodic drunken sprees that gave <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name> a life-long horror of alcohol. Likewise, her mother’s submission to an unceasing round of child rearing contributed to the formation of <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>’s feminist views. From an early age <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name> read socialist books. Her socialist ideas continued to grow after her marriage to <name type="person" key="name-131162">Hal Devanny</name> when she was 17. Hal was a miner deeply involved in the Miners’ Union and both he and his wife belonged to a small Marxist study group. At the same time <name type="person">Devanny</name>’s feminist sympathies were strengthened by interaction with other mining wives and she became an outspoken advocate of contraception. The Devannys’ move to Fairfield coal-mine near Dunedin gave <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name> the opportunity to take piano and violin lessons. A talented musician, she considered a musical career but gave up music when her daughter Erin died, feeling that she had been neglectful of her children. Moves first to Wellington and then Sydney opened up new avenues of socialist activity. In Sydney the Devannys joined the Australian Communist Party. Lecture tours and propaganda absorbed much of <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>’s time, but she also cultivated her literary interests. The communist hierarchy disapproved of <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>’s literary activities, but she ‘would not submit to being hampered…by the Party’s sectarian narrowness’ (<name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>: 206). Her independence and outspoken championship of women were factors behind her expulsion from a Party dominated by petty chauvinists. During her active communist years <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name> lived apart from her husband and had a relationship with Party Secretary <name type="person" key="name-131163">J. B. Miles</name>. Eventually reconciled with Hal, <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name> moved with him to Townsville, Queensland. She lived there until she died of leukemia in <date when="1962">1962</date>. A more detailed picture of <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>’s life can be found in her autobiography and in <name type="person" key="name-122806">Carole Ferrier</name>’s <title level="m"><name type="work">Jean Devanny: Romantic Revolutionary</name></title> (<date when="1999">1999</date>). <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name> wrote novels set in both New Zealand and Australia, but this bibliography concentrates solely on the New Zealand fiction.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d5-d2">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Bushman Burke</name></title> (London: Duckworth, <date when="1930">1930</date>)</head>
                  <p><name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>’s attitude towards alcohol, promiscuity and sloth in <title level="m"><name type="work">Bushman Burke</name></title> can be termed Puritan. This critique of vice is in keeping with <name type="person">Engel</name>’s insistence that social evils are a product of capitalism and that those who reject vice align themselves with the enlightened socialist order. The hero, Taipo Burke, is a clean-living, hard working bushman. When he inherits wealth he channels his money back into the land, continuing to work hard himself and providing employment and opportunity for other men. Taipo is dismissive of the socialites he encounters in Wellington, declaring: ‘The lot of you are spoiled for want of work’ (120). He is also imbued with a conventional morality. While he is attracted to Flo Wallace, he detests her heavy make-up, preference for night clubs and drinking. Such is his conventionality that he naively expects marriage to work a magical transforming influence through its ‘sacred obligations’ (93). When Flo shows no evidence of reformation he first attempts to change her and then leaves her when he learns of her affair with Rangi Fell. <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>’s attitude towards Taipo’s Puritan moralising is more ambivalent than her straightforward approval of his drive and dedication. While denouncing Flo’s promiscuity, Devanny highlights the hypocrisy and chauvinism of Taipo’s position. Flo cuts through her husband’s judgementalism, emphasising that he chose her because her ‘type stirs [his] passions’ and must live with that choice (107). While Flo gradually changes, becoming much more natural and realising that she loves Taipo and wants to be faithful to him, she refuses to ‘live in the bush all her life and do menial work and have babies’ (231). Taipo learns to accept Flo as an individual rather than an appendage to himself. They complement each other, Flo’s independence puncturing Taipo’s complacent chauvinism, while his primitive Puritanism works to strip away her degeneracy.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d5-d3">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">The Butcher Shop</name></title>, ed. and intro. by <name type="person" key="name-130023">Heather Roberts</name>, <date when="1926">1926</date> (Auckland: Auckland University Press, <date when="1981">1981</date>)</head>
                  <p>Banned in New Zealand when it was first published, <title level="m"><name type="work">The Butcher Shop</name></title> highlights the contradictions between communism and feminism. Like <title level="m"><name type="work">Lenore Divine</name></title> and <title level="m"><name type="work">Poor Swine</name></title>, it is anti-Puritan in its attitude towards marriage and sex. <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name> attacks the patriarchal view that a woman is a man’s property. Through the socialist teaching of Ian Longstair, Margaret Messenger realises that she is a ‘slave’ because she is ‘economically dependent’ on her husband (147). Ian heralds the socialist revolution as the emancipator of both women and workers, but in his own life the inadequacies of communism from the feminist perspective are highlighted. He is a chauvinist who views his wife as a ‘servant’ and makes constant demands of her (149). In this he is no more advanced than Barry Messenger, who sees his marriage as a commercial transaction, and Angus Glengarry, who tells Margaret that she must choose between her husband and him. The socialist explanation is not sufficient for Margaret. She blames not capitalism but patriarchy for her situation. The most anti-Puritan feature of the novel is <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>’s revolutionary claim ‘that the right of woman to control over her own body was inviolable irrespective of the marriage’ (<name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>: 94). Margaret sees no shame in her relationship with Glengarry, but also refuses to leave or pain Barry. She rejects the male view that she should choose one man, rather than being both wife and lover. Her refusal to be the property of any man has tragic consequences. Barry drowns when he learns of the liaison and Margaret murders Glengarry in order to ‘revenge the Margarets of this world’ (224).</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d5-d4">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Dawn Beloved</name></title> (London: Duckworth, <date when="1928">1928</date>)</head>
                  <p>Like <title level="m"><name type="work">The Butcher Shop</name></title>, <title level="m"><name type="work">Dawn Beloved</name></title> highlights the disparity between communism and feminism. The novel is largely autobiographical and begins by providing a scathing picture of the Puritan forces the young Dawn struggles to escape from. Mrs Haliday is sexually inhibited, hating the sexual act but submitting to it out of a sense of duty. In contrast to her ‘artificial standard of womanhood’, Dawn is the epitome of the new woman: ‘free-living, natural…fearless and brave’ (62). <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>’s anti-Puritanism is also apparent in her critique of capitalist society. Dawn and her miner husband, Valentine Devoy, become committed socialists after reading <name type="person" key="name-131164">Thorold Rogers</name>’ <title level="m"><name type="work">Six Centuries of Work and Wages</name></title>. Dawn traces the poverty and happiness of those around her to ‘the system of capitalist production’ and longs for a ‘future’ in which ‘the froth of the social order, the idle, the frivolous…[will be] knocked from its perch’ (320, 345, 224). The novel ends with Dawn’s arrival in Wellington, determined to study and then preach her Marxist message to a world in need of change. While the socialist strand in <title level="m"><name type="work">Dawn Beloved</name></title> is strong, the feminist emphasis dominates. <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name> protests at a society that makes slaves of its women. In part, this philosophy of ownership can be blamed on capitalist society. The poverty Dawn struggles against, the lack of freedom she experiences, the mental aridity she endures are the product of her ‘environment, her position as a working class woman (223). Yet, while communist theory claims to offer emancipation for women it seems incapable of delivering in practice. Socialist males, such as Valentine, remain deeply chauvinist. Dawn refuses to be treated as his chattel and demands the right to stimulate her mind through study and accept economic help from Gavin Fuller. Looking at Val’s books Dawn reflects: “Val says that socialism is the only way out. I wonder!’ (225). In spite of her communist theories <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name> also wonders whether socialism is enough. Dawn’s history demonstrates that a new feminist creed is necessary to free women from the bonds of chauvinism and Puritan convention.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d5-d5">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Devil Made Saint</name></title> (London: Duckworth, <date when="1930">1930</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">Devil Made Saint</name></title> is marred by lush overwriting and melodrama, but it makes some pertinent comments about the way in which suppressed emotions pervert and distort. The novel charts the repressed Jan Safron’s rebirth as a woman of feeling. At the beginning of the novel she is egotistical, possessive, emotionally repressed and potentially violent. Jealous of her husband Francis and daughter Adelaide’s mutual love of music and each other, she retreats into an ugly inner world. Her repressed emotions fester and ultimately emerge as hatred and violence. She grabs the wheel of the car her husband is driving, intending to kill them both and succeeding in killing him. His death breaks the ‘hard husk’ of Jan’s ego and through suffering she is born to a ‘new life’ (71, 54). Love, tenderness and generosity replace her cold bitterness. When Carl Aubrey, Adelaide’s husband, makes her his ‘muse’ the last barrier is removed between Jan and her ‘natural development’ (118, 122). Her emotions find expression in her overwhelming love for Carl, an emotional fulfilment that eventually leads to sexual fulfilment. Her rebirth is complete, the Puritan ‘devil’ has been ‘made saint’. However, Jan does not enjoy her new, emotionally rich life for long. She is ‘sucked dry’ by Carl and dies on a wave of ecstatic love (257). The novel thus ends with a protest against male selfishness and egotism.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d5-d6">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Lenore Divine</name></title> (London: Duckworth, <date when="1926">1926</date>)</head>
                  <p>Set in Wellington, <title level="m"><name type="work">Lenore Divine</name></title> is the novel in which <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>’s communist and feminist philosophies are most closely integrated. Her heroine is one of her fictional selves and is both a committed socialist and an ardent feminist. Lenore Divine works as a journalist, has ambitions to be a novelist and takes pride in her economic independence. She is also free thinking and unconventional and holds extremely anti-Puritan views regarding marriage and sex. Lenore refuses to marry her lover Holly and dismisses his complaints as misguided convention: ‘You attach too much importance to formal ceremonies, to conventionality. You think you are not my husband because we have not had a few official words said over us. I believe that true marriage consists in the union of a man and a woman between whom there is mutual love…’ (45). Lenore’s anti-Puritan feminism is the product of her socialist philosophy. She views marriage as a capitalist institution which tries to ‘shackle’ and ‘bind’ women ‘with the chains of economic independence’ and ‘make of her a gilded ornament’ (149). Lenore preserves her legal freedom by remaining single and her economic freedom by continuing to work even when she is in a relationship. While her ideal is a monogamous union with a man she loves, an ideal she eventually finds with Kowhatu, she reserves the right to transfer her affections and to maintain control over her body and her resources.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d5-d7">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Poor Swine</name></title> (London: Duckworth, <date when="1932">1932</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">Poor Swine</name></title> is one of the most radical of <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>’s New Zealand texts. It provides a very different angle on promiscuity to <title level="m"><name type="work">Bushman Burke</name></title>. The promiscuous woman is the heroine of <title level="m"><name type="work">Poor Swine</name></title> and <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name> discusses her situation with compassion and understanding. Lilian Sweet has had a string of sexual relationships since she was little more than a child. An early pregnancy leads to marriage with the father, Laurie Cameron, but this does not prevent her from embarking on affairs with Dr Eddie Stallard and Aspro Jimmy Logan. The Puritan mining communities of Granity and Deniston look with disfavour on Lilian, seeing her as a ‘disgrace’ (36). However, <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>’s view of her heroine is very different. She makes frequent references to Lilian’s ‘innocence’, ‘freshness’ and ‘inward beauties of soul’ and likens her to a lily (95, 257). Lilian is praised for being instinctive, uninhibited and natural. Those who ‘arraign’ Lily before the conventional bar of ‘right and wrong’ are seen by <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name> as ‘dam[ing]…life’s stream’ (155). <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>’s tenderness and understanding towards her heroine is the result of her communist thinking as well as her feminism. She stresses that Lilian’s promiscuity is inevitable in a society driven by capitalist demands. Bound to a drunken wastral and completely lacking in resources, Lilian has no choice but to exploit her power over men to put food on the table and finance her singing lessons. She is freed from the cycle of ‘unloving parents; children of half-brutish delight; children of accident, children of sin’ through the love of Julian Greville who accepts her as an ‘equal’ and treats her with ‘trust and respect’ (80, 270, 276).</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d5-d8">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Riven</name></title> (London: Duckworth, <date when="1929">1929</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">Riven</name></title>is the most stylistically innovative of <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>’s novels, using free indirect thought and interior monologue to create a picture of Marigold Jerring’s inner world and gradual transformation from repressed Puritan to adventurous free-thinker. At the beginning of the novel she is inhibited and conventional, her thinking bound by Puritan ideas of what is ‘proper’. She disapproves of smoking and scanty clothing, is too embarrassed to tell her children the facts of life and reacts with horror when she hears of Fay’s pregnancy. Her prudery is matched by her dutiful wifely submission. She rejects her son Hadrian’s suggestion that she go with him to Europe because ‘[c]ustom is too tight on [her]’ (90). However, within she has moments of rebellion, dreaming of ‘lands where yellowed fruits hung perpetually from quiet trees’ and herself ‘transcendent’ in the ‘sunshine’ (18). <name key="name-207820" type="person">Devanny</name>’s belief that the path of convention and submission is false and damaging is demonstrated through the way in which Marigold gradually changes. Fay’s pregnancy and her husband’s infidelity cause her to challenge her doctrine of respectability. She becomes conscious that her life is a ‘vast waste’ of potential and carves out a new niche for herself as the self-appointed emancipator of fellow middle-aged women (281). The novel ends with Marigold planning to realise her dreams of travel and adventure. Conscious of ‘a new fulfilment’, an ‘expansion of personality’ the once staid and inhibited Marigold calls to her friend Alicia: ‘Let’s be mad. Let’s be gloriously mad!’ (318-9).</p>
                </div>
              </div>
              <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d6">
                <head>
                  <name type="person" key="name-208103">Grossmann, Edith Searle</name>
                </head>
                <div type="introduction" xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d6-d1">
                  <p><name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name>’s attitude to Puritanism is ambivalent. An ardent feminist, her political views and moral outlook bear the Puritan imprint. Yet she is also antagonistic to Puritan patriarchy and orthodox religion. Her novels reflect this complexity. Born in Australia in <date when="1863">1863</date>, <name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name> came to New Zealand in <date when="1879">1879</date> with her parents, <name type="person">Mary</name> and <name type="person" key="name-405285">George Searle</name>. She attended Invercargill Grammar School and then Christchurch Girls’ High School, where she became head girl. The principal, Helen Connon (later <name type="person" key="name-131167">Helen Macmillan Brown</name>), persuaded her to go to university and in <date when="1880">1880</date> <name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name> entered Canterbury College. There were then only three girls at the college, but by the end of her course there were about 100 female students. <name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name> graduated BA in <date when="1884">1884</date> and received an MA with first-class honours in Latin and English and third-class honours in political science in <date when="1885">1885</date>. After graduating she taught at Wellington Girls’ High until her marriage to <name type="person" key="name-131168">Joseph Grossmann</name> in <date when="1890">1890</date>. Most of their married life was spent apart. Joseph was convicted of fraud in <date when="1898">1898</date> and <name type="person">Grossmann</name> lived in England and Europe for 10 years working as a free-lance journalist. Both as a journalist and as a novelist <name type="person">Grossmann</name> wrote of the need for women to be educated and independent. <name type="person" key="name-131167">Helen Connon</name> was her model of a woman who was both a stimulating teacher and a wife and mother, although in her ‘<title type="unpublished"><name type="work">Life of Helen Macmillan Brown</name></title>’ (<date when="1905">1905</date>) <name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name> laments that her mentor’s energy was sapped by domesticity. <name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name>’s own life is also a demonstration of feminist principles in action. In her obituary, ‘<title level="a"><name type="work">Edith Searle Grossmann Pioneer</name></title>’, <name type="person" key="name-208782">Alan Mulgan</name> wrote:</p>
                  <quote>
                    <p>New Zealand is much indebted to <name type="person" key="name-208103">Edith Searle Grossmann</name>. She set examples of an intellectual life lived long and consistently, and of service to shining ideals. She enriched the small body of out creative literature… Generations of women graduates walk on the road that she and her contemporaries made. (4)</p>
                  </quote>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">Angela: A Messenger</name></title>, published under maiden name <name type="person" key="name-208103">Edith Howitt Searle</name> (London: Simpson and Williams, <date when="1890">1890</date>)</p>
                  <p><name type="person">Grossmann</name>’s first novel, <title level="m"><name type="work">Angela: A Messenger</name></title>, is a trite, moral tale, more proselytising tract than fiction. It has much in common with the salvation novels of <name type="person" key="name-209465">Guy Thornton</name> and <name type="person" key="name-131170">Bannermann Kaye</name> (considered in Part One of this bibliography). The world of the novel is a Puritan world in which goodness is inseparable from God and evil another word for Satan. Even the inately pure and virtuous, like Angela, need to be redeemed through a living relationship with Christ as Saviour. Conversion through contact with Salvation Army revivalists leads to Angela’s dedication to a life of Christian mission. After service in Sydney her faith is put to the ultimate test. Attacked by a depraved drunk, Angela dies with Christ’s name on her lips. The fusion between evil and drink makes a prohibition statement that connects the novel with the work of anti-alcohol novelists such as <name type="person" key="name-111393">Susie Mactier</name> and <name type="person" key="name-111372">Bertha Cameron</name> (see Part One of this bibliography). <name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name>’s feminism in this early novel is narrow, but foreshadows later developments in her writing. Angela is pure and good, an upholder of virtue in a corrupt world. When Marks tries to seduce her he realises ‘that he could not move her; the breath of her chastity went against him like a cold mountain wind’ (67). Yet, while Angela’s purity repels evil, her character is contaminated by contact with Mark’s vileness. His ‘hideous revelations’ shame her and she is unable to forget what she has heard (67). Significantly, evil in <title level="m"><name type="work">Angela</name></title> emanates from men, a gender link which hints at <name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name>’s later attack on male power and female oppression.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d6-d2">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">The Heart of the Bush</name></title> (London: Sands, <date when="1911">1911</date>)</head>
                  <p><name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name>’s final novel, <title level="m"><name type="work">The Heart of the Bush</name></title>, is a complete departure from the feminist Puritanism of the earlier Hermione novels. It is less agenda driven, an aesthetic event rather than a tract. <name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name> remains interested in the dynamics of marriage relationships, but Adelaide’s and Dennis’ marriage is a portrait of a real, human relationship that does succeed. The novel emphasises the need for understanding, communication and compromise in a relationship. Adelaide has to realise that Dennis devotes so much of his energy to his work because he wants to provide for her, while he must come to accept that his presence is more important to her than the material refinements he seeks to provide. The relationship is convincingly sensual and this celebration of sexuality is the most radical departure from <name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name>’s previous novels. She writes of the passion Dennis feels when he looks at and touches Adelaide: ‘He was always finding some new charm, and now his eye fell on a slight incurve, not quite a dimple, of the blush rose flesh, where the rose tint ever so slightly deepened just at the sitting of the round young neck and soft shoulder, and he kissed it once or twice’ (239). Adelaide is similarly stirred by Dennis’ physique. She watches him fishing and thinks ‘with heightened colour that he was a grand type of man, and she compared him to the statue of Poseidon’ (170). The novel also offers a critique of the Puritan work ethic. <name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name> stresses that dedication to labour can destroy a relationship. Happiness is restored to the marriage when Dennis sells his shares and resigns his seat on the boards of the Farmers’ Refrigerating Meat Co and the Wainoni Flat Creamery, placing family before work. Adelaide and Dennis enjoy a pastoral idyll; a life of picnics, poetry and sex.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d6-d3">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Hermione: A Knight of the Holy Ghost</name></title> (London: Watts, <date when="1908">1908</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">Hermione: A Knight of the Holy Ghost</name></title>is the sequel to <title level="m"><name type="work">In Revolt</name></title>. It is much more consiously feminist and therefore more theoretical. In the Preface <name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name> makes it clear that she sees the novel as her contribution to the women’s movement, the ‘great struggle which aims at overthrowing the power of a small privileged class over a large dependent class, and the power of one privileged sex over a more dependent sex.’ The novel provides a comprehensive analysis of both the moral and the social aims of early feminism. <name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name>’s rejection of orthodox religion is confirmed in <title level="m"><name type="work">Hermione</name></title>. She writes that: ‘When [Hermione] had revolted against sex tyranny, she had cast off religious faith with it’ (47). Hermione embraces a new humanist faith in the ‘Divine Spirit’ within each individual, which prompts men and women to live a ‘higher life’ (296-7). Women have a special role in bringing this ‘higher life’ to fruition. <name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name> writes that ‘the aim of the noblest Woman’s Rightists was to create a purer social system…women like Hermione…were animated by a passionate desire for a loftier ideal of love and home and of the destiny of the race’ (175). In particular, <name key="name-208103" type="person">Grossmann</name> preaches about the need to ‘raise the idea of marriage’ (181). Her ideal is a relationship of ‘pure love’, a chaste, spiritual love (182). Such is Hermione’s repugnance for sex that she speaks of it as a ‘monstrous, unregulated, unnatural passion’ (261). Her experiences with Bradley have made her feel that she is ‘[c]oveted, suspected, outraged, possessed – as if [her] body were not the free instrument of [her] mind’ (363). In conjunction with this Puritan-like protest against sexual depravity, the novel advocates the need for legal and social reform. Hermione devotes her life to improving the position of women, establishing a commune in Melbourne to provide refuge for abused women and ‘equal education’ (202). The novel also attacks divorce and property legislation. When Bradley finds Hermione the law refuses to grant her request for divorce and grants him control over her property. Hermione is left with nothing except her determination never again to put herself in Bradley’s power. In a world that offers her absolutely no protection, suicide is Hermione’s only means of escape.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d6-d4">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">In Revolt</name></title> (London: Eden, Remington, <date when="1893">1893</date>)</head>
