Ethnology of Tongareva
The Gods
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The Gods
The only information obtained regarding a creation myth was contained in the introduction to a genealogical recital. (See p. 21.) Descent is referred back to the region of the heavens and to “the line of Atea.” The incantation concludes by referring to “te aoanga a Atea ma Hakahotu” (the creation of Atea and Hakahotu). Atea and Hakahotu are thus regarded as the primary parents from whom the earliest stock in Tongareva takes its origin. Atea means light, and the space above the earth which extends upward to the star-studded sky. Hakahotu means literally, “to cause to take material form,” and in the Tongarevan mind is referred to the solid earth. Tupou Isaia held that they represented exactly the same conception as the Maori primary parents, Rangi (Sky-father) and Papa (Earth-mother). Atea represented the male principle and Hakahotu the female. Their union resulted in an aoanga (coming forth into the ao, or world) of eleven offspring, Tane, Tangaroa, Te Kapua, Mauri, Rongonui, Tahaki, Te Porourangi, Te Tou, Maru, Hakapeka, and Putahi-aitu. Tane, Tangaroa and Rongo also appear as sons of Rangi and Papa in New Zealand, and of Vatea and Papa in Mangaia, thus showing the identity of the primary parents in the three regions. In both New Zealand and Mangaia the members of the first generation of offspring from the primary parents were regarded as gods. In New Zealand they numbered as many as 70; in Mangaia they numbered only 6. Tane, Tangaroa, and Rongo were definitely regarded as gods in the neighboring Cook Islands and Society Islands, and also in distant Hawaii. The attitude of the Tongarevans to the eleven children of Atea and Hakahotu is not clear. Pa, in relating the story of the slaying of Tonu, who killed his own wife, Sokoau, stated that the avenging brothers were protected from interference by Tonu's people through the manamana (power) of
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Tangaroa and Tane. Supernormal powers are thus attributed to them. On the other hand, the names of the four gods who were invoked by the priests do not coincide with any of the eleven children of Atea except for Rongo, who, however, appears under the name, Rongo-poa, and not Rongo-nui.
The name, Tahaki, one of the offspring of Atea and Hakahotu, is the same as that of a widely known human ancestor who appears in the pedigrees of other Polynesian areas at a time much more recent than that of the primary parents. It is likely that in the assembling of disjointed fragments of myth and tradition, Tahaki has been post-dated.
The human stock is derived from Te Porourangi. (See p. 18.)
The functioning gods enumerated by my informants are four: Kaveau, Te Maui, Matangi, and Rongo-poa. These gods were stated to be invisible (e atua kitea kore) except to the priests (e kitea e na taura). To make up for this invisibility, the priests (taura) made material representations of the gods in coconut leaf, feathers, wood, or human hair.
The coconut leaf representations were evidently made for the single occasion on which they were used. In describing the marae ceremony at Mangarongaro Lamont (15, p. 122) says that three small branches from a young coconut tree were plaited into a shape resembling a man. After use they were thrown away on a rubbish heap. A Tautuan informant stated to me that coconut leaves were plaited to represent roughly a human form, and that these were hung over some of the upright pillars of the marae during the ceremony. In speaking of the various things made from the coconut palm Lamont (15, p. 155) says: “The images of their gods are also made from this, to them, most invaluable tree.” As he does not describe any image made out of coconut wood, it is to be presumed that he was referring to the coconut leaf representations.
The feather form of representation is described by Lamont (15, p. 180) as follows:
After an extra quantity of yelling and dancing, an old priest entered the mara-house, and brought forth a long stick, with an immense bundle of feathers and other things tied at one end, like a huge duster or mop. This he held aloft in fear and trembling, whilst he uttered some incantations, striking it, not against a stone, as the leafy gods were struck on a former occasion, but against the back of the other officiating priest. The broomstick or mop was, in fact, the representative of one of their great leading gods, of whom there are four; two good and two bad. The two good gods give life, and all that is necessary to its preservation—gifts which the other two are constantly endeavoring to counteract.
Lamont subsequently saw the feather god used in the treatment of sickness on the marae at Motu-unga.
The wood and hair representation is also mentioned by Lamont (15, p. 181): “One of the amiable spirits is married and I even saw his spouse at
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a deathbed scene, in the form of a piece of wood, with a lock of human hair fastened at one end.”
Lamont's statement that there were four gods agrees with the information obtained in the field. Of these, Kaveau was evidently one of the bad gods, for he was appealed to by warriors to weaken their enemies. The warriors' invocation was, “Kaveau e, suia te manava o———” (“O Kaveau, sweep away the heart of ———”). The name of the enemy was mentioned, and if Kaveau inclined his ear to the invocation the courage of the enemy was so weakened that he easily succumbed in battle.
Rongo-poa is listed by Lamont as one of the good gods, for he was associated with the production of food. His sign was the large kai moth. If the moth appeared flapping its wings in a manner that suggested the carrying of a heavy burden it was the sign of a plentiful harvest (tarutaru) of coconuts. The people, on perceiving the sign, called joyously, “Teia a Rongo e te tarutaru” (Here is Rongo with a plenteous harvest). As Rongo, the brother of Tangaroa and Tane, appears in New Zealand, Mangaia and elsewhere as the god of food, it is clear that Rongo-poa is another form for Rongo-nui. No information was obtained as to the functions of the two remaining gods, Te Maui and Matangi.
The definite use of the feather representatives on the Motu-ungan marae leads to the conclusion that the plaited coconut leaves used on Mangarongaro marae wer also representatives of the gods. The plaited green coconut material was not kept, whereas the more permanent feather representations (and probably the wood and hair forms) were preserved in the sacred houses (hare hui atua) on the maraes.
The older primary gods, such as Tangaroa and Tane, were succeeded by the four gods in active use, of which three were later creations whose influence was purely local. The creation of later gods is characteristic of Polynesian culture, and the loss of function of the older gods in Tongarevan culture is in keeping with the confusion in their myths and traditional history which may be attributed to the lack of scholars and priests among the early settlers.



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