                  <p>Set in Australia, <title level="m"><name type="work">In Revolt</name></title> makes its feminist protest through the tragic history of Hermione Howard. Eager to go to university and shape her own life, Hermione is forced into marriage with Bradley Carlisle by her aunt. <name type="person">Grossmann</name> protests against male authoritarianism and drunken brutality through her depiction of Bradley. From the first he is determined to ‘quell’ Hermione, ‘to be [her] master’ (64, 181). When Hermione disobeys him, he uses his superior physical strength to extract obedience from her and punish her. His brutality is heightened by alcohol and in one drunken rage he murders his son Ernest. By extension the novel not only critiques an individual sadist, but also the system which upholds his authority. Hermione bitterly reflects that ‘this was what had mocked her – that he had <hi rend="i">the right</hi> to torture her to his brutal will, the right confirmed by law, sanctified by Scripture, and applauded by society’ (387). Thus far the novel reads as a conventional feminist Puritan attack on masculine abuse of power (see the fiction of <name type="person" key="name-120520">Ellen Ellis</name> and <name type="person" key="name-111400">Elsie Story</name> considered in Part One of this bibliography). However, while the main thrust of <title level="m"><name type="work">In Revolt</name></title> is a protest against the physical, legal and economic power men exert over women, ultimately it is not Hermione’s legal powerlessness which ties her to her husband, but her belief that submission is a noble virtue. <name type="person">Grossmann</name> critiques Christian teaching, particularly Paul’s injunctions to women to be obedient, emphasising that traditional Christianity is one of the devices society uses to reinforce male authority and enforce female submission. Hermione’s journey to independence involves a rejection of these religious beliefs. When Bradley kills Ernest she realises that ‘the great sin was her marriage’ not her desire for liberty and leaves him (416).</p>
                </div>
              </div>
              <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d7">
                <head>
                  <name type="person" key="name-208310">Hyde, Robin</name>
                </head>
                <div type="introduction" xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d7-d1">
                  <p><name key="name-208310" type="person">Hyde</name> was born <name type="person" key="name-208310">Iris Wilkinson</name> in Capetown, South Africa in <date when="1906">1906</date>. She spent her formative years in Wellington, her childhood marked by fierce arguments between her socialist, agnostic father and her religious, Empire-loving mother. From an early age <name type="person">Hyde</name> delighted in words and when she left Wellington Girls’ College she began work as a reporter. Three events in her late teens affected her deeply: the departure of <name type="person" key="name-131171">Harry Sweetman</name> for England without her and his death shortly after arrival, a knee infection that left her permanently lame, and her pregnancy after an affair. Refusing to marry the father, <name key="name-208310" type="person">Hyde</name> went to Sydney. She named her stillborn son <name type="person" key="name-208310">Robin Hyde</name> and thereafter used that name as her pseudonym. The birth of her son <name type="person">Derek</name> in <date when="1930">1930</date> further alienated a family already disapproving of her unconventional conduct and led to <name key="name-208310" type="person">Hyde</name>’s sacking from the <hi rend="i">Wanganui Chronicle</hi>. Poor, unemployed and isolated, <name key="name-208310" type="person">Hyde</name> was admitted to Auckland Mental Hospital as a voluntary patient after a suicide attempt in <date when="1933">1933</date>. Here she enjoyed a period of creativity publishing poetry, fiction and a collection of prose writing. This productive literary period was characterised by a growing awareness on <name key="name-208310" type="person">Hyde</name>’s part that she was a New Zealander and she increasingly uses both the New Zealand landscape and New Zealand people in her fiction and poetry. Yet the world beyond New Zealand beckoned. <name key="name-208310" type="person">Hyde</name> reached England after time in China and Hong Kong. Ill, poor and discouraged by the lack of interest in her work, <name type="person">Hyde</name> took her own life in <date when="1939">1939</date>. Throughout her life <name key="name-208310" type="person">Hyde</name> was conscious of a sense of alienation and isolation. This resulted in an unsuccessful lifelong search for what <name key="name-208310" type="person">Hyde</name> terms ‘a home in this world’ (<date when="1934">1934</date>: 10). This is not a home in the conventional sense with ‘four walls and a roof on top’, but a state of mind, ‘a sort of natural order and containment, a centre of equipoise’ (10). This feeling of isolation is coupled with a discontentment with contemporary New Zealand society. <name type="person">Hyde</name> writes of her ‘passionate desire to make the world over again…And isn’t this a good desire? Is society really so sweet smelling that we can see no noticeable dung hills?’ (<name type="person">Body</name>: 57). She believed that artists needed to be reformers, not only critiquing but also seeking to transform the world they write about. This bibliography focuses on the four novels that provide a critique of contemporary society. <name key="name-208310" type="person">Hyde</name> also published a historical novel, <title level="m"><name type="work">Check to the King</name></title> (<date when="1936">1936</date>), a commentary on life and literature, <title level="m"><name type="work">Journalese</name></title> (<date when="1934">1934</date>), a record of her travels in China, <title level="m"><name type="work">Dragon Rampant</name></title> (<date when="1939">1939</date>), and several volumes of poetry.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d7-d2">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">The Godwits Fly</name></title>, ed. and intro. by <name type="person" key="name-017711">Gloria Rawlinson</name>, <date when="1938">1938</date> (Auckland: Auckland University Press, <date when="1980">1980</date>)</head>
                  <p>The autobiographical <title level="m"><name type="work">The Godwits Fly</name></title> provides a comprehensive critique of Puritanism and analyses contrasting means of escaping from provincial Puritan New Zealand society. Augusta Hannay and her daughter Carly embody all that can be stultifying about the Puritan code. They stand for family, duty, respectability, advancement and convention. Augusta has moments of revelation that ‘[d]rudging in little houses, bringing up children, heckling John to make him what he wasn’t, and didn’t want to be – that wasn’t life’ (176). She dreams of a white house in England, surrounded by Spring flowers, but remains trapped within her domestic cycle of life: ‘Man, woman and child; man, woman and child’ (119). Carly is even more completely Puritan, wanting to stay within the known, safe confines of obedience to her mother and the rules of respectable society. The narrowness and inadequacy of provincial Puritanism is highlighted by the way the central characters attempt to rebel against conformity. John Hannay seeks escape through forging a new identity as a working man. He adopts the outside signs of socialism, such as rough speech and corns on his feet, but remains trapped within his family duties and obligations. Socialism in <title level="m"><name type="work">The Godwits Fly</name></title> brings enlightenment, but not freedom. Likewise, the godwit dream of a better life in England proves elusive. Timothy Cardew wastes the artistic potential of his young adulthood with thoughts of what he will be and do when he reaches England. However, his ‘great adventure’ brings not a realisation of potential but death (179). Only Eliza Hannay succeeds in moving beyond Puritanism to a sustainable alternative. Significantly her new creative ethic is found within, through a discovery of her ‘own undiscovered sel[f]’ and her skill as a poet (136). The inner world of creativity and individuality is seen by Hyde as the only true liberation from the confines and constraints of the Puritanism that dominates society.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d7-d3">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Nor the Years Condemn</name></title>, ed. and intro. by <name type="person" key="name-005214">Phillida Bunkle</name>, <name type="person" key="name-131172">Linda Hardy</name> and <name type="person" key="name-131173">Jacqueline Matthews</name>, <date when="1938">1938</date> (Auckland: New Women’s Press, <date when="1986">1986</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">Nor the Years Condemn</name></title> is the sequel to <title level="m"><name type="work">Passport to Hell</name></title>. It traces Starkie’s increasingly hopeless search for community in Depression New Zealand. He tells Terry Moore: ‘There’s nothing I’d like better than a place of my own, and a girl like you to work for…’ (79). This tentative attempt to secure a home comes to nothing, Starkie is not respectable enough for Terry’s parents and she leaves him. Likewise his cousin Patrick’s wife Elsie freezes him out of her middle-class Australian home with her snobbish disapproval. Starkie always seems to be ‘on the other side of the fence’ (74). When the forces of Puritan respectability do not deny him a place within the fence, poverty destroys his brief moments of respite. After his wife Ritehei’s death Starkie struggles to keep the family together. The threat of hunger, eviction and separation eventually forces him to contemplate suicide. Hope is restored by the fruit lady. At last Starkie appears to have established a permanent tie of feeling, a home full of ‘warm things’ (352). However, in order to do so he has to relinquish some of his lawlessness and independence. <name key="name-208310" type="person">Hyde</name> suggests that society exacts a price for providing community. Starkie’s personal journey takes place against a wider historical canvas. Through Bede Collins and Macnamara, <name key="name-208310" type="person">Hyde</name> emphasises that the prevailing materialistic, capitalist philosophy needs to be swept aside by the cleansing, invigorating effects of socialism.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d7-d4">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Passport to Hell</name></title>, ed. and into. by <name type="person" key="name-131174">D. I. B. Smith</name>, <date when="1936">1936</date> (Auckland: Auckland University Press, <date when="1986">1986</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">Passport to Hell</name></title> is a fictionalised biography of Douglas Stark. <name key="name-208310" type="person">Hyde</name> found his history compelling, ‘a queer true terrible story – this story of a living man…that simmered until written’ (letter to <name type="person" key="name-111322">J. H. E. Schroder</name> <date when="1936">1936</date>, ATL MS 0280). Starkie is the archetypal man alone figure, alienated from society by his ethnic difference and his instinctive refusal to be caged. Part of Starkie rejoices in his difference and cultivates his anarchic qualities. Another part of him desperately seeks to end his isolation by forming communal bonds, particularly with mates in the army. Both Starkie’s anarchic individualism and his need to belong highlight the defects of Puritan society. His rebellious independence is an attractive alternative to Puritan conformity, a conformity that is largely responsible for his alienation, dismissing him as ‘a savage’ because of his Red Indian and Spanish racial mix and his failure to be behave ‘respectably’ (37). The novel ends with Starkie being questioned on his charge when he returns to hospital after a spree in Wellington. He replies: Charged with being Starkie, sir; and God knows what else’ (214). <name key="name-208310" type="person">Hyde</name> attacks a society that turns individuality and difference into a crime.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d7-d5">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Wednesday’s Children</name></title>, ed. and intro. by <name type="person" key="name-131175">Susan Ash</name>, <date when="1937">1937</date> (Auckland: New Women’s Press, <date when="1989">1989</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">Wednesday’s Children</name></title> focuses on the title character’s imaginative rebellion against the forces of bourgeois Puritanism. These forces are given concrete form in the Rev. Crispin Westmacott and Brenda Gilfillan. Crispin’s ‘thin lips’ and ‘tallow colour’ are symbolic of his mean-spirited religion (33). To him Wednesday is a ‘harlot’ and an ‘evil doer’ who indulges in ‘degraded practices’ (33, 42, 35). Likewise, Brenda lives by a creed of ‘marriage and duty and home and…position’ and can see only shame in Wednesday’s activities (237). For years Wednesday lives in this environment as a household drudge. Reaching breaking point in this living death, Wednesday concluded that death is the only solution. The win of lottery money gives her the courage to keep on living, but in her own way. She breaks free from the stifling Puritan respectability of the Gilfillan home and creates her own alternate reality. As the fortune-teller Madame Mystera she brings fun and enjoyment into the lives of other women trapped in a cycle of poverty and domestic drudgery. Even more importantly, Wednesday creates a fantasy life for herself on an island in Auckland harbour. She peoples this island with imaginary lovers and children, announcing each ‘birth’ in the newspaper to shock her family. In the Gilfillan household Wednesday had been a brown, silent, submissive shadow. Rebellion gives her ‘independence’, a consciousness of her own creative powers and a belief that she is ‘so tough that nobody could break [her]’ (113). Unfortunately Wednesday is not tough enough to resist the intrusion of reality into her dream through the ‘granite shaft’ of Bellister’s personality (260). His reasoned arguments, his pressure on her to marry him and return to reality, start to stifle Wednesday and diminish her fantasy. Rather than relinquish the dream, she lets herself drown in the harbour. The artist, dreamer and rebel retains the integrity of her vision and her personality in one last, defiant, tragic act.</p>
                </div>
              </div>
              <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d8">
                <head>
                  <name type="person" key="name-122999">Lee, John A.</name>
                </head>
                <div type="introduction" xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d8-d1">
                  <p><name type="person" key="name-122999">John A. Lee</name> was born in Dunedin in <date when="1891">1891</date>, the son of a vagrant, Romney father and a hardworking Scots mother. <name type="person" key="name-131178">Alfredo Lee</name> deserted his family when <name type="person" key="name-122999">Lee</name> was a baby and <name type="person" key="name-122999">Lee</name> grew up in poverty. This resulted in the growing <name type="person" key="name-122999">Lee</name> becoming a thief and he was sentenced to Burnham Industrial School in <date when="1906">1906</date>. These experiences are at the core of his autobiographical novels <title level="m"><name type="work">Children of the Poor</name></title> (<date when="1934">1934</date>) and <title level="m"><name type="work">The Hunted</name></title> (<date when="1936">1936</date>). The more purely autobiographical <title level="m"><name type="work">Delinquent Days</name></title> (<date when="1967">1967</date>) focuses on his attempts to escape from Burnham, and his life as a swagger. In World War I <name type="person">Lee</name> lost his left forearm and was awarded the DCM. After returning to New Zealand he joined the Labour Party and served as an MP. During this time he sought to improve housing, education and living conditions. Expelled from the Labour Party in <date when="1940">1940</date> for attacking Prime Minister <name type="person" key="name-209178">Michael Joseph Savage</name>, <name key="name-122999" type="person">Lee</name> founded the Democratic Labour Party but was never re-elected. He continued to circulate his views through journals such as <title type="published"><name type="work">John A. Lee’s Weekly</name></title>. His socialist political views are also articulated in <title level="m"><name type="work">Socialism in New Zealand</name></title> (<date when="1938">1938</date>). <name key="name-122999" type="person">Lee</name>’s political position is perhaps best summed up in his famous rejoinder to the accusation on the occasion of his expulsion from Labour that he was incapable of loyalty because he was from the gutter: ‘So long as there is one person down in the gutter, then, my God, I am there too.’ (<name type="person">Olssen</name>: 159). In the 1950s <name key="name-122999" type="person">Lee</name> became a successful Auckland bookseller and continued his career as a novelist and political commentator. He died in <date when="1982">1982</date>. <name key="name-122999" type="person">Lee</name>’s <title level="m"><name type="work">Simple on a Soap-Box</name></title> (<date when="1963">1963</date>) highlights the shape and purpose of his political career, while <name type="person" key="name-131191">Erik Olssen</name> provides a biographical and political study of <name type="person">Lee</name> in <title level="m"><name type="work" key="name-122999">John A. Lee</name></title> (<date when="1977">1977</date>). This bibliography focuses on <name type="person">Lee</name>’s two early fictional accounts of his childhood. <name type="person" key="name-131191">Erik Olssen</name> writes that <name type="person">Lee</name>’s fictional ‘goal was to educate his contemporaries and shatter the old culture’ (70).</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d8-d2">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Children of the Poor</name></title>, <date when="1934">1934</date> (Christchurch, Whitcoulls, <date when="1979">1979</date>)</head>
                  <p>Set in Dunedin, <title level="m"><name type="work">Children of the Poor</name></title> is damning of Puritan conformity and hypocrisy. <name key="name-122999" type="person">Lee</name>’s fictional self, Albany Porcello is an isolated outsider. He and his family are alienated from society by reason of their poverty. Albany is aware that his family are ‘outcasts in the city of steepled kirks. <name type="person" key="name-209206">Richard Seddon</name>, New Zealand’s Premier, called New Zealand ‘God’s Own Country’ and told of the plenty there would be for all. But we were always poor’ (22). As the victims of society’s moral judgements and capitalist greed the Porcellos are used by <name key="name-122999" type="person">Lee</name> to expose Puritan hypocrisy and stinginess. He also argues that poverty is the parent of crime. Both Albany’s sister and mother sell their bodies to relieve the poverty of themselves and their family. Society judges and dismisses them; the child as a ‘Chine whore’, the mother as a fallen woman (209). Albany points the finger firmly at the society that makes such transgressions inevitable:</p>
                  <quote>
                    <p>Morality is so easy when one resides amid plenty; that is conventional morality, which frequently is only scientific avoidance of consequences… I see my mother selling herself to keep us clothed and fed and to pay the rent. Does it matter what society’s verdict was? What else was the drudge to do? (95).</p>
                  </quote>
                  <p>In a similar fashion, society is quick to label Albany a thief, failing to realise that he steals because he is poor. For <name key="name-122999" type="person">Lee</name>, the crimes of the Porcellos are the result of ‘economic determinism’ (118). The novel ends with Albany being hunted down. The laws of society state that the transgressor must be punished, the fugitive must be caught, the rebel must be disciplined. <name type="person">Lee</name> sees this pattern of chastisement and discipline as a process of containment, of repression, of annihilation.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d8-d3">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">The Hunted</name></title> (London: T. Werner Laurie, <date when="1936">1936</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">The Hunted</name></title> is the sequel to <title level="m"><name type="work">Children of the Poor</name></title>. Condemned to Burnham Industrial School because of his thieving, Albany resolves to take every opportunity to run away. As the title of the novel suggests, the novel revolves around a series of escapes and captures. In <title level="m"><name type="work">Delinquent Days</name></title> (<date when="1967">1967</date>) <name key="name-122999" type="person">Lee</name> recalls that ‘the hell of being hunted was modest compared to the hell of witless immobility. Some boys refused to be sheep. Many splendid lads had no alternative to outlawry’ (6). Escape may bring physical deprivation and the terror of capture, but <name key="name-122999" type="person">Lee</name> argues that it is better than the brutality and sadism of Burnham. The correction school is ruled by the Manager, a thug with an unnatural obsession with sex. Delighting in brutal floggings of those in his care, he has the hypocrisy to emerge smiling from a bout of physical punishment to urge the Burnham boys to sing ‘Glory to thee, my God, this night / For all the blessings of the light…’ (32). <name type="person">Lee</name> further exposes the Manager’s hypocrisy through his depiction of the Burnham sex parades. The Manager’s avowed purpose may be to stamp out vice, but his preoccupation with ‘perversion’ and ‘unclean[liness]’ are evidence that he himself has the mind of a sewer (65, 68). <name key="name-122999" type="person">Lee</name> protests at the way the Manager distorts something beautiful into something ugly:</p>
                  <quote>
                    <p>There was no word about parenthood. Sex was slimy. The human family was created out of a sewer…So it was that as manhood was dawning and stirring in the physical and emotional depths of Albany Porcello, he was emerging from purity lectures which left him convinced that the journey from boyhood to manhood was a progression from wholesomeness to rottenness (70-1).</p>
                  </quote>
                  <p>The representatives of authority in <title level="m"><name type="work">The Hunted</name></title>, particularly the Manager, are narrow, self-righteous and hypocritical – damning portraits of a corrupt Puritan society. In contrast, boys such as Albany, who are labeled as deviants, are commended by <name key="name-122999" type="person">Lee</name> for their spontaneity, generosity and anarchic, irrepressible spirit.</p>
                </div>
              </div>
              <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d9">
                <head>
                  <name type="person" key="name-208651">Mander, Jane</name>
                </head>
                <div type="introduction" xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d9-d1">
                  <p><name type="person" key="name-208651">Jane Mander</name> is central to the anti-Puritan tradition in New Zealand literature. She describes Puritanism as an ‘awful disease’ which needs to be ‘cured’ in <title level="m"><name type="work">The Story of a New Zealand River</name></title> (27) and provides a detailed description of the deficiencies of Puritan New Zealand in her essay ‘<title level="a"><name type="work">New Zealand Novels: The Struggle Against Environment</name></title>’:</p>
                  <quote>
                    <p>The mumbo-jumbo of the herd still prescribes what most of our people shall think. We have flourishing in this country all the old hangovers of intolerance, narrow respectability, fear of criticism, lack of moral courage, and, in spite of recent able and heroic efforts on behalf of freedom of speech, we really have no spiritual freedom worth the name. (APL NZ MS 535)</p>
                  </quote>
                  <p><name key="name-208651" type="person">Mander</name> was born in <date when="1877">1877</date>, a third generation New Zealander. Her father, <name type="person" key="name-131180">Frank Mander</name>, was a successful entrepreneur, logging kauri and building roads and tramways into the Northland bush. Constant shifts in location disrupted <name type="person">Mander</name>’s education and prevented her from attending secondary school. Working as a pupil-teacher she eventually qualified as a teacher, but was able to pursue her dream of writing when her father moved to Wangarei and purchased the <title type="published"><name type="work">Northern Advocate</name></title>. For the next decade journalism dominated her life. In <date when="1912">1912</date>, after a bitter struggle with her parents, <name key="name-208651" type="person">Mander</name> left New Zealand to attend university in New York. Her first novel, <title level="m"><name type="work">The Story of a New Zealand River</name></title>, was published in <date when="1920">1920</date>. <title level="m"><name type="work">The Passionate Puritan</name></title> was published the following year and, after a shift to London, <name type="person">Mander</name> produced four more novels. Her work was praised by the British and American press, but New Zealand reviewers were more critical, attacking her for undermining ‘good public morality’ with her ‘sex-obsessed’ fiction (Reviews of Novels, APL NZ MS 535). <name key="name-208651" type="person">Mander</name> replied by expressing her determination to stand by the integrity of her artistic vision, ‘to be honest, and to be loyal to [her] own experience’ (‘The Author’s Reply to Critics’ APL NZ MS 535). After a struggle to makes ends meet <name key="name-208651" type="person">Mander</name> returned to New Zealand. Her family’s promise of peace and money to aid her work never eventuated and she became the unpaid drudge of her ageing father and ill sisters. While these New Zealand years until her death in <date when="1949">1949</date> provided support and encouragement for budding New Zealand writers, such as <name type="person" key="name-208252">Monte Holcroft</name> and <name type="person" key="name-209171">Frank Sargeson</name>, she was plagued by a sense of frustration and wasted talent. In the autobiographical fragment ‘Preface to Reminiscences’ she writes: ‘I have always been far more interested in other people’s work than my own. That is why I have been a very minor novelist…In that I have been entirely frustrated.’ (APL NZ MS 535).</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d9-d2">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Allen Adair</name></title>, ed. and intro. by <name type="person" key="name-122784">Dorothea Turner</name>, <date when="1925">1925</date> (Auckland: Auckland University Press, <date when="1984">1984</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">Allen Adair</name></title>, <name key="name-208651" type="person">Mander</name>’s fourth novel and last fictional evocation of New Zealand, is deeply pessimistic about the possibility of individuals successfully rebelling against Puirtanism. Auckland is the source of a suffocating Puritan materialism. The hero, Allen Adair, feels ‘stifled’ and ‘trapped’ by his family’s determination to fix him in a respectable, prosperous mould (40, 3). He successfully seeks freedom in the peace and open horizons of the New Zealand north. Allen’s tragedy is that having found what satisfies him he proceeds to destroy it. By marrying Marion Holt he imports all that he has escaped to the gumfields. Marion is snobbish, acquisitive, prudish and incapable of giving Allen the space he needs. She nags him about his friendship with Geraldine Ashbury and urges him to find a more respectable occupation. Allen is virtually defenceless against this fresh invasion of Puritanism. He makes no attempt to change Marion and seems incapable of decisive action, except when he stops sleeping with Marion after her vulgar insinuations about Geraldine. Eventually Allen gives in to the web of duties which entangle him, returning to Auckland. Tragically this fails to satisfy Marion’s ‘hunger’ for Allen love and he himself is quickly enmeshed in the life he despises; the clubs, the parties, the visitors (175). The forces of bourgeois Puritanism are ultimately triumphant in <title level="m"><name type="work">Allen Adair</name></title>. The north, with its promise of sanctuary and hope of freedom, is left behind. Allen is left with a ‘sense of futility’ (175). Once more ‘the world of facts and the world of dreams [are] far apart’ (175).</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d9-d3">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">The Besieging City: A Novel of New York</name></title> (London: Hutchinson, <date when="1926">1926</date>)</head>
                  <p>In <title level="m"><name type="work">The Besieging City</name></title><name key="name-208651" type="person">Mander</name> critiques the Puritan perception that marriage is the goal that all women should seek. The heroine, Christine Mayne, is steadfastly independent, the first woman to break into an elite intellectual New York journal. She refuses to be cowed by poverty and loneliness and has a decidedly modern attitude to sex. Christine enjoys her liaison with Gerry Lloyd but refuses to marry him. She ‘simply cannot see [her]self in that environment’, preferring to maintain ‘absolute freedom’ (174, 172). For Christine, marriage is a threat that has the potential to undermine her autonomy and selfhood. She declares that she must ‘liv[e] alone’ in order ‘to keep intact’ (232). Her bohemian attitude towards relationships means that she chooses the ‘adventure’ of an affair over the ‘habit’ of marriage (232). The novel ends with Christine leaving New York, resolutely alone. <name type="person">Mander</name> emphasises that domesticity and child bearing are not the only options for women. She pays tribute to women like Christine (and herself) who prefer to dedicate themselves to the complexities and difficulties of a career.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d9-d4">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">The Passionate Puritan</name></title> (London: John Lane, <date when="1921">1921</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">The Passionate Puritan</name></title> is set against a backdrop of early twentieth century male enterprise. Jack Ridgefield is modelled on <name key="name-208651" type="person">Mander</name>’s brother and he represents all that is admirable about the colonial inheritance: strength, determination, dedication. This ‘extraordinarily pure male’ uses his ‘strength’ and ‘confidence’ to engineer a railway and build a dam in order to make access to the Northland timber forests easier (209, 18). However, while <name key="name-208651" type="person">Mander</name> admires those shaped by the Puritan work ethic, the novel is fundamentally anti-Puritan. Puhipuhi is ‘almost a perfect specimen of bourgeois respectability’ in which conformity and moral orthodoxy is the guiding principle (42). The heroine, Sidney Carey, tries unsuccessfully to rouse the village from its complacency and narrow gentility: ‘…she had only to suggest a new way of doing some familiar thing, such as bottling tomatoes, and everyone in the place would at least have tried it. But if she had suggested a new way of thinking about God as force, or sin as defective education, they would not have followed her an inch’ (63). While Sidney sees herself as an enlightened prophet crying in the wilderness, the narrative action revolves around her discovery that her own attitude towards sex is Puritan rather than emancipated. She condemns Arthur Devereux for his previous marriage and his liaison with Mana, using her chastity as a weapon against him. <name key="name-208651" type="person">Mander</name> insists that her heroine needs to lose her sexual inhibitions. Not until Sidney accepts that chastity is ‘merely a superficial command that no one with a particle of character considered’ and that companionship and humour are more vital in a relationship than fidelity, can her passions be released (213).</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d9-d5">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Pins and Pinnacles</name></title> (London: Hutchinson, <date when="1928">1928</date>)</head>
                  <p>Set in London, <title level="m"><name type="work">Pins and Pinnacles</name></title> reinforces the point made in <title level="m"><name type="work">The Besieging City</name></title> that marriage is not the automatic guarantor of happiness for women. The heroine, Mirabel Heath, experiences the trauma of an unwanted and unhappy early marriage. Her husband has a sexual disease that results in the birth of a deformed child whom Miriam is never allowed to see. The narrative action takes place years after this tragedy. Miriam has become a successful artist and is content to live alone. The melodramatic, contrived plot revolves around the love that grows between Miriam and the misogynist publisher, Paul Daley, who lives next door. Paul’s shellshocked childhood friend is jealous of Miriam and tries to kill her, afterwards committing suicide. In spite of her unhappy marriage Miriam decides to marry Paul, confident that two independent individuals who respect each other’s need for privacy can have a satisfying, loving relationship. <name type="person" key="name-202122">Lydia Wevers</name> describes the mature Miriam as ‘the New Woman, independent, mobile, professional, metropolitan, who chooses marriage only when she is ready to, and who is free from the dictates of orthodoxy’ (252).</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d9-d6">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">The Strange Attraction</name></title> (London: John Lane, <date when="1923">1923</date>)</head>
                  <p>Valerie Carr, the heroine of <title level="m"><name type="work">The Strange Attraction</name></title>, is the embodiment of <name key="name-208651" type="person">Mander</name>’s feminism and anti-Puritanism. She is independent, renouncing the easy path of wealth and respectability offered by her Remuera family in order to pursue her career as a journalist in Dargaville. Puritanism is endemic in provincial Dargaville, symbolised by the town’s deep disapproval of Dane Barrington because he has figured as correspondent in a divorce case. Likewise, his house with its ‘suggestion of silken rakishness’ offends the Puritan sensibilities of Dargaville (50). It is a ‘glimpse of sin’ to those ‘brought up on Victorian antimacassar, wool work, and the aenemic props of spidery furniture and mission art’ (51). In contrast, Valerie’s anarchic spirit responds to Dane. Her contempt for convention is seen in the way in which she smokes, drinks beer and sits on the hotel balcony in her bloomers. Likewise, she dismisses Puritan attitudes towards sex. Both Valerie and Dane have sexual histories. <name key="name-208651" type="person">Mander</name> insists that this is irrelevant to their relationship. What matters is their respect and love for one another. The Puritan concept of ‘ruin’ makes Valerie laugh (229). Indeed, so far is Valerie from the Puritan belief that marriage is the only pure outlet for sexual feeling that she resents having to marry Dane. She takes off her ring as soon as the marriage is complete, bitter that ‘this is all that stands between morality and immorality in the eyes of this crazy world’, and insists on keeping her job (218). Ultimately, much as she loves Dane, Valerie’s work and independence are stronger than her passion. At the end of the novel she leaves him to travel to Europe where the prospect of war looms, conscious that this is a ‘forward movement’ (298). <name key="name-208651" type="person">Mander</name> emphasises that relationships play only a part in the complex drama of the life of a fully rounded woman.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d9-d7">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">The Story of a New Zealand River</name></title>, afterword by <name type="person" key="name-122784">Dorothea Turner</name>, <date when="1920">1920</date> (Auckland: Godwit Publishing, <date when="1994">1994</date>)</head>
                  <p><name type="person">Mander</name>’s first novel, set against the backdrop of kauri felling in the far north, is her most optimistic. In <title level="m"><name type="work">The Story of a New Zealand River</name></title> she draws attention to the ‘awful disease’ of Puritanism, but is confident that the ‘cure’ of modernism, feminism, socialism and atheism will purge the Puritan taint from New Zealand society (27). The heroine of the novel, Alice Roland, has retreated into the Puritan respectability of her upbringing after an affair as a teenager resulted in pregnancy and disgrace. Her ‘whole life had been a reaction from the pitiful mistake of her youth…one long support of the respectabilities, all the more fierce because she had suffered so much from her own failure to observe them’ (244). She marries Tom Roland in order to regain security and respectability and submits to his desires and demands as a suitable penance. Alice’s Puritan judgementalism and inhibitions are gradually undermined when she comes to live in Tom’s mill community by the Kaipara River. The natural environment, particularly the ebb and flow of the tidal river, causes her ‘to question the verities’ (83). In the small bush community she has to accept people for the job they do, not their rank, just as she has to accept help during pregnancy and illness. The people she encounters in Pukekaroro also help to ‘cure’ Alice’s Puritanism (27). The English settler, Mrs Brayton introduces Alice to <name key="name-400977" type="person">Voltaire</name>, Schreiner and Wilde. David Bruce awakens Alice’s dormant passions and exposes her moral orthodoxy as merely ‘organised prudery and aenemic chastity’ (51). Asia, both as child and woman, forces her mother to challenge accepted beliefs and attitudes. The mature Asia is <name key="name-208651" type="person">Mander</name>’s prototype of the ideal ‘new woman’: a feminist, a socialist, a well-educated career woman who is financially independent, a sexually liberated agnostic. Alice never reaches this level of liberation, but is slowly reborn as ‘a thinking, independent, generous woman capable of response’ (Stevens: 37). The strength of the novel lies in <name key="name-208651" type="person">Mander</name>’s psychological depth, her awareness that transformation is a slow, painful, frequently incomplete process.</p>
                </div>
              </div>
              <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d10">
                <head>
                  <name type="person" key="name-208773">Morton, Frank</name>
                </head>
                <div type="introduction" xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d10-d1">
                  <p>Born in England in <date when="1869">1869</date>, <name type="person" key="name-208773">Frank Morton</name> emigrated with his family to Sydney at the age of 16. After early journalistic experience in Singapore and Calcutta, he became a well known Australian journalist. In <date when="1905">1905</date> <name key="name-208773" type="person">Morton</name> moved to Dunedin to work on the <title type="published"><name type="work" key="name-120466">Otago Daily Times</name></title>. A move to Wellington two years later saw a shift to freelance journalism and involvement with <name type="person" key="name-207315">C. N. Baeyertz</name>’s outspoken monthly journal, the <hi rend="i"><title type="published"><name type="work">Triad</name></title></hi>. <name key="name-208773" type="person">Morton</name> wrote most of each issue, including poetry, fiction, gossip and book reviews, using both his own name and a variety of pseudonyms. <name type="person" key="name-120807">Dennis McEldowney</name> writes that <name type="person">Morton</name> consistently ‘opposed conservative respectability and whatever he thought of as humbug and cant’ (351). <name key="name-208773" type="person">Morton</name>’s desire to shock readers is seen in his anti-Puritan, proto-fascist political pamphlet <title level="m"><name type="work">The Angel of the Earthquake</name></title>. He also published two volumes of poetry while in New Zealand, <title level="m"><name type="work">Laughter and Tears</name></title> (<date when="1908">1908</date>) and <title level="m"><name type="work">Verses for Marjorie</name></title> (<date when="1916">1916</date>). In <date when="1914">1914</date> <name key="name-208773" type="person">Morton</name> returned to Sydney where he continued to be involved with the <title type="published"><name type="work">Triad</name></title> and published several volumes of love poetry. He died in <date when="1923">1923</date>.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d10-d2">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">The Angel of the Earthquake</name></title> (Melbourne: Atlas, <date when="1909">1909</date>)</head>
                  <p><name key="name-208773" type="person">Morton</name>’s political fable <hi rend="i"><title level="m"><name type="work">The Angel of the Earthquake</name></title></hi> viciously attacks Puritan narrowness and repressiveness. His anti-Puritanism leads him to oppose women’s suffrage, which he blames for the prevalence of Puritan legislation. The hero of the novella scoffs at the irrelevancy and hypocrisy of Christianity. Religious faith is to him a jest, church services ‘a survival as apt as the pterodactyl’ and the congregation mostly ‘callous sharks and solid hucksters better dead’ (13-14). The earthquake visited on Wellington on Christmas day <date when="1910">1910</date> is seen by <name key="name-208773" type="person">Morton</name> as a necessary cataclysm to purge New Zealand from the taint of Puritan religion, Puritan morality and Puritan politics. He writes that through the earthquake and the lawlessness that followed it New Zealand ‘learned to despise the fallacies to which it had clung’ (51). Christianity and social morality do not stand the test of the earthquake. They are incapable of quelling the rioting and are exposed as ‘deepbased in hypocrisy and infamous prejudice’ (40). In the new order that emerges Puritanism plays little part. <name key="name-208773" type="person">Morton</name> hails the new era as ‘the dawn of individual liberty’ (52). This may be an apt description of the greater religious freedom, but it is completely inappropriate when related to <name key="name-208773" type="person">Morton</name>’s political vision. Peace and order are eventually restored to New Zealand by the Corps, a group of self-appointed, armed vigilantes. Their leader, Andrew Waterton, is christened ‘the Angel of the Earthquake’ for his ruthless execution of rapists, murderers and looters. The proto-fascist, authoritarian state which Waterton controls may be ‘the triumph of the individual over the mob’, but it has unpleasant overtones of Nazi Germany and fascist Italy (52).</p>
                </div>
              </div>
              <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d11">
                <head>
                  <name type="person" key="name-208783">Mulgan, John</name>
                </head>
                <div type="introduction" xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d11-d1">
                  <p><name type="person">Mulgan</name>’s forebears settled in Katikati in the 1870s, part of <name type="person" key="name-131182">George Vesey Stewart</name>’s vision of an Ulster plantation. However, he never defined himself as either Irish or Protestant. The lure of England and the world of letters, not Ireland, was strong in <name type="person">Mulgan</name> and his world view was shaped by socialism, not religion. Born in Christchurch in <date when="1911">1911</date>, <name type="person">Mulgan</name> spent his adolescence in Auckland. He was part of a literary family. His father <name type="person" key="name-208782">Alan Mulgan</name> was a novelist and essayist and his mother <name type="person">Marguerite</name> was a musician and one of the first female graduates of Auckland University College. <name type="person">Mulgan</name> studied at Auckland University, where he was involved in student journalism and politics. After the Auckland riots his political views became more socialist. In <date when="1933">1933</date> he departed for England. After graduating at Oxford with a first class degree <name type="person">Mulgan</name> began a publishing career with Oxford University Press. He dabbled with Communism, explaining in <title level="m"><name type="work">Report on Experience</name></title> (<date when="1947">1947</date>) that he believed it ‘offered something of a future, a programme for builders’, but retained doubts about ‘a political system that embraces men so willing to escape from themselves, that offers this easy answer and refuge from decision’ (117, 32). <name type="person">Mulgan</name> was actively involved with the Left Book Club, editing <title type="published"><name type="work">Poems of Freedom</name></title> for Victor Gollancz. After serving throughout World War II <name type="person">Mulgan</name> took his own life in <date when="1945">1945</date>.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d11-d2">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">Man Alone</name></title>, <date when="1939">1939</date> (Auckland: Longman Paul, <date when="1967">1967</date>)</head>
                  <p>In <title level="m"><name type="work">Man Alone</name></title> <name type="person">Mulgan</name> makes his complaint against Puritan society through the experiences of his marginalised hero Johnson. Immigrating to New Zealand after World War I, Johnson is at first an alien by reason of nationality. However, he soon realises that the differences between his outlook and the New Zealand philosophy are far deeper and far less eradicable than his foreignness. Unlike almost all the New Zealanders he encounters he has ‘no ambition’ and very little desire for ownership of property (21). He wants a life of freedom, the ability to ‘go about and get work, and stop when he wants to, and make money when he wants to, and take a holiday when he feels ready for one…(35-6). This holiday spirit - the ability to see beyond the cycle of work, the willingness to spend money on personal enjoyment – makes Johnson an outsider in a materialistic land. He is also aware that the struggle to wrest prosperity from the land, particularly during the Depression years, is frequently futile and soul-destroying. The tragedy of Stenning’s death illustrates this point. Johnson blames not himself, Rua, or Stenning for the tragedy, but the draining obsession with the land: ‘It came with working away there on that farm, just the three of us, and no pay…You couldn’t get away. You couldn’t do anything but go on working…It wasn’t any life…’ (182). <name type="person">Mulgan</name> attacks the capitalist structure of society, pointing out that in such a society it is always the workers, not the land owners and company directors, who pay the biggest economic and social cost during times of hardship. The kind of protest seen in the Queen Street riots is the inevitable result of unemployment and poverty. Johnson declares: ‘I’ve worked hard all my life…and been paid damn all. If fellows like me make more trouble now than they used to it’s because they’ve got more sense’ (182). <name type="person">Mulgan</name> is also concerned with the way in which the capitalist-Puritan ethos of New Zealand society during the Depression years creates a society of isolated individuals. Johnson’s search, throughout <title level="m"><name type="work">Man Alone</name></title>, is for a sense of community and belonging. He experiences a brief moment of common purpose during the Queen Street riots and searches for this sense of ‘men moving, making something together’ when he departs for the Spanish Civil War at the end of the novel (196). For most of the time, however, Johnson is aware that ‘a man spends too much time alone’ (205).</p>
                </div>
              </div>
              <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d12">
                <head>
                  <name type="person" key="name-209174">Satchell, William</name>
                </head>
                <div type="introduction" xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d12-d1">
                  <p>Influenced by <name type="person">Huxley</name>, <name type="person">Mill</name> and <name type="person">Spencer</name>, <name key="name-209174" type="person">Satchell</name> was a sceptic particularly opposed to the concepts of a personal God, the immortality of the soul and the literal accuracy of the Bible. He was also a devotee of science, <name type="person">Darwin</name>’s <title level="m"><name type="work">The Origin of Species</name></title> helping to shape his evolutionary beliefs. <name type="person">Satchell</name> was born in England in <date when="1860">1860</date>. After studying in Germany he worked in his father’s publishing business. Financial difficulties and poor health were behind his decision to immigrate to New Zealand in <date when="1886">1886</date>. He first settled in the Hokianga, where he met his wife Susan, and then moved to Auckland where he worked as a journalist, a secretary, an accountant and the editor of his paper <title type="published"><name type="work">The Maorilander</name></title>. <name type="person">Satchell</name> was constantly plagued by financial difficulties. His four novels were published between <date from="1902" to="1914">1902 and 1914</date>. While <name type="person">Satchell</name>’s first two novels were well received, the <title type="published"><name type="work">Athenaeum</name></title> describing <title level="m"><name type="work">The Toll of the Bush</name></title> as ‘a colonial novel of remarkable merit and distinction’, they raised little interest in New Zealand (<name type="person">Wattie</name>: 477). Published on the eve of World War I, <title level="m"><name type="work">The Greenstone Door</name></title> with its anti-war theme was not well received. Near the end of his life <name type="person">Satchell</name> said of <title level="m"><name type="work">The Greenstone Door</name></title>: ‘Had I been given any encouragement, it would have been my fourth book, not the last’ (<name type="person">Wattie</name>: 477). Before his death in <date when="1942">1942</date> <name type="person">Satchell</name> was to see a growing interest in and the republication of his final novel. This bibliography will focus on two historical novels with an anti-Puritan flavour: <title level="m"><name type="work">The Toll of the Bush</name></title> and <title level="m"><name type="work">The Greenstone Door</name></title>. <name type="person">Satchell</name> also wrote <title level="m"><name type="work">The Land of the Lost</name></title> (<date when="1902">1902</date>), a melodramatic tale of success and failure in the gumfields of Northland, and <title level="m"><name type="work">The Elixir of Life</name></title> (<date when="1907">1907</date>), a science fiction novel about the discovery of a miraculous elixir which will eliminate disease.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d12-d2">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">The Greenstone Door</name></title>, <date when="1914">1914</date> (Auckland: Whitcombe and Tombs, <date when="1935">1935</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">The Greenstone Door</name></title> is both a bildungsroman tracing the growth and development of Cedric Tregarthen and a historical novel focusing on contact and tensions between Maori and Pakeha in New Zealand. Cedric, the adoptive son of the trader Purcell, grows to maturity among the Ngatimaniapoto. This gives him an awareness of Maori culture that makes him critical of Pakeha land hunger and racist attitudes. Drawn to the ‘civilised’ world of the arts and the comforts of life represented by <name type="person" key="name-131184">Lady Wylde</name> and <name type="person" key="name-208095">Governor Grey</name>, Cedric nevertheless cannot abandon his New Zealand family and roots to travel to England. As war breaks out between Maori and Pakeha Cedric’s loyalties tear him in two. He can fight for neither side, and the deaths of his friend Rangiora in battle and his foster father Purcell at the hands of a firing squad tip him into madness. The love of Helnora Wylde cures him, but Cedric remains a marginalised outsider in post-war New Zealand. <name key="name-209174" type="person">Satchell</name> is similarly pessimistic about the fate of Maori. For all his criticism of settler greed, <name key="name-209174" type="person">Satchell</name> sees Pakeha progress as inevitable. His Darwinist beliefs lead him to think that settlement will necessarily have a ‘fatal impact’ on Maori and the novel is in many ways <name key="name-209174" type="person">Satchell</name>’s lament for what he sees as the tragic disintegration of Maori society. A significant feature of the novel, both in terms of its critique of Puritanism and its reshaping of colonial history, is the way <name key="name-209174" type="person">Satchell</name>, in spite of his evolutionary beliefs gives Maori a voice. He is aware that while missionary activity offered many educative advantages to Maori it also undermined traditional culture. Te Huata uses the Christian metaphor of the light to demonstrate this, speaking of the moth that is destroyed by the flame and declaring: ‘…go not forwards into the light, lest as the moth you be consumed, and it is asked of the Maori, where is he?’ (95). Likewise, Purcell looks with scepticism on missionary crusaders determined to ‘carry the rongo pai into dark places’ (75). He is an enlightened agnostic who critiques Pakeha racism, his scientific knowledge making him aware that ‘the pigmented skin is man’s armour-plate against excessive sunlight’ not a sign of ignorance and savagery (253). He tells Cedric: ‘I am colour-blind…There was a time in the history of this planet when the white man was the savage and the swarthy man the person of intellect. It will come again…’ (254). This evolutionary, cyclical philosophy offers a different interpretation of history to the Puritan tenets of absolute truth and predestination and suggests that the Maori defeat in the New Zealand wars needs to be viewed against a larger historical backdrop.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d12-d3">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">The Toll of the Bush</name></title>, ed. and intro. by <name type="person" key="name-209286">Kendrick Smithyman</name>, <date when="1905">1905</date> (Auckland: Auckland University Press, <date when="1985">1985</date>)</head>
                  <p><title level="m"><name type="work">The Toll of the Bush</name></title> articulates most fully <name type="person">Satchell</name>’s anti-Puritan thinking. His scepticism is revealed both in his critique of the religious practices and character of the revivalist preacher Fletcher and in his creation of an intelligent, agnostic hero. Fletcher is arrogant, cold, and unscrupulous. Major Milward questions: ‘…is there anything about him beyond what he <hi rend="i">says</hi>? If one wanted a fiver, would it be obtainable there sooner than elsewhere? If one needed sympathy, would it come more reliably…? No, By God!’ (49-50). The preacher is also a hypocrite who uses the platform to make vindictive, unfounded attacks against Geoffrey Hernshaw in an attempt to win Eve Milward. <name key="name-209174" type="person">Satchell</name> demonstrates that religious fervour is no guarantee of integrity. Indeed, it is dangerous, because it raises expectations of moral worth among the undiscerning. Character, not cloth, is the yardstick by which <name key="name-209174" type="person">Satchell</name> measures people. His hero is an agnostic whose ideas are shaped by <name type="person">Darwin</name>. Geoffrey describes Christianity as ‘the old, worn track’ that has been superceded by the new ‘formed road’ of scientific knowledge’. Reason and science will ultimately strip away old superstitions and leads humanity to ‘the fountain of Truth, the Absolute’ (96-7). Significantly, Eve is ultimately united with Geoffrey. Fletcher’s death and the union of the lovers in the bush fire may be melodramatic and contrived, but the events have symbolic value in the battle between faith and scepticism. Geoffrey’s triumph is also the triumph of reason and science over a flawed religion.</p>
                </div>
              </div>
              <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d13">
                <head>
                  <name type="person" key="name-131186">Wardon, Reve</name>
                </head>
                <div type="introduction" xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d13-d1">
                  <p>My research in the Turnbull and National libraries has failed to uncover any of Wardon’s personal details. <title level="m"><name type="work">MacPherson’s Gully</name></title> is his only published work and its long sub-title, <title level="m"><name type="work">A Tale of New Zealand Life: Containing Some Views of the Social Outlook from the Proletarian Standpoint</name></title>, is suggestive of socialist leanings. This is confirmed by the content of the novel.</p>
                </div>
                <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-body-d1-d2-d13-d2">
                  <head><title level="m"><name type="work">MacPherson’s Gully: A Tale of New Zealand Life: Containing Some Views of the Social Outlook from the Proletarian Standpoint</name></title> (Christchurch: Simpson and Williams, <date when="1892">1892</date>)</head>
                  <p>In <title level="m"><name type="work">MacPherson’s Gully</name></title> <name key="name-131186" type="person">Wardon</name> uses the Puritan genre of the morality tale to communicate his anti-Puritan message. All the classic components of the salvation novel are present at the opening of the tale. Alick and Jeanie Spencer arrive in New Zealand from Scotland determined to build a prosperous future for themselves and their children. Their industry and faith results in success and even the setback of Alick losing his job seems to be a blessing in disguise when he discovers gold. However, <name key="name-131186" type="person">Wardon</name> employs the conventions of the moral tract only to invert them. His is a parable of the futility of work and faith, not of the rewards of virtue. Tragedy rather than prosperity, death rather than improved life is meted out to the hero. At the point of realising his ambition ‘to be the owner and occupier of a freehold farm’, Alick learns that his children have died of diptheria and that his wife has gone mad and is committed to Sunnyside (26). He loses his money and drowns crossing a river. <name key="name-131186" type="person">Wardon</name> ends with a savage attack on the Puritan ethics his hero has trusted, declaring that it is his ‘mature conviction that there is neither truth nor justice in the universe of God’ (47). His anti-Puritan views are shaped by socialist beliefs. Mac's anti-capitalist speech halfway through the novel makes this clear. He emphasises that the lives of working people such as Alick are ‘a mere funeral procession to the grave’, distinguished not by hope and opportunity but by a ‘heritage of despair’ (19). Mac urges the people to throw off the shackles of religion and capitalism to create ‘a new Order more permanent, because more equitable than the present, in which the selfish individualism now rampant in society will give place to a loyal regard for the common weal’ (21).</p>
                </div>
              </div>
            </div>
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        </body>
        <back xml:id="t1-g1-t1-back">
          <div xml:id="t1-g1-t1-back-d1">
            <head>Works Cited</head>
            <listBibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-207374">Baxter, James K</name></author>. <title level="m"><name type="work">Aspects of Poetry in New Zealand</name></title>. <pubPlace><name key="name-007584" type="place">Christchurch</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name type="organisation" key="name-202478">Caxton</name></publisher>, <date when="1972">1972</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><editor><name type="person" key="name-131188">Body, Gillian</name> and <name type="person" key="name-131173">Jacqueline Matthews</name></editor>, eds. <title level="m"><name type="work">Disputed Ground: Robin Hyde Journalist</name></title>. <pubPlace><name key="name-008844" type="place">Wellington</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-036430" type="organisation">Victoria University Press</name></publisher>, <date when="1991">1991</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-203588">Bolitho, Hector</name></author>. <title level="m"><name type="work">My Restless Years</name></title>. <pubPlace><name key="name-008904" type="place">London</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name type="organisation">Max Parrish</name></publisher>, <date when="1962">1962</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-111369">Chapman, Robert</name></author>. ‘<title level="a"><name type="work">Fiction and the Social Pattern</name></title>’. <title level="m"><name type="work">Essays on New Zealand Literature</name></title>. Ed. <editor><name type="person" key="name-120448">Wystan Curnow</name></editor>. <pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name type="organisation" key="name-111402">Heineman</name></publisher>, <date when="1973">1973</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author>‘C. J.’</author><title level="a"><name type="work">Review of A Pagan’s Love</name></title>. <title level="j"><name type="work">The Sydney Bulletin</name></title><date when="1905-06-08">8 June 1905</date>. Alexander Turnbull Library MS 13/19/1, <date when="1987-09-23">23 Sept. 1987</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-131160">Clyde, Constance</name></author>. Autobiographical Fragment. Australasian Autobiography. Alexander Turnbull Library MS 0095.</bibl>
              <bibl><name type="person" key="name-131160">Clyde, Constance</name>. ‘<title level="a"><name type="work">The Literary Woman</name></title>’. <title type="published"><name type="work">The Sydney Bulletin</name></title> <date when="1902-09-06">6 September 1902</date>. Alexander Turnbull Library MS 13/19/1, <date when="1987-09-23">23 Sept. 1987</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-207820">Devanny, Jean</name></author>. <title level="m"><name type="work">Point of Departure: The Autobiography of Jean Devanny</name></title>. Ed. <editor><name type="person" key="name-122806">Carole Ferrier</name></editor>. <pubPlace>St Lucia, Queensland</pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-111596" type="organisation">University of Queensland Press</name></publisher>, <date when="1986">1986</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-208310">Hyde, Robin</name></author>. <title level="m"><name type="work">A Home in this World</name></title>. <pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name type="organisation">Longman Paul</name></publisher>, <date when="1934">1934</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-208310">Hyde, Robin</name></author>. <title level="u">Letter to <name type="person" key="name-025690">J. H. Schroder</name></title>, <date when="1936">1936</date>. Alexander Turnbull Library MS 0280.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-202081">Jones, Lawrence</name></author>. ‘<title level="a"><name type="work">The Novel</name></title>’. <title level="m"><name type="work">The Oxford History of New Zealand Literature</name></title>. Ed. <editor><name type="person" key="name-121227">Terry Sturm</name></editor>. <pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-200382" type="organisation">Oxford University Press</name></publisher>, <date when="1998">1998</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-202081">Jones, Lawrence</name></author>. ‘<title level="a"><name type="work">Puritanism</name></title>’. <title level="m"><name type="work">The Oxford Companion to New Zealand Literature</name></title>. Ed. <editor><name type="person" key="name-036150">Roger Robinson</name> and <name type="person" key="name-036471">Nelson Wattie</name></editor>. <pubPlace><name key="name-001298" type="place">Melbourne</name>, <name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-200382" type="organisation">Oxford University Press</name></publisher>, <date when="1998">1998</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-122999">Lee, John A</name></author>. <title level="m"><name type="work">Delinquent Days</name></title>. <pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name type="organisation">Collins</name></publisher>, <date when="1967">1967</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-120807">McEldowney, Dennis</name></author>. ‘<title level="a"><name type="work">Morton, Frank</name></title>’. <title level="m"><name type="work">The Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Volume 3: <date from="1901" to="1920">1901-1920</date></name></title>. <pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-120238" type="organisation">Auckland University Press</name></publisher>, <date when="1996">1996</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-111367">McLauchlan, Gordon</name></author>. <title level="m"><name type="work">The Big Con: The Death of the Kiwi Dream</name></title>. <pubPlace><name key="name-008844" type="place">Wellington</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name type="organisation">G. P. Publications</name></publisher>, <date when="1987">1987</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-111367">McLauchlan, Gordon</name></author>. <title level="m"><name type="work">The Passionless People</name></title>. <pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name type="organisation">Cassell New Zealand</name></publisher>, <date when="1976">1976</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-208651">Mander, Jane</name></author>. ‘<title level="a"><name type="work">The Author’s Reply to Critics</name></title>’. <title level="j"><name type="work">The Auckland Star</name></title> <date when="1924-02-09">9 Feb. 1924</date>. Auckland Public Library NZ MS 535.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-208651">Mander, Jane</name></author>. ‘<title level="a"><name type="work">New Zealand Novels: The Struggle Against Environment</name></title>’. <title level="j"><name type="work">The Press</name></title> <date when="1934-12-15">15 Dec. 1934</date>. Auckland Public Library NZ MS 535.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-208651">Mander, Jane</name></author>. ‘<title level="u"><name type="work">Preface to Reminiscences</name></title>’. Auckland Public Library NZ MS 535.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-208651">Mander, Jane</name></author>. Reviews of Novels <date from="1920" to="1938">1920-1938</date>. Auckland Public Library NZ MS 535.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-111330">Moffat, Kirstine</name></author>. ‘<title level="u"><name type="work">The Puritan Paradox: The Puritan Legacy in the Intellectual, Cultural and Social Life of New Zealand, Focusing Primarily on the Works of Novelists Writing Between <date from="1862" to="1940">1862 and 1940</date></name></title>’. Unpublished Ph.D thesis. Victoria University of Wellington. <date when="1998">1998</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-208782">Mulgan, Alan</name></author>. ‘<title level="a"><name type="work">Edith Searle Grossmann Pioneer’</name></title>. <title level="j"><name type="work">Art in New Zealand</name></title> 3.2 (<date when="1931">1931</date>).</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-208783">Mulgan, John</name></author>. <title level="m"><name type="work">Report on Experience</name></title>. <date when="1947">1947</date>, <pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher>Blackwood and Janet Paul</publisher>, <date when="1967">1967</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-131191">Olssen, Erik</name></author>. <title level="m"><name type="work" key="name-122999">John A. Lee</name></title>. <pubPlace><name key="name-035893" type="place">Dunedin</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-120634" type="organisation">University of Otago Press</name></publisher>. <date when="1977">1977</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-121649">Pearson, Bill</name></author>. ‘<title level="a"><name type="work">Fretful Sleepers</name></title>’. <title level="j"><name type="work">Landfall</name></title> 6 (<date when="1952">1952</date>).</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-209329">Stevens, Joan</name></author>. <title level="a"><name type="work">Introduction</name></title>. <title level="m"><name type="work">A South-Sea Siren</name></title>. <name type="person" key="name-122890">George Chamier</name>. 1895, <pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-120238" type="organisation">Auckland University Press</name></publisher>, <date when="1970">1970</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-209329">Stevens, Joan</name></author>. <title level="m"><name type="work">The New Zealand Novel</name></title>. <pubPlace><name key="name-008844" type="place">Wellington</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name type="organisation">Reed</name></publisher>, <date when="1966">1966</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-036471">Wattie, Nelson</name></author>. ‘<title level="a"><name type="work">Adams, Arthur</name></title>’. <title level="m"><name type="work">The Oxford Companion to New Zealand Literature</name></title>. Ed. <editor><name type="person" key="name-036150">Roger Robinson</name> and <name type="person" key="name-036471">Nelson Wattie</name></editor>. <pubPlace><name key="name-001298" type="place">Melbourne</name>, <name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-200382" type="organisation">Oxford University Press</name></publisher>, <date when="1998">1998</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-036471">Wattie, Nelson</name></author>. ‘<title level="a"><name type="work">Satchell, William</name></title>’. <title level="m"><name type="work">The Oxford Companion to New Zealand Literature</name></title>. Ed. <editor><name type="person" key="name-036150">Roger Robinson</name> and <name type="person" key="name-036471">Nelson Wattie</name></editor>. <pubPlace><name key="name-001298" type="place">Melbourne</name>, <name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-200382" type="organisation">Oxford University Press</name></publisher>, <date when="1998">1998</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-202122">Wevers, Lydia</name></author>. ‘<title level="a"><name type="work">Pioneer and Feminist: Jane Mander’s Heroines’</name></title>. <title level="m"><name type="work">Women in Society</name></title>. Ed. <editor><name type="person" key="name-005214">Phillida Bunkle</name> and <name type="person" key="name-005764">Beryl Hughes</name></editor>. <pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name type="organisation">G. Allen and Unwin</name></publisher>, <date when="1980">1980</date>.</bibl>
            </listBibl>
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            <head><name type="person" key="name-123170">Ursula Bethell</name>’s ‘<title type="unpublished"><name type="work">November 1937</name></title>’ and <name type="person" key="name-131203">Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet</name></head>
            <byline>
              <name type="person" key="name-131195">Samantha Lentle</name>
            </byline>
            <p>In his first edition of <name type="person" key="name-123170">Ursula Bethell</name>’s <title level="m"><name type="work">Collected Poems</name></title>, <name type="person" key="name-100048">Vincent O’Sullivan</name> observes in an end-note to ‘<title type="unpublished"><name type="work">November 1937</name></title>’ that ‘[w]ritten across the side of the manuscript is the quotation “Aujourd’hui, avec moi, en paradis - quelle promptitude! quelle compagnie! quel séjour”- <name key="name-131203" type="person">Bossuet</name>.’ (<date when="1985">1985</date>, 106) In his second edition of the <title level="m"><name type="work">Collected Poems</name></title>, <name type="person">O’Sullivan</name> identifies the author of these words as <name type="person" key="name-131203">Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet</name>, a ‘seventeenth-century French cleric and theologian’ (<date when="1997">1997</date>, 108), but the exact source of this quotation remains unknown.<note n="1" xml:id="_ftn1"><p>The quotation noted by <name type="person">O’Sullivan</name> may be translated: ‘“Today, with me, in paradise” - what swiftness! what companionship! what a place to stay!’ The allusion is to <name type="person">Christ</name>’s words on the cross to the penitent thief: ‘Verily I say unto thee, To day shalt thou be with me in paradise’ (Luke 23: 32).</p></note></p>
            <p>From among the thirty-one volumes of correspondence, sermons and other religious writings that comprise <name key="name-131203" type="person">Bossuet</name>’s <title level="m"><name type="work">Oeuvres Complètes</name></title> (<name type="place">Paris</name>: Librairie de Louis Vivès, <date when="1866">1866</date>), the most promising source for the quotation would seem to be <name key="name-131203" type="person">Bossuet</name>’s <title level="m"><name type="work">Oraisons Funèbres</name></title>, a collection of funeral orations mentioned by <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name> in a letter to <name type="person" key="name-208394">Rodney Kennedy</name> of <date when="1937-12-26">26 December 1937</date><note n="2" xml:id="_ftn2"><p>Although the letter to <name type="person">Kennedy</name> postdates the titular date of the poem, that need not preclude <title level="m"><name type="work">Oraisons Funèbres</name></title> from being the source; the memorial manuscripts that survive in the Macmillan Brown Library are almost certainly those sent by <name type="person">Bethell</name> to <name type="person" key="name-120491">Lawrence Baigent</name> in <date when="1944">1944</date> so the finished form of the poem, and equally the quotation from <name key="name-131203" type="person">Bossuet</name>, can only be dated between <date from="1937-11" to="1944">Nov. 1937 and 1944</date>.</p></note>. Contemplating whether to request some books from <name type="person" key="name-131197">Arthur Prior</name>, <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name> remarks: ‘I think I should like <name key="name-131203" type="person">Bossuet</name>’s <title level="m"><name type="work">Oraisons Funèbres</name></title>’. Yet, while the rhetorical structure of the ‘<title type="unpublished"><name type="work">November 1937</name></title>’ manuscript quotation occurs throughout this work (the pattern of three exclamations beginning with ‘quelle’ here being commonplace) nothing of a similar content appears in this volume.</p>
            <p>However, two passages that occur elsewhere in <name key="name-131203" type="person">Bossuet</name>’s sermons both bear a close resemblance to the ‘November 1937’ manuscript quotation. The first instance appears in his ‘<title type="unpublished"><name type="work">Premier sermon pour le Dimanche de la Quinquagésime, sur l’utilité des souffrances</name></title>’ and reads (<date when="1862">1862</date>, VIII, 462):</p>
            <quote>
              <p><hi rend="i">hodie mecum eris in paradiso</hi>: <hi rend="i">hodie</hi>, aujourd’hui, quelle promptitude! <hi rend="i">mecum</hi>, avec moi, quelle compagnie! <hi rend="i">in paradiso</hi>, dans le paradis, quel repos!</p>
            </quote>
            <p>The second occurs in his ‘<title type="unpublished"><name type="work">Second sermon pour le Dimanche des Rameaux, sur la nécessité des souffrances</name></title>’. It reads (<date when="1862">1862</date>, IX, 613):</p>
            <quote>
              <p><hi rend="i">Hodie mecum eris in paradiso</hi>. Aujourd’hui, quelle promptitude! avec moi, quelle compagnie! dans le paradis, quel repos!</p>
            </quote>
            <p>The two sermons were delivered by <name key="name-131203" type="person">Bossuet</name> (in different years<note n="3" xml:id="_ftn3"><p>The sermon for ‘Quinquagésime’ was delivered in <date when="1658">1658</date>, and that for ‘Rameaux’ in <date when="1661">1661</date>.</p></note>) on Sundays prior to the Church’s commemoration of Christ’s crucifixion on Good Friday. The ‘Quinquagésime’ of the first sermon refers to Quinquagesima Sunday, the Sunday immediately before Ash Wednesday and the season of Lent. The ‘Rameaux’ of the second sermon refers to Palm Sunday (now generally known as Passion Sunday), the Sunday immediately preceding Good Friday and, in Christian tradition ‘devoted to the contemplation of the ‘suffering’ (Latin <hi rend="i">passio</hi>) of Jesus from the time of his agonised prayers on the Mount of Olives until his final hours on the cross’ (<name key="name-131206" type="person">Metford</name> 56). The focus on suffering in these sermons, and the treatment of religious consolation they include, would no doubt have appealed to <name type="person">Bethell</name> in the years following the death of <name type="person" key="name-131198">Effie Pollen</name> (whose passing ‘<title type="unpublished"><name type="work">November 1937</name></title>’ commemorates, with the rest of the ‘<title type="unpublished"><name type="work">Six Memorials</name></title>’) and is line with her reading at this time. In an earlier letter to <name type="person" key="name-208394">Rodney Kennedy</name> (<date when="1936-12-03">3 December 1936</date>), <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name> mentions <name type="person" key="name-131199">Louis Bertrand</name>’s <title level="m"><name type="work">The Art of Suffering</name></title> (London: Sheed and Ward, <date when="1936">1936</date>), a work that itself quotes <name key="name-131203" type="person">Bossuet</name> on a number of occasions.</p>
            <p>However, while these three extracts share some obvious similarities, they also contain a number of significant differences. Unlike <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name>’s manuscript quotation, where the words of <name type="person">Christ</name> are clearly separated from the three exclamations, in both of the sermon extracts, the words of <name type="person">Christ</name> and their consolatory implications are semantically paired: ‘Aujourd’hui, quelle promptitude! avec moi, quelle compagnie! dans le paradis, quel repos!’ The sermon quotations also differ from the extract included on the <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name> manuscript in that the word ‘repos’ is used rather than ‘séjour’ in the third exclamation. Additionally, <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name> uses a different preposition in her version of the words of Christ, writing ‘aujourd’hui . . . avec moi . . . <hi rend="i">en</hi> paradis’, rather than ‘Aujourd’hui, avec moi, <hi rend="i">dans le</hi> paradis’ [my italics].</p>
            <p>In spite of these not insubstantial differences, the passages I have identified in <name type="person">Bossuet</name>’s sermons still seem the likeliest source for <name type="person">Bethell</name>’s quotation, since those differences are probably indicative of error on her part rather than to be accounted for by positing another reference.</p>
            <p>The most obvious of these apparent inaccuracies is <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name>’s use of the preposition ‘en’. The masculine ‘le paradis’ requires that ‘in paradiso’ be translated as ‘<hi rend="i">au</hi> paradis’ or ‘<hi rend="i">dans le</hi> paradis’ [my italics], the latter being more common in the seventeenth century. <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name>’s use of ‘en’ is thus a clear mistake.<note n="4" xml:id="_ftn4"><p>I am indebted to <name type="person" key="name-131200">Philip Knight</name> of the French Department at Victoria University of Wellington for his assistance on this point and for his insights concerning <name type="person">Bethell</name>’s use of ‘séjour’.</p></note></p>
            <p><name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name>’s use of ‘séjour’ is also dubious. ‘Séjour,’ typically meaning ‘stay,’ appears at first glance to be an error as it is grammatically questionable. However, ‘séjour’ can also mean ‘place to stay’. The fact that (as in <name key="name-131203" type="person">Bossuet</name>’s sermons) this exclamation refers to the ‘paradis’ section of Christ’s words means that this translation is the more logical. Yet arguably ‘séjour’ is a less suitable word choice than the sermons’ ‘repos’ (meaning ‘rest’) in the context of the other exclamations included in this passage. ‘Repos’ is certainly more in line with the descriptive nature of ‘compagnie’ and ‘promptitude’. Additionally, the fact that ‘repos’ appears in <name key="name-131203" type="person">Bossuet</name>’s only two sermons to give extended consideration to the consolatory nature of Christ’s words to the penitent thief, indicates a preference for the word ‘repos’ by <name key="name-131203" type="person">Bossuet</name>.</p>
            <p>From these observations it may be concluded that the words as they appear on the <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name> manuscript cannot represent a direct quotation from <name type="person">Bossuet</name>. It seems highly unlikely that the incorrect preposition of the <title type="unpublished"><name type="work">‘November 1937</name></title>’ manuscript quotation could be a mistake by <name type="person">Bossuet</name> or contained in an anthology of his writings. Similarly, <name key="name-131203" type="person">Bossuet</name> exhibits a definite preference for the word ‘repos’ as opposed to the ‘séjour’ of the <name type="person">Bethell</name> manuscript. Rather than transcribing a passage directly from <name type="person">Bossuet</name>, these inaccuracies would seem to suggest that <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name> is recalling one of the sermon extracts from memory. This would also explain the different structure of the <name type="person">Bethell</name> manuscript quotation.</p>
            <p>The likelihood that <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name> is merely recalling the general wording and structure of the <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bossuet</name> quotation also means that, in terms of poetic significance, the problem of deducing which particular sermon she is referring to is somewhat lessened. For <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name>’s apparent lack of concern as to the accuracy of the passage would seem to indicate that no specific context is being invoked. Indeed, <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name>’s inaccuracies suggest a less than thorough knowledge of the extract and its placement. <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name>’s own non-specific attribution, ‘<name key="name-131203" type="person">Bossuet</name>’, certainly does not invite the reader to look up, nor recall, a definite context and similarly implies a lack of comprehensive knowledge on <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name>’s part. Consequently, while the quotation from <name key="name-131203" type="person">Bossuet</name> contributes to the meaning of ‘<title type="unpublished"><name type="work">November 1937</name></title>’ in terms of the words included on the manuscript<note n="5" xml:id="_ftn5"><p>The quotation clearly echoes line 15 of the poem and the allusion to the Luke 23: 43 (‘“To-day, with me”’) and emphasises the consolatory capability of these words.</p></note>, it does not act as a functional allusion inviting the reader to consider contextual origin in depth. The location of the source of this quotation is thus of more general literary and biographical significance.</p>
            <p>How exactly <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name> happened upon the source of the quotation she inscribed across the manuscript of ‘<title type="unpublished"><name type="work">November 1937</name></title>’ is at this stage difficult to determine. Certainly no volume of <name key="name-131203" type="person">Bossuet</name>’s works remains among the books formerly owned by <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name> now housed at the Macmillan Brown Library. Similarly, the correspondence to and from <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name> presently available does not provide any answers on this issue. The precise details of how <name key="name-123170" type="person">Bethell</name> came upon the source of the manuscript quotation, it seems, will have to wait until additional documents relating to the life and work of <name type="person" key="name-123170">Ursula Bethell</name> become publicly available.</p>
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            <head>Works Cited</head>
            <listBibl>
              <bibl><name type="person" key="name-123170">Bethell, Ursula</name>. <title level="m"><name type="work">Collected Poems</name></title>. Ed. <name type="person" key="name-100048">Vincent O’Sullivan</name>. Auckland: Oxford University Press, <date when="1985">1985</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><name type="person" key="name-123170">Bethell, Ursula</name>. <title level="m"><name type="work">Collected Poems</name></title>. Ed. <name type="person" key="name-100048">Vincent O’Sullivan</name>. Wellington: Victoria University Press, <date when="1997">1997</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><name type="person" key="name-131199">Bertrand, Louis</name>. <title level="m"><name type="work">The Art of Suffering</name></title>. London: Sheed and Ward, <date when="1936">1936</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><name type="person" key="name-131203">Bossuet, Jacques-Bénigne</name>. <title level="m"><name type="work">Oeuvres Complètes</name></title>. Ed. <name type="person" key="name-131204">F. Lachet</name>. Paris: Libraire de Louis Vivès, <date when="1866">1866</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><name type="person" key="name-131203">Bossuet, Jacques-Bénigne</name>. <title level="m"><name type="work">Oraisons Funèbres</name></title>. Ed. <name type="person" key="name-131205">C. Aubert</name>. Paris: Libraire Hachette et Cie, <date when="1886">1886</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><name type="person" key="name-131206">Metford, J. C. J.</name><title level="m"><name type="work">The Christian Year</name></title>. London: Thames and Hudson, <date when="1991">1991</date>.</bibl>
            </listBibl>
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            <head>A Colonial Curiosity: the Maori Poroaki as Victorian Dramatic Monologue.</head>
            <byline>
              <name type="person" key="name-131207">John O’Leary</name>
            </byline>
            <p>One of the enjoyable things about doing Ph.D. research in literature is the fact that it gives the student the opportunity to get to know another period, another place or another writer very well. One sees, perhaps, how little human nature has changed – but one also realizes how greatly human culture, and its literary expression, have altered. This notion was reinforced for me recently when, as part of my Ph.D. research, I was sitting in the National Library in Wellington scanning colonial newspapers dating from the early <date when="1860">1860</date>’s. Unlike their modern counterparts, which mention literature only rarely, and almost never print examples of it, the <title type="published"><name type="work">Taranaki Herald</name></title> and its colleagues are full of readers’ compositions. Sonnets, odes, addresses and expostulations – they spring forth, if not on every page, then certainly in every issue. This was particularly true in times of war, when feelings ran high and frequently found their expression in literary form. Almost all these compositions are bad, needless to say – colonial New Zealand, alas, was no nursery of the Muses. The relative abundance of these compositions underlines, however, how differently literature was viewed a century and a half ago in this country: as something urgent, relevant and important.</p>
            <p>The most fascinating piece I came across is a kind of dramatic monologue. Entitled “<title type="unpublished"><name type="work">The Death of Taiporutu</name></title>”, it was composed by a certain <name type="person" key="name-003989">A. King</name>, aide-de-camp to <name key="name-209013" type="person">Major-General Pratt</name>, <name type="person" key="name-131209">Major-General Gold</name> and <name type="person" key="name-207573">Major-General Cameron</name>, who had been conducting the campaign against Taranaki Maori and their allies. The piece purports to be the poroaki (farewell address) of a notable Ngatihaua chief, <name type="person" key="name-131211">Wetini Taiporutu</name>, a cousin of <name type="person">Tarapipipi</name>’s, who had been severely wounded at the battle of Mahoetahi, fought a short time before. Poroaki were traditionally spoken by a dying chief to the assembled tribe, but this one is addressed to the European readers of the newspaper. As an example of cross-cultural borrowing (or mutilation) it is worth quoting in full:</p>
            <quote>
              <p>Pakeha! Pakeha! Pakeha! Listen, listen to <name type="person">Taiporutu</name>, chief of Ngatihaua, tribe of Waikato. When the big canoe of the white man crossed the great salt lake and came to New Zealand, <name type="person">Taiporutu</name> was then a little boy. Many, many moons have passed over the snows of Tongariro, and the shadow of the sun has for many days looked upon the graves of my forefathers since that time. But the tomahawk of the Waikato was thirsty, and his spear lay idle, when <name type="person">Korohena</name> kissed the son of the warrior chief of Waikato and bade him lift the spear of his father and hurl the tomahawk at the scalp of the pale-skinned chiefs. The summer winds had breathed upon the brow of <name type="person">Taiporutu</name>; he then became a man. But the dark spirit that bade him harm the Pakeha lay hid. The Missionary told him of another, better and far-off land, where the flowers grow not old or ever die; where the good Pakeha and the good Maori live together in peace. Then came the blanket, the tobacco, and all the good things. The Maori and the Pakeha then sat in the pa together in peace, while the birds sang the sun into the West. The tomahawk and the gun lay buried. But Taipo, the dark spirit, awoke, spread his wings over Taranaki, and the korero was bathed in blood.</p>
              <p>The pas of Ngatiawa and Puketapu paid utu for the homes the Maori had burned of the white man, but no utu for the blood of the white man had been taken; the blood of the Ngatiawa and Puketapu was not rich enough, for the blood of its tribe vile – slavery left them no chiefs, for the Waikato had bound them with an iron belt. <name type="person" key="name-100149">Wiremu Kingi</name> cried to the warriors of Waikato to redeem the whenua the Maori had sold to the Pakeha; so the Waikatos left the pas of their forefathers to fight the battles of the Maori. <name type="person" key="name-100218">Mahoetahi</name> has broken the standard of the Maori King, and the boy of Potatau weeps the loud wail of the tangi over lost places in the pas of the Waikato warriors. Pakeha! Hear me; listen to the last words of <name type="person">Taiporutu</name>! The best blood of Waikato flows as utu for your murdered men, not mine alone, for Hemi, my noble boy, now lies bleeding at my feet. The young pine of Waikato is struck down and blackened by the rifle smoke of the pale-faced warriors ere the war-feathers had kissed the brow of the young chief of Ngatihaua; there is darkness in the tribe, and Waikato is in a mist for the loss of her chiefs. I see the Rangatira, the great Rangatira warrior; his brow is troubled, and his heart is full. Look upon my bleeding boy, and let not your common warriors close his eyes, for he is the son of a great chief. Ah, <name type="person" key="name-100149">Wi Kingi</name>! The Waikato has been stung – the Ngatiawa is false! He has sung the loud song of the battle; he has danced the war dance with the Puketapu; but he slept in the pas of Huirangi while the warriors of the pakeha struck down the pride of Waikato at Mahoetahi! Ha! I now see the slave has sold his master! Hear, Ngatiawa, hear! As warrior on no battle field shall thy coward carcase lie. Wear for ever the blanket of thy wahine, slave as thou art! Oh, the winds kiss the wounds of <name type="person">Taiporutu</name>, but in the pa of the chief of Ngatihaua will soon be heard the tangi – the piercing wail of Katrina for her poor boy, her heart-broken cry for <name type="person">Taiporutu</name>! Soft, soft, Pakeha! The dark spirit has fled. The Maori sees coming from the mountain snows of Egmont another spirit clothed in white. Hear the korero of the good spirit! The tomahawk of <name type="person">Taiporutu</name> is broken, his canoe is stranded, and his pa is empty. The Pakeha, the Rangatira is good, is very good; the Maori King a dream. Let the Pakeha who has given the Maori everything; let the Pakeha who has sung to the Maori an angel’s song – let, I say, the white man and the dark skin dwell together in peace. Good, good, these are the last words of <name type="person">Taiporutu</name> – my boy – my poor boy – no King – Pakeha – Pakeha – forgive – forgive – for – dies. (<title type="published"><name type="work">Taranaki Herald</name></title> <date when="1861-01-15">15/1/1861</date>.)</p>
            </quote>
            <p>This is, I think you will agree, a remarkable piece of writing, not because it is “good” or “true” but because it so cheerfully – indeed shamelessly – transgresses every cultural standard, annexing a venerable Maori oratorical form for its own unabashedly Victorian and propagandist purposes.</p>
            <p>There is, for instance, plenty of melodramatic sentiment (the dying chief talks of his wife Katrina making a “piercing wail” for her “poor boy”). There is also a yoking together of entirely separate indigenous traditions, in this case the Amerindian and the Polynesian (notice the way the piece moves from the Hiawatha-style “Red Indian” imagery (“great salt lake”, “many, many moons”) to references to genuine Maori practices such as tangi (mourning) and utu (payment, revenge)). Such a combination of different indigenous cultures, it has to be said, is typical of the period – in at least one near-contemporary New Zealand novel, <name type="person" key="name-401015">George Wilson</name>’s <title level="m"><name type="work">Ena</name></title> (<date when="1874">1874</date>), for example, Maori are described as “scalping” their victims and as wearing “feather headdresses” (<title level="m"><name type="work">Ena</name></title> 89). This suggests that the writer, like many Victorian colonial writers, had a kind of vague, composite indigene in his mind when he came to write this monologue, a composite that owed more to the novels of <name key="name-111500" type="person">Fenimore Cooper</name> and the poetry of <name type="person">Longfellow</name> than to any real anthropological observation.</p>
            <p>These Victorianisms, as I mentioned, are coupled with a determinedly pro-European, propagandist viewpoint, according to which Maori are portrayed as weak and misguided, dupes of “Taipo, the dark spirit” (a Satan figure) and betrayed by their own race (specifically, Ati Awa). The new settler culture, by contrast, is described in terms of peace, light and heaven – the Pakeha (European) has, <name type="person">Taiporutu</name> says, “sung to the Maori an angel’s song”. The message, in fact, could not be clearer: Maori have gained everything from their contact with Europeans and must stop fighting with them. Given the date of composition – <date when="1861-01">January 1861</date>, when the Taranaki War was dragging on unresolved – this sentiment is unsurprising, but it is interesting to see it expressed as crudely as it is here.</p>
            <p>Despite its obviously dramatic nature “<title type="unpublished"><name type="work">The Death of Taiporutu</name></title>” was never performed. Possibly, indeed, it was never intended to be staged, being a purely literary composition designed for silent perusal by the readers of the <title type="published"><name type="work">Taranaki Herald</name></title>. In any case, if the writer, <name type="person" key="name-003989">A. King</name>, had ambitions to perform in public, these were crushed when, a few months later, he gave a talk in Nelson in which he praised the conduct of the Taranaki campaign, describing it as an exemplary success. His audience, the <title type="published"><name type="work">Nelson Examiner</name></title> reported acidly, were having none of this – booing was heard, and the chairman thought it wise not to ask for a vote of thanks for poor lieutenant King (<title type="published"><name type="work">Nelson Examiner</name></title> <date when="1861-09-25">25/9/1861</date>).</p>
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              <bibl><title type="published"><name type="work">Nelson Examiner</name></title>, <date when="1861-09-25">25/9/1861</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><title type="published"><name type="work">Taranaki Herald</name></title>, <date when="1861-01-15">15/1/1861</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><name type="person" key="name-401015">Wilson, George</name>. <title level="m"><name type="work">Ena; or the Ancient Maori</name></title>. Smith, Elder and Co., <date when="1874">1874</date>.</bibl>
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            <head>Individualism and its Discontents: <title level="m"><name key="name-110733" type="work">Man Alone</name></title> in contemporary New Zealand.</head>
            <byline>
              <name type="person" key="name-131214">Stephen Harris</name>
            </byline>
            <p>The figure of <name type="person">Melville</name>’s monomaniacal captain, who would subdue all the forces of the world to the exigencies of his tormented mind, and who at any rate drives the living community on board the Pequod into oblivion in his obsessive hunt for “his” white whale, would not appear to be the obvious character to introduce a work of political analysis. But in <name type="person" key="name-131215">Bruce Jesson</name>’s <title level="m"><name type="work">Only Their Purpose is Mad</name></title> (<date when="1999">1999</date>) – the title is a loose adaptation of a line spoken by Ahab – this classic character makes a striking appearance. In seeing the nineteenth-century Ahab as representative of certain problems in our times, <name type="person">Jesson</name> is as much interested in the role and influence of ideas as he is in examining the political causes of what he sees as New Zealand’s on-going social ills. And in using this potently emblematic character from <name type="person">Melville</name>’s novel to illustrate his concerns, <name type="person">Jesson</name> refreshes the seemingly outdated notion that literature – and the range of ideas generated therein – allows us revealing glimpses into the complex experience of our lives through altering the perceptual light through which we view our social-historical atmospheres. That <name type="person">Jesson</name>’s trenchant analysis is political in content and intent breathes vigour into his methods and prompts us be alert to the changes occurring around us. Looking at contemporary New Zealand in the presence, as it were, of the towering figure Captain Ahab, I found myself thinking more and more of <name type="person" key="name-208783">John Mulgan</name>’s novel <title level="m"><name key="name-110733" type="work">Man Alone</name></title> and how this too, although aesthetically and stylistically opposite to <name type="person">Melville</name>’s massive tome, offers an interesting perspective on the present situation.</p>
            <p>In performing what is essentially a critique of the ideology of the New Right in New Zealand, <name type="person">Jesson</name>’s interrogation has a broad reach, if only by implication. For his subject is in effect modern capitalism, the present free-market competition model being the latest permutation of our Western way (a phenomenon now colloquially referred to in such generalising terms as globalisation and internationalisation). <name type="person">Jesson</name>’s principal concern is with the shift in political power as enacted in the New Right’s auctioning off of New Zealand’s economic, political and social “soul” to the faceless elite of global finance in the name of economic “rationalism”. It is, he argues convincingly, an act of “madness”, yet one performed according to the most rational of processes. This is the pivotal paradox, as characterised by Ahab, who is both the representative captain of the industrial, if not imperial, giant of the day – the powerful American whaling industry of the nineteenth century – and, in the dramatic terms of the narrative, the “insane” master of men. Grown grotesque in his hubristic excess – he is at once wounded Promethean, enraged Learian solipsist, and theatrical despot; his sin is to make a blasphemous god-head of his own pride and force his crew into self-sacrificial worship – we must also see that he is “captained” by his own indomitable will, that “unconquerable captain in the soul” (<name type="person">Melville</name>, 671) as <name type="person">Melville</name> has him phrase it.<note n="6" xml:id="_ftn6"><p>Alive, like its narrator, Ishmael, with the “riddles of the universe”, <title level="m"><name type="work">Moby Dick</name></title> is oceanic in imaginative scope. A vast and heretical fusion of epic, comedy, tragedy, adventure story, seafaring yarn, tall tale and philosophical treatise, rushing and swirling with dramatic incident, rhetorical virtuosity, metaphor and symbol, <title level="m"><name type="work">Moby Dick</name></title> also achieves a unity that springs out of an inner dynamic of paradox and antinomy. In many ways, Ahab – “insanely” rational, calmly contemplative in his “madness”, thus the embodiment of these constitutional contrarieties – is the centre of the novel, the commanding figure in every sense of the word.</p></note> Ahab, then, effects a destructive distortion of his individual self; or, to touch on a crucial distinction, his individuality is transposed to a political dimension – he creates, organises and dictates a system of sorts, however “mad”, around his enraged self. The protagonist in <name type="person">Mulgan</name>’s novel also creates and lives by a system, and although it is to all appearances wholly different to Ahab’s, I would argue that in terms of its political significance, it stands in complementary relation.</p>
            <p>As errant commander, disengaged from the regulating forces of land-borne institutions, Ahab perverts both the function of the ship-board community and the purpose of the industrial hunt; and if the men are cruelly subordinated to his will, this, to some extent, occurs through their being seduced into believing they have been elevated to the ennobling sphere of Ahab’s all-commanding personae – absorbed into the idea of a man who is himself ultimately defined by an idée fixe. <name type="person">Melville</name> exaggerates this aspect of Ahab for what are very effective dramatic purposes; but for <name type="person">Jesson</name>, Ahab serves to symbolise the negative social effects of the New Right politics – the disabling of New Zealand’s productive economic capabilities and the fragmentation of community as a result of a similarly “mad” political system – a set of practices at whose ideological heart is a destructive form of individualism.</p>
            <p>It is this view of individualism as promoting and installing a potentially destructive idea of self that I think is interesting, partly because individualism (broadly speaking) is such an integral aspect of our Western cultural selves, and so is something we are apt to overlook, or whose importance we are inclined to downplay. Strictly speaking, individualism denotes a social theory that determines the degree of freedom permitted for the definition of self; but as the term itself clearly indicates, this social theory is predicated on the idea of the individual and individuality; and since the idea of the individual is the conceptual cornerstone of Western culture, we all to some extent or another conceive of ourselves and our immediate worlds according to this creed – notwithstanding the on-going contemporary critical obsession with proclaiming and anatomising the “death of the bourgeois subject”. Since it is implicit and fundamental to so much of what we take for granted, the finer degrees of this constitutive individualism can be difficult to discuss clearly and with any conceptual precision, although there is a vast body of theoretical literature devoted to this very task. Moreover, while we can see examples of individualism in much of our cultural surrounds and in many aspects of our interior makeup, to suggest that we can cleanly isolate this element, however fundamental, from other features of society is inevitably a little misleading. For this reason, complex figures such as Captain Ahab – Mephistophelian “hero”, paradoxically noble in his sacrilegious tyranny; compelling in the pernicious extremities of his self-exceptionality – can help focus our critical attention in ways that sociological discussion can not always achieve.</p>
            <p>In critical commentary, Ahab is routinely described as a character in whom are concentrated the motivating energies of expansionist capitalistic America in the nineteenth century and, in what is essentially inseparable, the ideology of American individualism that is so fundamental to the American character. That this “imperial self” is both a creature of fiction and of another era, might seem reassuring; yet, to extend on <name key="name-131215" type="person">Jesson</name>’s idea by way of a speculative question, is it possible to see this “character” being reanimated today in a far more generalised form? That is, in contemporary New Zealand, and in the individualism that <name type="person" key="name-131215">Bruce Jesson</name> speaks of as having arisen via the ascendency of new right politics over the last fifteen years, are we witnessing the transformation of the “imperial” frontier stereotype of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, in effect both a magnification and crystallisation of the Western “way” as it is remodelled and readapted for its guiding role in the new internationalised global order? And does this, then, mark the “imperialistic” triumph of American culture, whose political and cultural influence it is difficult to argue with? For many, as this ineluctable process of globalisation threatens to erase identity-defining borders, questions such as these are pressing. It is not my intention to attempt any sort of comprehensive answer here; however, what I would like to suggest is that <name type="person" key="name-208783">John Mulgan</name>’s <title level="m"><name key="name-110733" type="work">Man Alone</name></title> attains a renewed relevance in light of the sort of connection Jesson outlines, for what it offers the contemporary reader is a critical and sharpened perspective on individualism – on the fundamental ways in which we conceive of, and the assumptions we harbour about, ourselves – and, by extension, the manner in which, in certain distorting ways, it is used to underwrite predominating political practices.</p>
            <p>In New Zealand, as in other modern Western democratic societies, concerns about what are seen as destructive strains of individualism have erupted periodically. For various reasons, the balance between the rights and freedoms of individuals and the demands and obligations of society is thrown out, with complaints most often surrounding concerns about pernicious bouts of self-interest, narcissism and communal inadequacy amongst the populace (the classic liberal ideal of enlightened self-interest is vulnerable to what some see as the corruptions of vulgar, self-gratifying materialism – the effects of the citizen/consumer exercising freedom of choice and self-expression). And, while we are, and need to be sensitive and alert to an overly coercive and intrusive state, there is the other extreme with which we are all familiar, and which is encapsulated in <name type="person" key="name-140855">Margaret Thatcher</name>’s much-quoted claim that there is no such thing as society – the New Right individualism that asserts a far more direct link between the individual and the overarching ideology of nationalism. This points to the paradoxical issue that concerns <name type="person">Jesson</name>, the situation in which a destructive form of individualism is imposed on the community, a move that is sanctioned through the self-justifying logic of democratic rights that safeguard and enhance individual freedom.</p>
            <p>From such positions, the ensuing discussions inevitably tap into a vast matrix of interrelated moral, ethical and political issues, and, as has been the case in America for the last ten years, the debate is often rehearsed under the crudely simplistic rubric of “communitarianism vs. individualism” (while on the broader social and political front there is the fractious tussle of “identity politics”.) While on the theoretical and philosophical level there are different shadings and categories of individualism, in practice, as it were, there is a waxing and waning of emphasis due to social and political and economical circumstances. At present, it is orthodox to assert the “social constructivist” and purportedly liberating notion that we consist of a plurality of possible selves, since the very notion of the individual is an ideological myth, preventing us from claiming an absolute essence, or irreducible centre, of self. This might be called the New World syndrome: in being freed from the traditional (Enlightenment) idea of the self, we can (it is implied) endlessly and effortlessly “construct” versions of our selves appropriate to the circumstances. It can also be viewed as a clever marketing ruse: to see our identities in terms of exchangeable “products” deftly prepares us for the ever-expanding market of postmodernity by discouraging us from acting and thinking according to principals that exist beyond the imperatives of commodity flow.</p>
            <p>Clearly, the issue is knotty, and has as much to do with the tendency towards the programmatic application of ideas as it does with the core concept of the individualised self. Indeed, <name type="person">Melville</name>’s Promethean “superman” underlines the extent to which a cult of the individual arises so successfully: the idealised heroic individual, exemplary in their self-governing uniqueness, is always the potential autocrat, one who would suppress another’s genuine individuality – in the sense of being not simply corporealy distinct, but intellectually and politically independent of thought and action, and thus possessing the right to resist – in the process of coming into full possession of their selves. To point towards the principal and essentially metaphysical theme in <name type="person">Mulgan</name>’s novel, it is also important to remember that (after <name type="person" key="name-131216">Milan Kundera</name>) being is not necessarily synonymous with being one’s self. Investigating the myriad aspects of this condition (and conditioning) of being – of the manifold particularities and dimensions of self – is the stuff of a great deal of fiction: <name key="name-131216" type="person">Kundera</name>, echoing <name type="person">D.H. Lawrence</name> and <name type="person" key="name-131217">Walter Benjamin</name>, defines the novel precisely in terms of its prolonged attempt to answer the questions, “What is an individual? Wherein does his identity reside?”. In his extended dramatisation of the destructive forces associated with one man’s claim to a sovereignty of self in Moby Dick, <name type="person" key="name-131218">Herman Melville</name> provides an example of what many others have, from across a vast stylistic spectrum, touched on in their fiction.</p>
            <p>In showing us how the character Ahab stands as a metaphor for dominating aspects of our contemporary experience, <name type="person">Jesson</name> also encourages us to look around the cultural landscape for revealing signs. Across the shifting panorama of popular culture, the interested observer can find a great variety of images on a multitude of cultural surfaces reflecting the ethos of individualism; arguably, even the increasingly challenged model of the nuclear family is primarily individualistic in concept. Amongst these common-place, mass-marketed appeals to our sense of individuality, some speak more directly than others of the ever-seductive idea of power in the form of indomitable selfhood, of self-command and the commanding self, although few, if any, exist on Ahab’s scale of theatrical magnitude. What I have noticed, and what may well be the result of the shifting political energies and order of Western capitalism in the early twenty-first century, is a certain severity of tone in the popularised image of selfhood. In advertising and the televisual media, the defining images of contemporaneity evince a shrewdly efficient containment or molding of energy and will, a business-like harnessing of vitality into a hardened shell of self-projection. Missing is any sense of celebration or inner elation, of imminent abandonment and release, of actually enjoying this state of affirmative individuality, however simulated that may be. There is no sense of liberating bohemianism, of ludic antinomianism, no fluster of innocent recklessness ruffling the posture. If there is some ontological solace to be gained through believing in our essential and inviolable individuality ‑ and there is nothing we respond to with such instinctual alacrity as this comforting idea of our free and empowered selves ‑ this aura of mutedly grim determination introduces a conspicuously compromising tone.</p>
            <p>What I take to be this pervasive mood of oddly solemn self-possession puts me in mind of the character Johnson, the “lone man” in <name type="person" key="name-208783">John Mulgan</name>’s novel, <title level="m"><name type="work">Man Alone</name></title> (<date when="1939">1939</date>). As the title suggests, there is a central existential theme in this novel, and as <name type="person" key="name-202081">Lawrence Jones</name> argues in <title level="m"><name type="work">The Oxford History of New Zealand Literature</name></title>, <title level="m"><name type="work">Man Alone</name></title> initiated a trend, if not a “genre”, in modern New Zealand fiction (with <name type="person">Kundera</name>’s statement in mind, this suggests the interesting idea that the novel in New Zealand has developed a culturally specific character in terms of its preoccupation with and treatment of an existential theme). At one point, as Johnson prepares for flight in the wake of what will be contrued as his murder of the farmer Stenning, we are told of his thoughts concerning his life to this point in New Zealand (circa 1930s): “If he could get away he could keep some things. He could keep the one thing he had had in all the years he had known this country, and that was the freedom to go and to work and to live where he liked” (127). For those of us who put our faith in democracy, this description of New Zealand would certainly make it, politically and socially, “God’s own country” – although, as the subjunctive tense suggests, for Johnson, it is, in a sense, already in the past. What is expressed here is a philosophical commonplace: the liberty to be one’s individual self is inseparable from the freedom to move and act at will and on whim (even if that means having to work ‑ a fact which touches on latent philosophical questions concerning the very concept of freedom itself). But what I find curious is the possessive language <name type="person">Mulgan</name> uses, by which freedom becomes a material “thing” that his character in some sense owns. Linguistically, it is not unusual to think of “having” (and thus losing) one’s freedom; but this is a little different to “being” free. It is a distinction that is brought out somewhat obliquely in the novel: notwithstanding Mulgan’s “objective” and starkly understated literary style and detached third person narration, Johnson is never described as experiencing within himself an empowering condition of free agency. That is, he is never shown to have – in any convincingly dramatic sense – the very thing he fears losing.</p>
            <p>This might indicate a logical or structural inconsistency in the narrative, an impression that is reinforced by the fact that, given the freedom and opportunity of the time and place, Johnson is not seen to be motivated by any drive to be successful in the manner that is common among others he meets. Described at one point early on as feeling “strong” and “alive” because he was “in charge of himself” (36), his entire manner is one of a curious ambitionlessness. When he describes his “system” of living – “it’s the keep on working and moving, it’s the hard work for the good time and never stay long anywhere” (44) – there is never any sense of invigorating aimlessness in his picaresque mobility. We could read this in terms that are closer to the existentialist literary tradition, and yet Johnson never appears to be a vehicle for <name type="person">Mulgan</name> to explore and test, in a fuller dramatic sense, the philosophical concept of freedom and the shifting modulations of identity – Johnson does not act in a way that indicates an attempt to understand in some fundamental way his self in existence. It is as if he doesn’t know what to do with himself; or, as I want to contend, does not know in any fully conscious way how be his self, or rather the self that he feels in some way he should be. Instead his sense of freedom and thus self is a reductively negative or defensive one; initially goaded by an incurable restlessness to which he submits with a weary resignation (until he is driven by fear of incarceration), he keeps on the move and largely to himself. In fact, the general tone and atmosphere of the novel reinforces this: the narrative is so thoroughly suffused with an enervating despondency that Johnson seems only ever to endure the “free” life he leads up until his “escape” mid-way through the novel.</p>
            <p>In being reduced to such existential bare essentials ‑ this is the dramatic and philosophical core of the novel ‑ his desire to retain possession of his freedom actually reinforces what, as is conveyed in the novel’s sullen refrain, is his self-defeating aloneness: “Most of the time a man spends too much alone” (205). What, then, if it can in any way be said to exist, is the real nature of the freedom Johnson wants to protect? Entwined as it is in the compulsion to be “alone”, are we then compelled to review the very idea of the free self as embodied in <name type="person">Mulgan</name>’s protagonist, just as Johnson, during his struggle in the bush, comes “to hate the heavy silence of the bush … where before he had welcomed it as a sanctuary” (144)? In evading both capture and death through exposure, Johnson is not shown to emerge bristling with Promethean pride, the lone and romantic hero as bastion of true and just values;<note n="7" xml:id="_ftn7"><p>In his introduction to the Penguin edition (<date when="1990">1990</date>), <name type="person" key="name-130025">Patrick Evans</name> argues that the novel appeals to us fifty years after its publication as “a powerful example of male romanticism” (p. v), an argument which I find unconvincing.</p></note> and we never get any convincing sense that he emerges from his trial having learnt uplifting or edifying lessons of humility and self-denial through hardship – that will power and discipline are valuable qualities of character for life in the frontier. Underlining this is the fact that the isolated moments in which Johnson experiences what are described as quickening feelings of community – amongst the gathering of protesters on the way to the Queen Street riots and in the company of Jack O’Reilly as they prepare to leave for the Spanish Civil War very near the end of the novel – are instances that both arise out of, and will be immediately dissolved in, violence (in the latter case, it is implied rather than actual, as it occurs off-stage). While we can see in these fleeting and doomed “unions” an unarticulated relief that arises out of the “freedom” not to have to go it entirely alone – not to have to continually make the exhausting existential decision to be “free” – the conspicuous and troubled transience of these “connections” would appear to scratch a nihilistic line through the very idea of fraternity. The dramatic and philosophical implications of the loss of his freedom must be measured against these characteristics of the novel.</p>
            <p>Before elaborating on what I feel is a compellingly odd and fundamental irresolution in the text, a quality that makes <name type="person">Mulgan</name>’s novel all the more interesting in terms of offering a provocative view on individualism, it is important to acknowledge several other factors. It should be said that in the context, the deflating mood and tone of the novel makes a certain sense, since, most immediately, Johnson, like many of the people he meets in this time of troubled mid-war peace, faces the prospect of dispossession, be it land or the opportunity to earn a wage.<note n="8" xml:id="_ftn8"><p>There is something of a bleak irony at work here as suggested by Johnson's comment, “I've been in wars, there's nothing in them. The peace is more dangerous”(204).</p></note> It is a condition brought about by the wider historical and cultural forces impinging upon both protagonist and author ‑ the political and economic effects of the Depression coupled with a mid-war anxiety. The peculiar thinness of the narrative is further reinforced through <name type="person">Mulgan</name>’s attempt at writing with Hemingwayesque “masculine” empirical directness; in fact, for some, this might represent an aesthetic shortcoming in that this style prevents by its very nature any fuller exploration and evocation of character.<note n="9" xml:id="_ftn9"><p>It could also be argued that <name type="person">Mulgan</name> was not able to screen out his own tacit nihilism, one which may have propelled him to his suicide in <date when="1945">1945</date>.</p></note></p>
            <p>Beyond these factors, the most influential way of explaining <title level="m"><name key="name-110733" type="work">Man Alone</name></title> is in terms of social critique. <name type="person" key="name-202081">Lawrence Jones</name> endorses the common view that <name type="person">Mulgan</name>’s depiction of the alienated individual is a means of criticising the repressive forces of a conformist puritanical society. Johnson’s existentially and spiritually impoverished existence, then, is a direct product and indicting reflection of a life-denying society – a concern that becomes a “favourite provincial theme” in New Zealand fiction (<name type="person">Jones</name> 203, 157). While <name type="person">Jones</name> reminds us that contemporary novels focus less on the repressive wrongs of society and more on the inner existential struggle, what needs to be said is that this sort of dichotomy has an almost archetypal appeal to those of us reared in societies in which individualism is of a primary importance.</p>
            <p>I’m not so sure it is a simple matter of there being a clash between a monolithic and shackling community and the sensitive individual, in and through whose struggles we can gauge the condition of society (<name type="person">Jones</name> in <name type="person">Sturm</name>, 164). After all, this romanticises the individual (expand); also, this approach places the emphasis on the individual being condemned to an isolating “freedom” or alienation, whereas <name key="name-208783" type="person">Mulgan</name>’s “man alone” is frequently described as preferring and cultivating dissociation – his “system” that dictates freedom of choice and movement and yet which is actually enervating. This is peculiarly irrational and contradictory since it is not given dramatic support or justification in the novel (he is does not act in rebellion or subversion). When, near the end, we and he are left with his perplexed realisation that his life has been governed by “a restlessness that would not leave him in peace” (196), I think it is plausible to contend that Johnson has been suffering throughout an unconscious disillusionment with, and existential incapacity in the face of the idea of him self as a free agent. To put this another way, the promise of autonomous selfhood and the untrammelled freedom with which this correlates cannot satisfactorily translate as lived fulfillment. This not stated in any dramatically explicit sense; rather, just as Johnson at the beginning and end of the novel ominously refers to “the bit in between” the two wars – the “dangerous” peace that is his life in New Zealand, the very subject of <name key="name-208783" type="person">Mulgan</name>’s narrative (6/204) – so the novel, in never convincingly evoking Johnson’s experience of being free in “God’s own country”, states the case through, as it were, an absence. One significant reason for this peace being “dangerous” is that it puts the issue of life, of self and purpose, in existential relief: released from the cohering forces of war – that grim paradox of purposeful and uniting violence – Johnson is alone in the most confronting and challenging of ways, for he is alone, and, in a sense at a complete loss with, his “free” self; or more importantly, with the idea and ideal of autonomous selfhood. What <name key="name-208783" type="person">Mulgan</name>’s novel achieves, then, in its odd irresolution is a pressing sense of ambiguity about the very idea of individualistic self. It does not propose alternative models but rather brings the very idea of self into focus, albeit obliquely. Like <name type="person">Melville</name>’s great novel, in which the famous narrator Ishmael comes to understand through his fraternal bond with Queequeg a new way of seeing his self – one in marked contrast to the rampant individualism of Ahab – so <name type="person">Mulgan</name>’s novel, in an invertedly complementary way, offers us a quirky meditation on being one’s self.</p>
            <p>My purpose here has not been to either implicitly disavow or celebrate some notion of pure individuality or to tacitly idealise the idea and experience of community. The complexity of contemporary life renders such aims impossible, at least for those who want to think beyond politically fundamentalist platitudes. But that such platitudes exist and influence our lives is the very point. After all, the idea of our exalted uniqueness as propagated endlessly by our commodifying free-market societies becomes, all too easily, a deceiving mythology that substitutes a superficial and spurious set of consumer rights for the more important political rights of the citizen. That most of us are now familiar with what might be called the dubious politics of individualism that are central to the New Right agenda should give us cause for concern. Translated to the political rhetoric of these linguistically blighted days, we can see words such as “freedom” and “individual rights” growing distorted in sense, words that are used to justify the “liberating” of thousands of care-dependent people to the streets in the name of “deinstitutionalisation”, to argue for the abolition of unions in the name of “free enterprise” and to worship the mythicised coterie of rich and famous “winners” as models of desirable selfhood. In the same way, and given what appears to be the inexorable and America-lead globalisation of economies and thus cultures, we need to be attentive to the discrepancies between the language and ideas promoting these developments and the local, political realities. And while it is attractive, and overly easy for that reason, to see the broad sweep of Western culture as a new form of American-style frontierism and its emphasis on individualism, it is novels such as <title level="m"><name type="work">Moby Dick</name></title> and <title level="m"><name key="name-110733" type="work">Man Alone</name></title> that encourage us to be sceptical about the ideas that are intrinsic to our culture.</p>
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            <head>Works Cited:</head>
            <listBibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-131215">Jesson, Bruce</name></author>. <title level="m"><name type="work">Only Their Purpose is Mad</name></title>. <pubPlace><name key="name-021386" type="place">Palmerston North</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-200138" type="organisation">The Dunmore Press</name></publisher>, <date when="1999">1999</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-202081">Jones, Lawrence</name></author> in <editor><name type="person" key="name-121227">Terry Sturm</name></editor> (ed.) <title level="m"><name type="work">The Oxford History of New Zealand Literature in English.</name></title> <edition>2<hi rend="sup">nd</hi> edn</edition>. <pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-200382" type="organisation">Oxford University Press</name></publisher>, <date when="1998">1998</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-131218">Melville, Herman</name></author>. <title level="m"><name type="work">Moby Dick</name></title>. Ed. <editor><name type="person" key="name-131221">Harold Beaver</name></editor>. <pubPlace>Harmondsworth</pubPlace>: <publisher>Penguin Books</publisher>, <date when="1972">1972</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-208783">Mulgan, John</name></author>. <title level="m"><name key="name-110733" type="work">Man Alone</name></title>. <pubPlace><name key="name-008904" type="place">London</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name type="organisation">Penguin Books</name></publisher>, <date when="1990">1990</date>.</bibl>
            </listBibl>
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            <head>Reflections on Lexical Borrowing and Code-switching in New Zealand English.</head>
            <byline>
              <name type="person" key="name-110798">John Macalister</name>
            </byline>
            <div type="introduction" xml:id="t1-g1-t5-body-d1-d1">
              <p>New Zealand English is most obviously marked from other varieties of English by its lexical borrowings from te reo Maori. Many of these words have become so much a part of the New Zealand English lexicon that their Maori origin is not consciously registered by their users. Such words – <hi rend="i">kiwi</hi>, <hi rend="i">kumara</hi> and <hi rend="i">kauri</hi> would be obvious examples – have been borrowed from Maori and fully integrated into English. These loan-words are generally obedient to English rules of phonology, morphology, and syntax.</p>
              <p>There are other words, however, which may be present as examples of code-switching rather than borrowing. When describing the lexicon, linguists endeavour on occasion to differentiate between such words but, as <name type="person">Gordon</name> and <name type="person">Deverson</name> (69) have pointed out, ‘there is no well-defined line over which a word must pass before being counted as a permanent acquisition’.</p>
              <p>The following discussion recognises that these lexical boundaries are indistinct, but suggests that, certainly for written language, significant information about a Maori word’s status within New Zealand English is revealed by its treatment in a text. While this treatment is determined by editorial policy, such policy is based upon knowledge of and assumptions about the reader. The two issues to be considered here are those of italicisation and of glossing.</p>
              <p>This discussion draws illustrations from two corpora of the <title type="published"><name type="work">School Journals</name></title><note n="10" xml:id="_ftn10"><p>The creation of these corpora was made possible by the co-operation of the editorial staff of the <title type="published"><name type="work">School Journals</name></title>. In particular, I would like to acknowledge the support, encouragement and involvement of <name type="person" key="name-131222">Patricia Glensor</name>.</p></note>, a publication for schools that has become a New Zealand icon since first publication in <date when="1907">1907</date>. Although there has been some modification from time to time, the <title type="published"><name type="work">Journal</name></title> has always been published in graded parts. The current structure ranges from Part 1, aimed at the 7 – 8 year age group, and published five times a year, to Part 4, aimed at 11 – 13 year olds, and published three times a year. The <title type="published"><name type="work">Journal</name></title> is distributed free to all schools in New Zealand.</p>
              <p>The two corpora from which illustrative examples are drawn were compiled to analyse changes in the use of Maori words in New Zealand English (<name type="person">Macalister</name>, <date when="1999">1999</date>, <date when="2000">2000</date>). One corpus consists of the universe of <title type="published"><name type="work">School Journals</name></title> published in a two year period in the late 1960s. The other corpus consists of a similar universe for two years in the late 1990s. While the 1960s <title type="published"><name type="work">Journals</name></title> were more obviously curriculum-driven than those of the 1990s, in both periods the <title type="published"><name type="work">Journals</name></title> were designed both to inform and to entertain their target readership.</p>
              <p>The fact that illustrative examples are drawn from two chronologically distinct corpora allows observations about changes in the status of words of Maori origin in the New Zealand English lexicon over that period to be made.</p>
            </div>
            <div xml:id="t1-g1-t5-body-d1-d2">
              <head>Italicisation to signal a foreign import</head>
              <p>The first issue is that of italicisation. One of the several accepted uses of italicisation in a text is to signal that a word or phrase is foreign. It does not, of course, follow that the word or phrase is necessarily thought to be unknown to the reader.</p>
              <p>This practice of italicisation was widely employed in the <title type="published"><name type="work">Journals</name></title> of the 1960s, particularly in the senior <title type="published"><name type="work">Journals</name></title>. Maori words other than place and personal names, but including <hi rend="i">pakeha</hi> and words referring to flora and fauna, were usually italicised. The clear message to the reader, then, was that, while these words may be understood in the context of New Zealand, they are not English. There may even have been a subconscious rejection of the notion of a New Zealand variety of English.</p>
              <p>In the 1990s corpus, by contrast, italicisation is more commonly used as a means of conveying emphasis on a word, as in ‘We will <hi rend="i">not</hi>!’<note n="11" xml:id="_ftn11"><p>Part Two, Number 1, <date when="1998">1998</date>: 37</p></note> than as a means of indicating foreignness. Indeed, this convention extends to lexical borrowings from languages other than Maori, as in the example ‘Her father was a matai.’<note n="12" xml:id="_ftn12"><p>ibid: 5. <hi rend="i">Matai</hi> in this sense is not recognised by <name type="person">Orsman</name> (<date when="1997">1997</date>), although this is an example of lexical borrowing into New Zealand English from a non-European language other than Maori.</p></note></p>
              <p>The changing practice of italicisation, therefore, suggests that words of Maori origin in general have now become an accepted part of written New Zealand English, although the use of macrons, when appropriate, continues to call attention to the foreign origin.</p>
              <p>However, this changing practice by itself does no more than indicate acceptance. It may be simply an editorial decision for presentation or production reasons. The change does not necessarily carry the assumption that the Maori word will be more widely understood in the 1990s than it was in the 1960s. This leads to the second issue, that of glossing.</p>
            </div>
            <div xml:id="t1-g1-t5-body-d1-d3">
              <head>Glossing to aid understanding</head>
              <p>As was noted at the outset, it is the Maori component that most distinguishes New Zealand English. However, there is no question but that te reo Maori exists as a language in its own right. Thus, the difficulty in attempting to identify integrated lexical borrowings from Maori is in deciding when a Maori word is present as an accepted part of New Zealand English and when it is present as Maori language through code-switching. A consideration of glossing yields some insight.</p>
              <p>At its simplest, a writer uses a gloss, or an editor appends a glossary, when it is assumed that a word’s meaning will not be understood by readers.</p>
              <p>A gloss can take a number of forms, and these include:</p>
              <list>
                <item>a marginal gloss, where the meaning for a word presumed unknown is provided in the margin;</item>
                <item>an embedded gloss, where the meaning is embedded in the text, as in ‘Te Ika a Maui, the North Island of New Zealand, …’; in place of commas the meaning may be embedded between dashes ( - the North Island - ), or within parentheses, or signalled by the use of ‘or’;</item>
                <item>a tautological gloss, such as ‘a piupiu skirt’; this is closely related to, but distinct from, an embedded gloss;</item>
                <item>a footnote gloss, where the meaning of an asterisked or otherwise marked word is provided at the foot of the page;</item>
                <item>an endnote gloss, the meaning of an asterisked or otherwise marked word is provided at the end of the passage;</item>
                <item>a glossary, where a list of unknown words and their meanings is provided, usually at the end, but occasionally at the beginning, of a passage or of a publication.</item>
              </list>
              <p>While it is generally supposed that a gloss is used when a word’s meaning is assumed to be unknown, there are, in fact, a range of possible motivations for providing a gloss. These include:</p>
              <list>
                <item>to make the meaning more transparent by giving a more familiar term, as in ‘a famous <hi rend="i">tohunga</hi>, or priest …’<note n="13" xml:id="_ftn13"><p>Part Four, Number 3, <date when="1967">1967</date></p></note>;</item>
                <item>to assist the acceptance of a lexical borrowing;</item>
                <item>to remove the sense of foreignness (which may not necessarily make the meaning more transparent), as, for instance, ‘<hi rend="i">toumatou</hi>, or wild Irishman’<note n="14" xml:id="_ftn14"><p>ibid.</p></note>;</item>
                <item>to add “colour” (which could be called ‘reverse glossing’, as the glossed meaning is the unknown item). An example of this from the 1960s corpus is, ‘three or four large canoes (called <hi rend="i">tiwai</hi>)’<note n="15" xml:id="_ftn15"><p>Part Four, Number 1, <date when="1967">1967</date></p></note>.</item>
              </list>
              <p>It could also be argued that glossing not only removes the sense of foreignness but may also act as a kind of cultural appropriation by lexical means. Such an argument is an extension of <name type="person">Pound</name>’s contention regarding nineteenth century landscape painting in New Zealand, that, in essence, to be made acceptable to European eyes the landscape had to be Europeanised. The ‘”capturing” of landscape in sketches’, he argued, was ‘but the beginning of [the] act of possession’ (44). Replace <hi rend="i">landscape</hi> with <hi rend="i">birds</hi> and <hi rend="i">sketches</hi> with <hi rend="i">words</hi>, and the idea is the same, as the following examples illustrate:</p>
              <p>There are wekas and kakapos (the owl parrot) …</p>
              <p>… the native New Zealand parrot, the kea …</p>
              <p>They [weka] are members of the Rail family.<note n="16" xml:id="_ftn16"><p>all examples from Part One, Number 2, <date when="1968">1968</date></p></note></p>
              <p>The introduction of English nouns cannot be defended on grounds of clarifying meaning. Rather, by insisting on a familiar/English identification of New Zealand birds, the alien/Maori element is eroded. The process is more than simply removing the sense of foreignness; it also acts to remove Maori “ownership”.</p>
            </div>
            <div xml:id="t1-g1-t5-body-d1-d4">
              <head>Changes in glossing practice</head>
              <p>Glossing of Maori words does occur in both corpora, although in the 1990s corpus the only uses are to clarify the meaning of a word that may be unknown and to assist the comprehension of a new lexical borrowing. Not only was the incidence of glossing far greater in the 1960s corpus, but the motivations were more diverse. A comparative study of words that were glossed for clarification of meaning in the 1960s with the treatment of the same words in the 1990s could be undertaken to determine which words have become an accepted part of the New Zealand English lexicon, but for the purposes of this paper the following observations about trends can be made:</p>
              <list>
                <item>glossing was more common in the 1960s than the 1990s;</item>
                <item>glossing resulted from more motivations than simply clarifying meaning and assisting the acceptance of a new borrowing in the 1960s;</item>
                <item>proper nouns are almost never glossed in either corpus; the rare exceptions are geographical names;</item>
                <item>glossing of Maori words for flora and fauna was a relatively frequent occurrence in the 1960s; usually, as in the example ‘<hi rend="i">toumatou</hi>, or wild Irishman’, this was because the plant being referred to was unlikely to be commonly known, although in this case it is equally unlikely that the gloss assisted identification of the plant. Occasional instances of glossing Maori words for flora and fauna also occur in the 1990s corpus when the word is uncommon, for example, <hi rend="i">takapu</hi> and <hi rend="i">harakeke</hi>;</item>
                <item>glossing of words relating to Tikanga Maori and Maori material culture is apparent in both corpora, although, of the 16 words found to be exclusive to the 1990s corpus, only five were found to be glossed, once by an embedded gloss and four times by inclusion in a glossary.</item>
              </list>
              <p>When glossing is taken together with the use of italicisation, two generalisations can be made about the treatment of Maori words other than proper nouns in the <title type="published"><name type="work">Journals</name></title> 1960s corpus: words of Maori origin were usually identified as foreign, and the meaning of words of Maori origin was often assumed to be unknown to the reader. These generalisations suggest a lack of ready acceptance of Maori words in the New Zealand English lexicon at that time.</p>
              <p>By contrast, in the 1990s corpus, the trend is to accept words of Maori origin as an integral part of New Zealand English, and, although glossing still occurs, the usual assumption is that a word will be known to the reader.</p>
            </div>
            <div xml:id="t1-g1-t5-body-d1-d5">
              <head>Conclusion</head>
              <p>Italicisation and glossing are both textual features that provide important information about the status of a word or phrase from a foreign language within the borrowing language. These features tell us whether or not a word or phrase is regarded as foreign, and whether or not it is regarded as likely to be understood. Certainly, the absence of italicisation and glossing suggests that a loan-word has been fully embraced by the borrowing language.</p>
              <p>Within New Zealand English, examination of these features in the late 1960s and the late 1990s suggests that words of Maori origin have become more generally accepted as part of the New Zealand English lexicon. They are less likely to be marked as foreign, either by italicisation or by glossing.</p>
              <p>These changes over time suggest a continuing dialogue between te reo Maori and New Zealand English, resulting in the ongoing enrichment of the New Zealand English lexicon.</p>
            </div>
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            <head>Works Cited:</head>
            <listBibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-120588">Gordon, Elizabeth</name> and <name type="person" key="name-120590">Tony Deverson</name></author>. <title level="m"><name type="work">New Zealand English and English in New Zealand</name></title>. <pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name type="organisation">New House</name></publisher>, <date when="1998">1998</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-110798">Macalister, John</name></author>. <title level="a"><name type="work">Trends in New Zealand English: some observations on the presence of Maori words in the lexicon</name></title>. <title level="j"><name type="work">New Zealand English Journal</name></title> 13 (<date when="1999">1999</date>): 38 – 49</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-110798">Macalister, John</name></author>. <title level="a"><name type="work">The changing use of Maori words in New Zealand English</name></title>. <title level="j"><name type="work">New Zealand English Journal</name></title> 14 (<date when="2000">2000</date>): 41 - 47</bibl>
              <bibl><editor><name type="person" key="name-035992">Orsman, Harry</name></editor> (ed.). <title level="m"><name type="work">The Dictionary of New Zealand English</name></title>. <pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-200382" type="organisation">Oxford University Press</name></publisher>, <date when="1997">1997</date>.</bibl>
              <bibl><author><name type="person" key="name-131223">Pound, Francis</name></author>. <title level="m"><name type="work">Frames on the Land: Early Landscape Painting in New Zealand</name></title>. <pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name type="organisation" key="name-120426">Collins</name></publisher>, <date when="1983">1983</date>.</bibl>
            </listBibl>
          </div>
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            <head>Review of <title level="m"><name type="work">New Zealand in World Affairs Vol 3 <date from="1972" to="1990">1972 - 1990</date></name></title></head>
            <byline>Reviewed by <name type="person" key="name-131224">Gerard McGhie</name></byline>
            <p>
              <bibl><title level="m"><name type="work">New Zealand in World Affairs Vol 3 <date from="1972" to="1990">1972 - 1990</date></name></title><lb/>
            Edited by <editor><name type="person" key="name-131225">Bruce Brown</name></editor>.<lb/>
            <pubPlace><name key="name-008844" type="place">Wellington</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-036430" type="organisation">Victoria University Press</name></publisher>, <date when="1999">1999</date>.</bibl>
            </p>
            <p>For New Zealand’s foreign policy, the period <date from="1972" to="1990">1972 to 1990</date> marked a time of upheaval and the quest for a more distinctive international identity.</p>
            <p>Individual contributors to the third volume of <title level="m"><name type="work">New Zealand in World Affairs</name></title> (edited by <name type="person" key="name-131225">Bruce Brown</name>) provide informed comment on vital issues ranging from defence issues and the viability of New Zealand’s external economy, to the complexity of the situation in the Pacific (referred to here as “Oceania”). Contrapuntal issues relate to Law of the Sea negotiations, apartheid, trans Tasman relations, the development of linkages with Asia (in this volume pretty much North Asia with <name type="person" key="name-131226">Ann Trotter</name> writing on Japan and <name type="person" key="name-002240">John McKinnon</name> on China) and a growing public awareness of foreign relations. In a perceptive introductory comment, <name type="person" key="name-131227">Merwyn Norrish</name>, a former head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, provides an overview of the book’s contents.</p>
            <p>A review offers limited scope to comment on all the contributions. There are, however, two areas which I think should be given some primacy. These are New Zealand’s search for new markets, analysed by <name type="person" key="name-131225">Bruce Brown</name> and defence issues, in particular the 1980s ANZUS imbroglio which is covered by <name type="person" key="name-140761">Ian McGibbon</name> and by <name type="person" key="name-120852">Malcolm McKinnon</name>.</p>
            <p><name key="name-131225" type="person">Brown</name>’s essay leads off. He notes that at the time of British entry to the European Union, New Zealand was still heavily dependent on the British market but the New Zealand Government decided not to obstruct British initiatives, seeking instead special access arrangements which were eventually achieved under Protocol 18 of the Treaty of Rome. Canada’s and Australia’s more assertive approach gained them little. <name key="name-131225" type="person">Brown</name> provides an informed discussion on New Zealand’s trade diversification policy with Australia, Japan and the United States. He also discusses our involvement in the GATT and, later, APEC. But it was access to the British market that remained crucial. As <name key="name-131225" type="person">Brown</name> says “New Zealand’s long rear guard action… to maintain the right of access to Britain was … one of the most significant political and diplomatic achievements since the Second World War” (31). This reviewer agrees and considers that the <name key="name-131225" type="person">Brown</name> chapter together with those by <name key="name-131226" type="person">Trotter</name> on Japan and <name type="person" key="name-131228">Stephen Hoadley</name> on Australia provide an essential trade and economic backdrop to most of the other events covered in this volume.</p>
            <p><name type="person" key="name-140761">Ian McGibbon</name>’s comments on the ANZUS row provide a useful analysis of that diplomatic upheaval. He outlines New Zealand’s need to find a substitute as Britain’s power waned after World War Two. The US was the logical choice. But <name key="name-140761" type="person">McGibbon</name> points to the difference between negotiating with Washington and with London – “the United States” he says “was not ‘family’” (p113). Australia too was emerging – or re-emerging - as a natural defence partner. But, as <name type="person" key="name-120852">Malcolm McKinnon</name> details, almost parallel with these developments the anti-nuclear lobby in New Zealand was working up its own agenda. The denouement came with the <name type="person">Lange</name> Government’s decision in <date when="1985">1985</date> to refuse entry to New Zealand’s ports of a US naval vessel. In his introduction, <name key="name-131227" type="person">Norrish</name> sees the popularity of this move within New Zealand as “the idealistic stream of New Zealand’s foreign policy [enjoying] perhaps its greatest time of triumph” (13). Perhaps indeed but some reference could also have been made to younger New Zealand seeking - albeit in a rather inchoate way – to assert its own identity.</p>
            <p><name key="name-140761" type="person">McGibbon</name>’s comments on the coups in Fiji must be read in conjunction with the relevant parts of <name type="person" key="name-140788">John Henderson</name>’s informative chapter on the South Pacific. <name key="name-140761" type="person">McGibbon</name> writes that <name type="person">Lange</name>’s “insistence” that the SAS anti-terrorist squad be readied for despatch to Fiji (to deal with the hi-jacking of an Air New Zealand plane) could be seen, in the words of <name type="person">Crooks</name>, the then Chief of Defence Staff, as injecting a military presence into Fiji and representing “the height of folly” (128). <name type="person" key="name-140788">John Henderson</name> (284), a former Head of the Prime Minister’s Department, refutes any claim that New Zealand and Australia contemplated military action against Fiji. <name key="name-140788" type="person">Henderson</name> states that “the envisaged use of the military was confined to limited and specific roles agreed to with the Fiji authorities” (285). <name key="name-140788" type="person">Henderson</name>’s account provides a welcome antidote to the more extended allegations abroad at the time.</p>
            <p>The volume marks a range of achievements. Relations with Australia went from one of “mutual disregard” (<name type="person">Hoadley</name>) to signing of the Closer Economic Relations free trade agreement. Relations with Asia went from “piecemeal” (<name key="name-131227" type="person">Norrish</name>) to the development of significant economic linkages and, in <date when="1999">1999</date>, to a gathering in New Zealand of Asia-Pacific Heads of State. South Africa joined the international community and the Commonwealth became a “principles-based” organisation (<name type="person" key="name-131229">David McIntyre</name>) though (as this reviewer would see it) an, at times, overly conservative one. In discussing the development of rules for the better ordering of the international game, <name type="person" key="name-036320">Malcolm Templeton</name> shows the special importance to New Zealand, with its huge coastline, of the Law of the Sea Convention. Additionally <name type="person" key="name-131230">Rod Alley</name>’s documenting of the public involvement in foreign policy is illuminating.</p>
            <p>There are of course omissions. South East Asia deserves a chapter while a discussion of <name type="person" key="name-208415">Norman Kirk</name>’s clarion call (at the outset of the period covered by this volume and contained in the foreword to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Annual Report for <date when="1973">1973</date>) for the Government to “find and hold to a firm moral basis for its foreign policy” would have made for a lively chapter particularly in the light of Prime Minister <name type="person">Muldoon</name>’s decision to allow the highly divisive <date when="1981">1981</date> Springbok tour to go ahead for what appeared to be narrow electoral purposes.</p>
            <p>For New Zealand’s international relations the period <date from="1972" to="1990">1972 to 1990</date> was a significant time indeed. What many of the contributors have done is chart the path followed by a geographically remote, ethnically varied, nation emerging from a colonial mindset. This process is still going on and will inform the contributions of the next volume.</p>
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            <head>Review of <title level="m"><name type="work">Waitangi and Indigenous Rights: Revolution, Law &amp; Legitimation</name></title></head>
            <byline>Reviewed by <name type="person" key="name-131231">Bryan Gilling</name></byline>
            <p>
              <bibl><title level="m"><name type="work">Waitangi and Indigenous Rights: Revolution, Law &amp; Legitimation</name></title><lb/><author><name type="person" key="name-131233">F.M. Brookfield</name></author><lb/><pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-120238" type="organisation">Auckland University Press</name></publisher>, <date when="1999">1999</date>.</bibl>
            </p>
            <p>The acquisition of power and sovereignty by one country over another is a revolutionary act. The institutions, constitution and legal system of the one is overthrown and supplanted by the newcomer’s, as indeed they largely are in an internal revolution also. However, whatever the degree of the revolution’s de facto control, seldom is this on its own perceived as conferring <hi rend="i">legitimacy</hi> on the new situation, institutions and systems. As people strive for certainty and fairness, societies seem to have an inbuilt resistance to such radical change imposed on the foundational building blocks of those societies.</p>
            <p><name type="person" key="name-131233">F. M. Brookfield</name> (Jock), Emeritus Professor of Law at Auckland University, has devoted a large portion of his academic career as a constitutional lawyer to the problem of the legitimation of the power and control acquired as a result of revolutions. This book applies his understanding to the situation in New Zealand following the acquisition of sovereignty by the British Crown in <date when="1840">1840</date>.</p>
            <p><name key="name-131233" type="person">Brookfield</name> agrees with those who consider the Treaty of Waitangi to have been a valid constitutional instrument—a treaty in international law at the time—rejecting its late nineteenth-century dismissal as a ‘simple nullity’ in those terms. However, that conclusion is modified by another that is rather more controversial; that the Treaty is no longer in force because the chiefs with whom the agreement was contracted no longer exist as an international entity due to either the Treaty itself or the subsequent assertions of imperial power. He instead categorises it as now being a major component of New Zealand’s internal public law.</p>
            <p>Analysing the contradictions and inconsistencies between the three articles of the Treaty (setting aside the constitutionally less pressing oral ‘fourth article’ guaranteeing freedom of religion and the chimerical four ‘articles’ currently fashionable amongst the ill-informed in political/state service circles), <name key="name-131233" type="person">Brookfield</name> critiques various commentators’ efforts to reconcile them. He interacts with a wide range of individuals and opinions, treating everyone—even when he disagrees—with a courtesy and respect that is all too rare in scholarly discussions (or indeed in others concerning Treaty matters).</p>
            <p>In accordance with international practice, the Treaty must be interpreted <hi rend="i">contra proferentem</hi>, against the drafter, the Crown, where there is ambiguity. Central is the debate over the use in the Maori version that the large majority signed of the terms ‘kawanatanga’ and ‘tino rangatiratanga’, compared with the ‘sovereignty’ appearing in the English translation. He is adamant that it is impossible that Maori intended the full transfer of sovereign power that the Crown claimed and enforced subsequently.</p>
            <p>Returning to the ‘revolution’: <name key="name-131233" type="person">Brookfield</name> shows how the signing of the Treaty set in train an effective revolutionary seizure of power over New Zealand—not on <date when="1840-02-06">6 February 1840</date>, but on <date when="1840-05-21">21 May</date> when <name type="person">Hobson</name> issued proclamations of sovereignty on the grounds of cession for the North Island and discovery for the South. This gave the British monarch in Parliament the supreme legislative power over New Zealand and all in it. <name key="name-131233" type="person">Brookfield</name> contends that this seizure, though now of long standing, still requires legitimation. Not only that, but, to the extent that the Crown took more than Maori were intending or prepared to cede, that too was a revolutionary act relative to their customary law; in effect, he says, ‘a large scale robbery’.</p>
            <p>This was only the first and largest revolution in New Zealand’s history. A second occurred in the mid-nineteenth century when Maori resisted the imposition of Crown sovereignty and were suppressed. (The characterisation of the New Zealand Wars as merely ‘Land Wars’, though having emotional appeal, has never been accurate or adequate.) <name key="name-131233" type="person">Brookfield</name> identifies a third, when the Crown in right of New Zealand separated from the Crown in right of the United Kingdom, a break up of the old imperial unity which may have existed until the ‘quiet revolution’ of the Constitution Act <date when="1986">1986</date>. Confusion endures with, for example, the personal identity of the monarch remaining the same for both. This has practical outworkings, for example perpetuating the understanding amongst many Maori that they contracted their agreement with the person of the monarch and their resultant antipathy to republican proposals.</p>
            <p><name key="name-131233" type="person">Brookfield</name>’s analysis raises many issues, even if he cannot answer all of them. He believes that some legitimacy has been achieved to date for Crown sovereignty, conferred in three main ways: the partial observance of the Treaty, the simple passage of time, and the provision of at least some benefits to Maori through Crown rule.</p>
            <p>Yet further steps must be taken, he argues. Basic constitutional reform is necessary in conjunction with the remedying of specific grievances. Central to the reform must be the recognition of the promised tino rangatiratanga in some kind of qualified autonomy, since no autonomy was ever provided, even under the supremacy of Parliament. If possible, some provision should also be made for reserved territories, and in the coming new republic there should be constitutional entrenchment for bodies of both tribal and national Maori self-government.</p>
            <p>This analysis and proposed developments beg all sorts of additional questions, of course, such as the nature or relevance of tribalism in an increasingly urbanised society. Or, can reforms of such a nature be achieved in the face of counter trends, such as increasing globalisation or the passing into foreign ownership of segments of the New Zealand nation-state? There are already many debates about the difficulties of incorporating Treaty-related provisions in legislation and agreements involving overseas interests.</p>
            <p>This well-written and thoughtful book should be pondered at length as a significant contribution in the debates over the shape of New Zealand in the twenty-first century and its existence as a constitutional monarchy or republic.</p>
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            <head>Review of <title level="m"><name type="work">Wrestling with the Angel: a Life of Janet Frame</name></title></head>
            <byline>Reviewed by <name type="person" key="name-131234">Jan Cronin</name></byline>
            <p>
              <bibl><title level="m"><name type="work">Wrestling with the Angel: a Life of Janet Frame</name></title><lb/><author><name type="person" key="name-120753">Michael King</name></author><lb/><pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name type="organisation">Viking</name></publisher>, <date when="2000">2000</date>.</bibl>
            </p>
            <p>At this year’s readers’ and writers’ week in Wellington, <name type="person" key="name-120753">Michael King</name> found himself in a precarious position. Due to speak about his forthcoming biography of <name type="person" key="name-120555">Janet Frame</name>, he received a phone call from his subject which requested that he substitute one Frame for another; he was licensed to speak about the process of writing biography, but not about the book’s content. Since the publication of <title level="m"><name type="work">Wrestling with the Angel</name></title> it is has become apparent that there are those who perceive the biography as an exercise in similar discretionary tactics, and believe that like the protagonists of so many of her novels, <name key="name-120555" type="person">Frame</name> has succeeded in pulling off yet another virtuoso act of ventriloquism.<note n="17" xml:id="_ftn17"><p>Such views were aired recently by <name type="person" key="name-130025">Patrick Evans</name> in a talk entitled “Desperately Seeking Janet”.</p></note> The validity of these perceptions hinges on the relationship between autobiography and biography within <name key="name-120753" type="person">King</name>’s text and the status of the two stipulations outlined in the author’s note.</p>
            <p>There is something disconcerting in the notion of a biography which seamlessly interweaves large extracts from the subject’s autobiographies with its own copy without a self-conscious commentary. While <name key="name-120753" type="person">King</name> often exploits the discrepancies between the accounts of various meetings contained in <name type="person">Frame</name>’s letters and the impressions of other parties, only once is any doubt cast on the authenticity of the autobiographical recollection, and this is from a purely historical perspective rather than one that takes account of authorial agency.<note n="18" xml:id="_ftn18"><p>In a footnote, <name type="person">King</name> alerts the reader to the fact that <name key="name-120555" type="person">Frame</name>’s relationship with Irishman <name type="person" key="name-131235">Patrick Reilly</name> was resumed by letter rather than by a chance meeting as recounted in the autobiographies.</p></note> Yet it seems to me that at such moments <name type="person">King</name> is reaffirming his commitment to life rather than art and history as opposed to literary criticism, even if this demands a somewhat unhealthy trust of textuality. This is especially pertinent given that <name key="name-120555" type="person">Frame</name>’s second stipulation is that “it not be a critical biography (an analysis of her writing)”. This has been seen as a cunning attempt to consolidate a new form of literary subjectivity for <name key="name-120555" type="person">Frame</name>, that of a character in a stable and transparent narrative. Given that <name key="name-120555" type="person">Frame</name>’s life has been subject to the grossest of misinterpretations both by the New Zealand health system and overzealous academics who have insisted on reading her fiction as autobiography, it seems entirely understandable that the division between history and literary criticism should be imperative. Far from establishing <name key="name-120753" type="person">King</name> at the helm of a reductive historicist process, this presents a tricky problem: how to attempt a ‘complete’ picture of a subject without delving into that which the biography claims is integral to her being. <name key="name-120753" type="person">King</name>’s strategy is to deploy a healthy selection of reviews of each book, and by addressing the prophetic relationship between her fiction and life, cleverly neutralise the biographically inclined readings.</p>
            <p>The repudiation of the madness myth is doubtlessly a prime motivation in the authorisation of the biography, just as it was in the genesis of the autobiographies. Much has been made of the stipulation that <name key="name-120753" type="person">King</name> “not quote verbatim from...interviews with her”.<note n="19" xml:id="_ftn19"><p><name type="person" key="name-130025">Patrick Evans</name> has asserted that the purpose of the biography was to normalise an abnormal life.</p></note> Certainly the absence of these quotations serves to naturalise the process, erasing the medium of memory, but to see this as blatant manipulation seems deeply unfair. Surely <name key="name-120555" type="person">Frame</name> has a right to publicly ‘set the record straight’ with regard to her sanity. That this requires the maintenance of an aura of objectivity does not necessarily render the account any less valid. To this end <name type="person" key="name-120753">Michael King</name> fulfils the role of <name type="person" key="name-131236">R. H. Crawley</name>, the psychiatrist who issued testimonials to <name key="name-120555" type="person">Frame</name>’s sanity to various sceptical parties. More than anything it seems the problem here is a general reluctance to allow the demythologising of <name type="person" key="name-120555">Janet Frame</name>. The same readers/critics who demand access to the ‘true <name type="person" key="name-120555">Janet Frame</name>’ are determined to keep her shrouded in mystery, genius and madness.</p>
            <p>The crucial factor then is the extent to which <name key="name-120753" type="person">King</name> is aware of these tensions. Having sustained a uniformly historicist narrative for 500 pages, the final twenty evince a shift in approach. For the first time <name key="name-120753" type="person">King</name> comments on the fraught status of the autobiographies, asserting that they and the subsequent film "provided new texts on which commentators, whose ranks included some of the would-be biographers could base speculations on her motives, on whether or not she had been truthful, on whether she was intent of concealing as much as she revealed and on the supposed relationship between her life and art." He cannot fail to realise that his efforts are on a continuum with those same autobiographies and as such constitute fresh material for deconstruction. His conclusion, while problematic, deftly asserts the inevitability of this process: "she conveyed a vivid sense that reality itself is a fiction and one’s grasp on it no more than preposterous pretence and pretension.” The question now is whether this statement significantly undermines the biography as a whole or whether it contains and hence neutralises the cynical view. To have issued it at the start of the biography would have been to compromise his project, but coming as it does at the end, it suggests that the text was written with a sense of the ironies involved in producing the biography of a woman whose philosophies of truth and reality defy such generic distinctions. This paradox is present in the title "a life of <name type="person" key="name-120555">Janet Frame</name>", and explains the necessity of the avoidance of the literary criticism which would doubtlessly draw attention to the false consciousness of the biography. However this degree of false consciousness is ultimately what facilitates a meticulously researched, well written and genuinely satisfying account of a remarkable life. Perhaps the only flaw in the book lies in the very last line which depicts <name key="name-120555" type="person">Frame</name> sitting in front of her computer where, via the internet, “she rediscovers the world and engages with it, without the burden of social contact”. This concluding image of <name type="person" key="name-120555">Janet Frame</name> seems to reinstate the notions which the book is so dedicated to dispelling, and demonstrates the potency of the mythology of <name key="name-120555" type="person">Frame</name> which will certainly generate less accomplished biographies in the years to come.</p>
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            <head>Review of <title level="m"><name type="work">Cook’s Sites. Revisiting History</name></title>.</head>
            <byline>Reviewed by <name type="person" key="name-131237">David Mackay</name></byline>
            <p>
              <bibl><title level="m"><name type="work">Cook’s Sites. Revisiting History.</name></title><lb/><author><name type="person" key="name-131238">Mark Adams</name> and <name type="person" key="name-111701">Nicholas Thomas</name></author>.<lb/><pubPlace><name key="name-035893" type="place">Dunedin</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-120634" type="organisation">Otago University Press</name></publisher>, <date when="1999">1999</date>.</bibl>
            </p>
            <p><name type="person" key="name-207700">James Cook</name>’s voyages cartographically defined the coastal outline of New Zealand. Although many place names have reverted to their original Maori form, <name type="person">Cook</name>’s labels are still sprinkled around our shores. The scientists aboard his vessels integrated our flora and fauna into the European scientific classification systems. In an extremely powerful way, the artists and draughtsmen aboard his ships began the process of configuring New Zealand in the European imaginative world and inaugurating our own art historical tradition in a Pakeha sense.</p>
            <p>This book memorializes in photographs the colonizing of landscape sites and what <name key="name-111701" type="person">Thomas</name> describes as “imperial antiquarianism”. Four repositories with <name key="name-207700" type="person">Cook</name> artifacts – the Berlin State Library, the Institute for Ethnology Museum in Göttingen, the Pitt Rivers in Oxford and the Herbarium at the Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew– were visited in the same way as the two physical sites in Dusky and Queen Charlotte Sounds These very different spatial realms represent “each other’s antipodes”. The objectives of the book are multiplex, as described in its Introduction, and reach far beyond the visual and written material the two authors have at hand. At its broadest it is an enquiry into cross-cultural history. Faced with the paucity of both physical relics and Maori versions of the encounters, the book wisely settles on the strategy of saying less rather than more and seeks to work at an allusive level in connecting text and visual images.</p>
            <p>The photographs in this book formed part of an exhibition at Te Papa Tongarewa in <date when="1999">1999</date> and they form the strongest part of the work. They attempt to re-imagine the two sites visited by <name key="name-207700" type="person">Cook</name> and to draw out the significance of the few relics of the voyage which remain there. The authors do not make clear why these were chosen of all the <name key="name-207700" type="person">Cook</name> sites in New Zealand. In their different ways they were certainly places of considerable drama – the one principally of landscape, the other on a human scale; that of the Grass Cove massacre. <name key="name-207700" type="person">Cook</name> visited the Dusky Sound only once, in <date when="1776">1776</date> on his second voyage. He visited Queen Charlotte Sound five times, including three occasions in the great Pacific sweeps of the second voyage. It became a favourite place of refreshment and refitting; free of the frustrating temptations of the more northerly Pacific Isles yet replete with local provisions, timber and water.</p>
            <p>The photos are Tolkienesque in their tone and mood with the effect accentuated by narrow depth of field. In Dusky Sound the landscape is menacing, haunting, primeval. It is an environment which dwarfs humankind and makes no concessions to those seeking to inhabit it. As the text makes clear, the lone Maori family encountered do not seem to be at one with their country but appear as outcasts eking out a sparse existence. Their sparse material culture symbolized the unyielding nature of their land.</p>
            <p>Although fish and timber were plentiful the crews of the <hi rend="i">Resolution</hi> and <hi rend="i">Discovery</hi> too found little nourishment on the land. The photographer has found the axe and chisel marks of their brief habitation, but the impression is that the rain forest quickly mossed over and smothered the evidence of their sojourn: it was a brief interlude in the longer term history of the region. The principal records of their visit travelled with them to Europe.</p>
            <p>Queen Charlotte Sound, and in particular Ship Cove, are portrayed in a more open way although the clouds hang broodily over the ridge tops and it appears to be a landscape without shadows. This is perhaps to capture the tension around the Grass Cove incident. That Cove itself features in the books and the reader can see where the boat crew of the <hi rend="i">Adventure</hi> met their grisly end.</p>
            <p>The photographs are highly evocative, seeking to capture the mood and experience of the European crews. Some of the views recreate the scenes depicted by the artists on <name key="name-207700" type="person">Cook</name>’s ships such as the <name type="person" key="name-131240">William Hodges</name> painting waterfall in Dusky Sound and <name type="person" key="name-102157">John Webber</name>’s depiction of the beach at Ship Cove.</p>
            <p>The encounters with the Museums are modern ones and the authors’ visits are parallel discoveries in which the spatial and scientific layout and the atmosphere of the repositories replace landscape, flora and fauna. Culture contact is part of the experience of both. The relics of the voyages are more prolific but the “sites” of their discovery provoke a more subjective reaction in the authors who struggle to relate the historical significance of the journals and artifacts to their modern surroundings. Not surprisingly the particularity of place fails to work the same magic as Dusky and Queen Charlotte Sounds.</p>
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            <head>Review of <title level="m"><name type="work">Recalling Aotearoa. Indigenous Politics and Ethnic Relations in New Zealand</name></title>.</head>
            <byline>Reviewed by <name type="person" key="name-123444">Simone Drichel</name>.</byline>
            <p>
              <bibl><title level="m"><name type="work">Recalling Aotearoa. Indigenous Politics and Ethnic Relations in New Zealand.</name></title><lb/>
                Edited by <editor><name type="person" key="name-131242">Augie Fleras</name> and <name type="person" key="name-131243">Paul Spoonley</name></editor>.<lb/>
                <pubPlace><name key="name-002817" type="place">Auckland</name></pubPlace>: <publisher><name key="name-200382" type="organisation">Oxford University Press</name></publisher>, <date when="1999">1999</date>.</bibl>
            </p>
            <p>"Ignorance, that's what's shameful", <name type="person" key="name-200137">Alan Duff</name> – in typically gruff manner – pointed out earlier in the year in one of his syndicated columns (<title type="published"><name type="work">Evening Post</name></title>, <date when="2000-02-08">8 February 2000</date>, 4). (In)famous for his slanted socio-political commentary, novelist and self-styled 'consciousness of the nation' <name type="person">Duff</name> associates (Maori) ignorance above all with their "not being a reading culture, since everything stays static, unchanged, unanalysed in an unwritten culture." Yet when he promotes the benefits of reading, I imagine <name type="person">Duff</name> would have quite a different type of book in mind from the one that is brought into focus in this review; in fact, I believe he would most likely prefer ignorance over the type of enlightenment that <title level="m"><name type="work">Recalling Aotearoa</name></title> offers the reading public – which says as much about <name type="person" key="name-200137">Alan Duff</name> as it does about <name key="name-131242" type="person">Fleras</name> and <name key="name-131243" type="person">Spoonley</name>'s ideological positioning and the politics underlying their recent publication.</p>
            <p>This latest offering by two of the country's foremost sociologists will not go down well with those who love <name type="person" key="name-200137">Alan Duff</name> and whom he loves in return, those "good people praising the Books InHomes programme and telling [him] they agre[e] with virtually every word [he writes]". Instead, it will be much appreciated by those who, according to <name type="person">Duff</name>, "have never been true New Zealanders" because they are part of the rather eclectic bunch of "[a]cademics, protesters, radicals and losers" that <name type="person">Duff</name> so loves to hate. As a non-New Zealander and an academic, I qualify doubly for inclusion in this colourful group and yes, I do admit to liking <name key="name-131242" type="person">Fleras</name> and <name key="name-131243" type="person">Spoonley</name>'s ambitious contribution to the discussion of contemporary cultural politics in Aotearoa/New Zealand and I hope it will attract a wide readership.</p>
            <p><title level="m"><name type="work">Recalling Aotearoa</name></title> is part of a general wave of revisionist histories or analyses that started entering the book market in the mid to late eighties. Its two main parts reflect the authors' individual academic interests - in fact, one wonders why a separate authorship is not acknowledged when it is so clearly discernible? Apart from revealing the authors' separate but interlocking interests, the two parts also reflect one of the main concerns of this book: the negotiation between biculturalism (or bi-nationalism), on the one hand, and multiculturalism, on the other. In accordance with the authors' pronounced aim to argue for the primacy of the Maori-Pakeha relationship, the former is given quantitative preference over the latter: (<name key="name-131243" type="person">Spoonley</name>'s) four chapters (1-149) on issues relating to the Maori-Pakeha axis outweigh (<name key="name-131242" type="person">Fleras</name>'s) three chapters (150-250) on the implications of an increasingly multicultural presence in (bicultural) Aotearoa/New Zealand. My own discussion will follow that pattern and focus largely on the Maori-Pakeha relationship.</p>
            <p>In accordance with Maori belief that to be able to move into the future you need to have a firm understanding of the past, the first chapter sets out on a mission of 'Reviewing the Past, Rethinking the Present'. Guided by the observation that "[v]irtually every recent issue involving Maori-Pakeha relations is underpinned by reference to the Treaty (13), its focus is on the Treaty of Waitangi as a "foundational document"(6) of Aotearoa/New Zealand as well as a "contested site" (6) and, ultimately, a "blueprint for a bicultural New Zealand" (14). The authors document the by now well-known dispute over the two versions of the Treaty and conclude (as other studies have done before) that, due to the conflicting messages of kawanatanga (state sovereignty) and rangatiratanga (Maori sovereignty or self-determination), sovereignty in Aotearoa/New Zealand is divided. Between those who embrace and those who reject the Treaty, <name key="name-131243" type="person">Spoonley</name> and <name key="name-131242" type="person">Fleras</name> propose as an intermediate position approaching the Treaty as a "relational construct" (17) and a "living and evolving document" (18) for, as they say,</p>
            <quote>
              <p>neither kawanatanga nor rangatiratanga exist as absolutes, but provide counterpoints in a state of continuous tension that may neutralise any tendency towards extremes while exploring creative opportunities in the middle. Crown sovereignty is not absolute but is qualified by Maori rangatiratanga rights; conversely, tino rangatiratanga is circumscribed by the realities of kawanatanga and kotahitanga (17).</p>
            </quote>
            <p>The remainder of the first chapter traces the multiple and conflicting discourses that surround definitions of tino rangatiratanga, and looks at both the politics behind this concept and its practical implementations in kura kaupapa. The authors' interpretation of this material stands contrary to New Zealand's foundational myth of 'he iwi kotahi tatou' ('we are one people') when they conclude: "The success of Maori medium schools suggest [<hi rend="i">sic</hi>] that challenging the status quo may entail a period of standing apart before working together" (36).</p>
            <p>The second chapter traces the changing discourses of Maori sovereignty that have grown out of the Treaty commitment to tino rangatiratanga. In its analysis of the correlation between 'Indigeneity and Sovereignty', it follows very much the same line of argument as the previous chapter; it is in fact so closely interlinked with chapter 1 that some of its statements seem rather repetitive and thus unnecessary. The main point is that "indigeneity is more than moving over and making space: it is a direct challenge to prevailing patterns of power and privilege" (73). Maori sovereignty discourses contest the absoluteness of state sovereignty and call for a radical restructuring of the hegemonic relationship between the state and Maori, and unless these challenges are met, the old colonial power structures remain in place and Aotearoa/New Zealand will not be properly 'post-colonial'.</p>
            <p>Chapter 3 draws heavily on <name key="name-131243" type="person">Spoonley</name>'s various earlier publications on 'post-colonial Pakeha ethnicity'. Yet despite his long involvement in this area, this chapter reveals a familiarity with postcolonial studies that is no more than tangential. Not only is it telling that <name type="person" key="name-131244">Homi Bhabha</name>'s name is misspelled in the bibliography; in their attempt to rescue the term 'post-colonialism', frequently rejected by colonised peoples because of its latent meaning that colonialism has come to an end, the authors blur the distinction between 'post-colonialism' and 'postcolonialism' conventionally adopted within postcolonial studies to distinguish between a temporal and a critical use of the word, respectively. This useful distinction is lost when the authors define post-colonialism as a "critical engagement with colonialism" (95) and thus attempt to make the temporal term take on the meaning of the critical one.</p>
            <p>Furthermore, because the authors acknowledge their intellectual heritage only insufficiently, chapter 3 seems to be marked by a curious contradiction. In a chapter entitled 'The Cultural Politics of Post-Colonialism: Being Pakeha', it is rather surprising to read that "[w]ith regard to Aotearoa/New Zealand, the interest in post-colonialism is largely a product of the evolving politics of Maori" (97). The contradiction is apparent, rather than real, but could have easily been avoided if implicit correlations had been spelled out. Though this indebtedness remains unacknowledged, chapter 3 emerges out of a larger discussion around constructions of subjectivity. Traditional liberal discourses tend to regard the subject as unmarked and thus universal. Standpoint theories, above all feminist in origin, however, have challenged this notion of the unmarked subject by pointing out its white male bias and have replaced the notion of the universal self by that of discursive 'subject positions' which are always thought of as marked. In the area of ethnicity and postcolonialism, similar work has been done by people such as <name type="person" key="name-131245">Ruth Frankenberg</name> or <name type="person" key="name-131246">Richard Dyer</name>, who developed a 'theory of whiteness'.</p>
            <p><name key="name-131243" type="person">Spoonley</name> and <name key="name-131242" type="person">Fleras</name> now take it upon themselves to 'mark' Pakeha culture and thereby dismantle the myth that Pakeha do not have a (specific) culture, that theirs is just the normal and natural way of doing things. By 'marking' Pakeha culture, so the (implicit) argument runs, Maori culture loses the taint of deviance from an imagined norm, for if there is no norm, Maori culture cannot deviate from it and appear somehow different and unnatural. Both cultures are thereby given equal status - which is what the project of turning the settler colony New Zealand into a postcolonial, bicultural Aotearoa/ New Zealand is ultimately all about. Resistance to such politics have consequently often found expression in a rejection of the (marked) label ‘Pakeha' and <name key="name-131243" type="person">Spoonley</name> rightly (though rather too frequently) points out that "[t]he act of identifying as Pakeha is itself a political act" (90), which challenges the often-heard 'common-sense' argument that 'we are all just New Zealanders' and usually indicates some degree of sympathy with Maori political ambitions.</p>
            <p>Chapter 4 gives a very useful overview over the development of the various policies that have structured the relationship between the two Treaty partners up until the 1990s. It concludes that most changes have been cosmetic in nature. In particular, the authors identify three recurrent flaws from which 'Maori policy' has suffered over the years: ideologies of universalism (denial of Maori cultural difference), an emphasis on needs rather than rights, and too great a reliance on claims-resolution - 'righting a wrong' - as sufficient strategy of coming to terms with colonial injustices. They point out that in the 1990s, " [p]olicy continues to be 'needs-driven' in seeking to improve Maori socio-economic status" (131) and argue that such policies are bound to fail because "a needs-driven policy can only go so far in responding to deeply rooted problems, tending to focus on quick-fix remedies rather than long-term solutions" (148). These" deeply rooted problems", they see in the Crown's refusal to become serious about the Treaty and engage in a true partnership that acknowledges tino rangatiratanga and its implications of shared sovereignty.</p>
            <p>Chapters 5 and 6 I do not want to discuss in detail, except to point out that both deal with the impact of immigration and an increasing multicultural presence in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Chapter 5 focuses on immigration from Asia, chapter 6 on immigration from the Pacific. The divided authorship is perhaps most visible in these two chapters, for while <name key="name-131243" type="person">Spoonley</name> has been at pains to argue for a bicultural nation, <name key="name-131242" type="person">Fleras</name>, in these two chapters, ironically discusses the experience of immigrants in New Zealand as that of "feeling stranded between two cultures" (213) - and he does not mean Maori and Pakeha cultures. A short section (184-5) is set aside for the 'Maori reaction', but otherwise New Zealand is (once-more) constructed as a homogenous cultural unit, with Maori culture being subsumed under that of the majority culture. One could of course argue - rather sarcastically - that these two (more empirical) chapters in fact draw a perfectly accurate picture of the reality that these immigrants would have seen themselves confronted with, which is that of interaction with effectively only one culture in this supposedly bicultural country. The sad irony of this, however, should have been reflected upon and made explicit, rather than silently carried over into the analysis.</p>
            <p>An excellent final chapter before a brief conclusion, however, partly makes up for that shortcoming. After a fruitful discussion of the pros and cons of multiculturalism (as practised in the USA and Canada), the authors move on to argue that the recurring discussion about the adoption of either biculturalism or multiculturalism as an appropriate strategy for managing Aotearoa's ethnic relations should be resolved by embracing a policy of bi-nationalism. Bi-nationalism, they claim, offers a 'both/and' option because multiculturalism and bi-nationalism "occupy different domains" (248). In accordance with the Treaty principle of tino rangatiratanga, bi-nationalism "acknowledges the primacy of indigeneity and original occupancy in establishing agendas and setting priorities" (248) while at the same time not "reneging on pluralistic commitments"(249).</p>
            <p>The authors do not hesitate to admit that the distinction between 'biculturalism' and 'bi-nationalism' might seem somewhat artificial and point out that bi-nationalism is biculturalism properly understood. Too often, they argue, biculturalism has been depoliticised in the public imagination and reduced to "a personal coping strategy" (233) or a touch of 'te taha Maori' in mainstream organisations. These superficial changes, however, do not deal with what they regard as the root cause of the Maori-Pakeha problem: "the colonisation of Maori and the corresponding loss of self-determination of identity, land, and political voice" (235). This root cause, according to the authors, cannot be addressed by either multiculturalism or biculturalism. Instead, it "needs to be addressed by a bi-nationalism that grants significant space and discretion to Maori for autonomy" (253).</p>
            <p>While I find myself in general agreement with the authors' call for bi-nationalism, as a logical consequence of conflicting messages of kawanatanga and rangatiratanga in the Treaty, I reject their easy acceptance of essentialism as an unproblematic part of that bi-nationalism when they say:</p>
            <quote>
              <p>The rationale behind bi-nationalism reflects an essentialist reading of diversity - that is, each group of people is fundamental [sic] different, and these primordial ('essential') differences constitute the basis for entitlement and engagement. (246)</p>
            </quote>
            <p>I do not agree that it is necessary to re-introduce 'essentialism' into the discussion. In fact, I think it is dangerous, because it adds fuel to the fire of those who love engaging in 'authenticity talk' to establish that there are no 'real' or 'full-blooded' Maori left in New Zealand anyway, and that consequently nobody can be entitled to anything simply on the grounds of 'being Maori'. The authors should have made clear that it is a strategic essentialism that underlies a commitment to bi-nationalism. Qualifying the essentialism as 'strategic' makes explicit that the Maori nation is constructed as an imagined community with the aim of wrenching power from the 'mainstream', while at the same time avoiding the 'authenticity trap'. Here, as earlier, the book could have benefited from a more thorough engagement with postcolonial theories. This would have allowed the authors to avoid promoting highly problematical terms as 'essentialism'. It might also have led them to explore the (productive?) tension between, on the one hand, their own post(-)colonial politics of binationalism, which ultimately lead to a renewed emphasis on "binary cultural politics" (98), and postcolonial theories, on the other, which generally set out to deconstruct such binary thinking.</p>
            <p>But such questions are academic in nature; more immediately pressing, maybe, is the question of how the authors' (idealistic?) recommendations compare to the policies that are actually currently implemented. Labour's 'Closing the Gaps' policy is the latest in a long list of policies purportedly designed to improve the situation of Maori in this country - but how does it measure up against what <name key="name-131242" type="person">Fleras</name> and <name key="name-131243" type="person">Spoonley</name> have identified as necessary actions to address the "root causes of Maori problems" (131)? In a recent article based on an interview with Treaty Negotiations Minister <name type="person" key="name-111421">Margaret Wilson</name> (<title type="published"><name type="work">Evening Post</name></title>, <date when="2000-09-20">20 September 2000</date>, 5), <name type="person" key="name-131247">Ruth Berry</name> writes that</p>
            <quote>
              <p><name type="person">Wilson</name> admits Maori may not be satisfied with the Government's restriction to what it says are Article 3 rights only. She concedes issues of governance and self-determination [as addressed in Articles 1 and 2] are on the backburner. Those issues centre around constitutional issues and while they form part of 'general discussions', the Government is unlikely to address them now. 'You can't really talk about constitutional change unless you are talking about positions of equality... what we have identified is the first step if you like towards constitutional change, if that's what's there.</p>
            </quote>
            <p>While it might be premature to speculate about this policy's potential for success, recent statements by <name type="person" key="name-111421">Margaret Wilson</name> such as these certainly do not allay concerns that 'Closing the Gaps' might be yet another 'wolf in sheep's clothing', focussing, as it does, on article 3 of the Treaty and its emphasis on equality of Maori and Pakeha. Harmless though it might appear, 'equality' is actually quite a dangerous term, as it has in the past served as a popular gloss for colonial dictates of homogeneity and assimilation. The first of the three recurrent flaws in 'Maori policy' <name key="name-131242" type="person">Fleras</name> and <name key="name-131243" type="person">Spoonley</name> have identified, denial of Maori difference, thus lurks not far below the surface of Labour's declared aim to concentrate on 'equality'. Similarly, this emphasis also runs the risk of repeating the other two recurrent flaws, an emphasis on needs rather than rights and a reliance on grievance claims, to improve Maori socio-economic position. <name key="name-131242" type="person">Fleras</name> and YSpoonley agree that "[h]opes of securing self-determination at political, economic, and cultural levels are conditional on a solid economic base" (144). But they caution that "on its own, and divorced from the bigger picture of rethinking Maori-Crown relations" (144) the emphasis on socio-economic equality is not enough.</p>
            <p>With their calls for 'bi-nationalism', <name key="name-131242" type="person">Fleras</name> and <name key="name-131243" type="person">Spoonley</name> aim to bring "the bigger picture" into focus, which for them means concentrating on Articles 1 and 2 of the Treaty and drawing attention to significance of change on the constitutional level:</p>
            <quote>
              <p>The next stage will need to consider questions about the fundamental nature of New Zealand society - questions that move considerably beyond what has taken place so far. How will Maori rights to tino rangatiratanga be incorporated into future constitutional arrangements?</p>
              <p>Our argument would be that questions of sovereignty and jurisdiction now need to be considered and a negotiated resolution attempted that is capable of recognising multiple jurisdictions, and especially those that afford space and autonomy to Maori. (253)</p>
            </quote>
            <p><name type="person" key="name-131247">Ruth Berry</name> seems to have a similar course of action in mind when she prompts <name type="person" key="name-111421">Margaret Wilson</name>, "What about the argument that little will change for Maori unless there is a process of constitutional change first?" <name type="person">Wilson</name> replies, however, "What I would say is it's probably putting the cart before the horse. I'm not saying those issues are not genuine ones, but first things first."</p>
            <p>But which are the "first things" in today's renegotiation of the Maori-Pakeha divide? Are they issues of social and economic equality, a rectification of past injustices, or an implementation of Article 2 of the Treaty - Maori sovereignty and self-determination? In a recent report on the background of the Waitara shooting in the <title type="published"><name type="work">Evening Post</name></title>, headed 'Waitara lessons lie in past', New Zealand's Race Relations Conciliator, <name type="person" key="name-131248">Rajen Prasad</name>, said that "Taranaki people must learn about the history of dispossession suffered by local Maori before race relations will improve" (<date when="2000-09-20">20 September 2000</date>, 3). Though <name key="name-131242" type="person">Fleras</name> and <name key="name-131243" type="person">Spoonley</name> would go further and make the improvement of race relations dependant on the implementation of rangatiratanga rights, I believe that <name type="person">Prasad</name>'s assessment is right insofar as this country needs to take the step of learning to understand the past before it can see the logical and ethical necessity of sharing sovereignty. New Zealanders need to learn about, and acknowledge, the lingering presence of colonialism in postcolonial Aotearoa/New Zealand before race relations can improve. The recent public uproar about an issue (rather misleadingly) called 'post-colonial traumatic stress disorder' indicates very clearly how badly needed such education is. As long as people do not understand that, in <name type="person">Prasad</name>'s words, "historical injustices done to the Taranaki [and, by implication, other] Maori [are] still fresh in the minds of their descendants today", the root of current problems is not addressed. As long as there are voices calling for Maori to forget about the past and move into the future, the wounds inflicted by colonialism will fester, not heal, because for Maori, there is no future which is not firmly rooted in the past.</p>
            <p>This book could not be more timely. Issues such as the Waitara shooting, 'Closing the Gaps', and 'post-colonial stress disorder' all call for a thorough investigation of the concerns that lie below the surface of (and nurture) these festering wounds in today's Maori-Pakeha relations. <title level="m"><name type="work">Recalling Aotearoa</name></title> offers such a thorough investigation and should thus be of interest for many people. Anyone seeking to gain a greater understanding of the principles structuring race relations in postcolonial Aotearoa/New Zealand will find a multitude of thoroughly researched and well-presented material. Especially the numerous case studies - ranging from the Waitangi Tribunal to New Zealand film, from the' cultural safety' debate to the Department of Maori Affairs - and the useful 'recommended reading' lists that follow each chapter will add to the attraction of the book.</p>
            <p>Intended for a broad audience, it does, however, seem highly doubtful that <name key="name-131242" type="person">Fleras</name> and <name key="name-131243" type="person">Spoonley</name>'s important publication will actually reach that audience. No doubt the education this book has to offer will be welcomed by that group of weirdos - "[a]cademics, protesters, radicals and losers" - that are not "real New Zealanders". But what about these 'real New Zealanders', the people who write letters to the editor complaining about a supposed Maori privilege and pointing out the utter ludicrousness of something like a "post-colonial traumatic stress disorder" - will they read this book? It seems highly unlikely. One of the problems with <title level="m"><name type="work">Recalling Aotearoa</name></title> (though not its fault) is that its reach will be limited, speaking only to those who already agree with its ideological stance. Those who most should read it, on the other hand, will most likely dismiss it as yet another instance of politically correct rubbish and leave it sitting on the shelf. Rather than allowing themselves to be confronted with a version of New Zealand which challenges their own (largely institutionalised and unacknowledged) privilege, they will choose to ignore this book and thus remain ignorant, which is a shame - and shameful. Even <name type="person" key="name-200137">Alan Duff</name> says so, though he might have preferred not to be quoted in this context.</p>
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